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"WILLIAM  gMITH,  D.C.L.,  LL.D., 

IN  TWO  VOLCMES.— Vol.  I. 








■       •»■ 

SECTS,  AND  DOCTRINES.  By  Various  Writers.  Edited  by  Wm. 
Smith,  D.C.L,  and  Henry*  Wace,  M.A.    Vol.  L     Medium  8ro.     SU.  6</. 



uixywn  ASH  aom,  ctawobd  stBER 





C.  B.  Rev-  CuuRCHiLL  Babikgton,  B.D.,  F.L.S., 

Disney  Professor  of  Archaeology  in  the  University  of 
Cambridge ;  late  Fellow  of  St.  John's  College. 

E  B— T.    Bev.  Henry  Bailey,  D.D., 

Warden  of  St.  Augustine's  College,  Canterbury,  and 
Honorary  Canon  of  Canterbury  Cathedral ;  late  Follow 
of  St.  John's  Collie,  Cambridge. 

J.  B— Y.     Bev.  Jambb  Barmby,  B.D., 

Principal  of  Bishop  Hatfield's  Hall,  Durham. 

E.  W.  B.     Bev.  Edward  White  Benson,  D.D., 

Chancellor  of  Lincoln  Cathedral ;  late  Fellow  of  Trinity 
College,  Cambridge. 

C.  W.  R     Bev.  Charles  William  Boasb,  M.A., 

Fellow  of  Exeter  College,  Oxford. 

H.  B.         Henry  Bradshaw,  M.A., 

Fellow  of  King's  College,  Cambridge ;  Librarian  of  tho 
University  of  Cambridge. 

W.  B.         Bev.  William  Bright,  D.D., 

Canon  of  Christ  Church,  Oxford;  Begins  Professor  of 
Ecclesiastical  History  in  the  University  of  Oxford. 

H.  B.         The  late  JRev.  Henry  Browne,  M.A., 

Vicar  of  Pevensey,  and  Prebendary  of  Chichester  Cathedral. 

L  B.  IsAMBARD  Brunel,  D.C.L., 

Of  Lincoln's  Lan ;  Chancellor  of  the  Diocese  of  Ely. 

T.  R.  B.      Thomas  Byburn  Buchanan,  M.A., 

Fellow  of  All  Souls  College,  Oxford. 

D.  B         Bev.  Daniel  Butler,  M.A., 

Hector  of  Thwing,  Yorkshire;  late  Head  Master  of  tho 
Clergy  Orphan  School,  Canterbury. 

a  2 



J.  M.  0.      Bey.  John  Moore  Oapes,  M.A., 

of  Balliol  College,  Oxford. 

J.  G.  C.       Rev.  John  Gjbson  Cazenove,  M.A., 

late  Principal  of  Cnmbrae  College,  N.6. 

C.  Rev.  Samuel  Cheetham,  M.A., 

Professor  of  Pastoral  Theology  in  King's  College,  London^ 
and  Chaplain  of  Dulwich  College;  late  Fellow  of 
Christ's  College,  Cambridge. 

E.  B.  C.      Edwabd  Btles  Cowell,  M.A., 

Professor  of  Sanskrit  in  the  University  of  Cambridge. 

J.  LI.  D.      Rev.  John  Llewelyn  Davies,  M.A., 

Rector  of  Christohurch,    Marylobone ;    late    Fellow    of 
Trinity  College,  Cambridge. 

C.  D.  Rev.  Cecil  Deedes,  M.A., 

Vicar  of  St.  Mary  Magdalene,  Oxford. 

W.  P.  D.     Rev.  WnxTAM  P.  Dickson,  D.D., 

Regius  Professor  of  Biblical  Criticism,  Glasgow. 

S.  J.  E.        Rev.  Samuel  John  Eales,  M.A., 

Head  Master  of  the  Grammar  School,  Halstead,  Essex. 

J.  E.  Rev.  John  Ellerton,  M.A., 

Rector  of  Hinstock,  Salop. 

E.  S.  Ff.     Rev.  Edmund  S.  Ffoulkes,  B.D., , 

Late  Fellow  of  Jesus  College,  Oxford. 

A.  P.  F.        The  Right  Rev.  Alexander  Penrose  Forbes,  D.C.L., 

Bishop  of  Brechin. 

W.  H.  F.    Hon.  and  Rev.  William  Henry  Fremantle,  M.A., 

Rector  of  St.  Mary's,  Marj'lebone  ;  Chaplain  to  the  Arch  - 
bishop  of  Canterbury. 

J.  M.  F.      Rev.  John  M.  Fullej?,  M.A., 

Vicar  of  Bexley. 

C.  D.  G.      Rev.  Christian  D.  Ginsburg,  LL.D. 

W.  F.  G.     The  late  Rev.  William  Frfj)ERick  Greenfield,  M.A., 

Master  of  the  Lower  School,  Dulwich  College. 

A.  W.  H.     The  late  Rev.  Arthur  West  Haddax,  B.D., 

Rector  of  Barton-on-the-Heath  and  Honorary  Canon  of 
Worcester  Cathedral ;  formerly  Fellow  of  Trinity 
College,  Oxford. 

E.  H.  Rev.  Edwin  Hatch,  M.A., 

Vice-Principal  of  St.  Mary  Hall,  Oxford. 



EL  C.  H.      Bev.  Edwards  Comerford  Hawkins,  M.A., 

Head  Master  of  St.  John's  School,  Leatherhoad. 

L.  H.  Bev.  Lkwis  Hbnsley,  M.A., 

Vicar  of  Hitchin,  Herts ;  late  Fellow  of  Trinity  Gcllogo, 

H.  Bev.  Fenton  John  Anthony  Hort,  M.A., 

Fellow  of  Emmanuel  College,  Cambridge;  Chaplain  to 
the  Bishop  of  Winchester. 

B.  J.  H.      Bev.  Henry  John  Hotham,  M.A., 

Yioe-Master  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge. 

J.  H.  John  Hullah, 

Late  Professor  of  Music  in  King's  College,  London. 

W.  J.  Bev.  William  Jackson,  M. A., 

Late  Fellow  of  Worcester    College,  Oxford;   Hampton 
Lecturer  for  1876. 

G.  A.  J.       Bev.  George  Andrew  Jacob,  D.D., 

late  Head  Master  of  Christ's  Hospital,  London. 

W.  J.  J.       Bev.  William  James  Josling,  M.A., 

Beotor  of  Moulton,  Sufiblk ;  late  Fellow  of  Christ's  College, 

L.  Bev.  Joseph  Barber  Lightfoot,  D.D., 

Canon  of  St.  Paul's ;  Lady  Margaret's  Professor  of  Divinity 
in  the  Univereity  of  Cambridge;  Fellow  of  Trinity 
College,  Cambridge. 

R.  A.  L.       B.  A.  Lipsius, 

Professor  in  the  University  of  Kiel. 

J.  M.  L.       John  Malcolm  Ludlow,  M.A., 

Of  Lincoln's  Lin. 

J.  IL  L.        Bev.  John  Bobe»t  Lunn,  B.D., 

Vicar  of  Marton,  Yorkshire;  late  Fellow  of  St.  John's 
College,  Cambridge. 

G.  F.  M.     Bev.  George  Frederick  Maclear,  D.D., 

Head  Master  of  King's  College  School,  London. 

8.  M.  Bev.  Spencer  Mansel,  M.A., 

Vicar  of  Trumpingtbn,  Cambridge;  Fellow  of  Trinity 
College,  Cambridge. 

W.  B.  M.     The  late  Bev.  Wharton  B.  Marriott,  M.A., 

Of  Eton  College;  formerly  Fellow  of  Exeter  College, 

G.  M.  Bev.  George  Mead,  M.A., 

Chaplain  to  the  Forces,  Dublin. 

FeUow  o/v^^^^ij's  CoUege,  Cambridge, 



F.  M.  Bev.  Fredsbigk  Metrick,  M.A., 

Beotor  of  Blioklin^,  Norfolk;  Prebendary  of  Linooln 
Cathedral;  Chaplain  to  the  Bishop  of  Linooln;  late 
Fellow  of  Trinity  College,  Oxford. 

W.  M.  Bev.  WiLUAM  MlLLIGAN,  D.D., 

Professor  of  Biblical  Criticism  in  the  Uniyersity  of  Aber- 
deen. I 

0.  H.  M.     Bev.  Gbobob  Herbert  Moberly,  M.A.,  I 

Chaplain  to  the  Bishop  of  Salisbury;  Bector  of  Dunst-  i 

bourne  Bouse,  Gloucestershire.  ! 

H.  C.  G.  M.  Bev.  ELihdlet  Carr  Gltk  Moule,  M.A., 

Fellow  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge. 

1.  B.  M.      John  Bickards  Mozlet,  M.A., 

late  Fellow  of  King's  College,  Cambridge. 

A.  N.  Alexander  Nesbitt,  F.S.A., 

Oldlands,  Uckfield. 

P.  0.  Bev.  Phipps  Onslow,  B.A., 

Beotor  of  Upper  Sapey,  Hereford.' 

G.  W.  P.     Bev.  Griqort  Walton  Pennethorne,  M.A., 

Bector  of  Ferring,  Sussex;  late  Yioe-Principal  of  the 
Theological  College,  Chichester. 

W.G.F.P,  Walter  G.  F.  Phillimore,  B.C.L., 

Lincoln's  Inn ;  Chancellor  of  the  Diocese  of  Lincoln. 

E.  H.  P.      Bev.  Edward  Hayes  Plumptre,  M.A., 

(sometimes         Professor  of  New  Testament  Exegesis  in  King's  College, 
P.)  London ;  Prebendary  of  St.  Paul's  Cathedral ;  Vicar  of 

Bickley ;  formerly  Fellow  of  Brasenose  College,  Oxford. 

DE  Pressens^.  Bev.  E.  de  Prbssens^, 

of  Paris. 
J.  B.  Bev.  Jajces  Baine,  M.A., 

Prebendary  of  York ;  Fellow  of  the  University  of  Durham. 

W.  B.         Bev.  WnjJAM  Beeves,  D.D., 

Beotor  of  Tynan,  Armagh. 

G.  S.  Bev.  Gboroe  Salmon,  D.D., 

Begins  Professor  of  Divinity,  Trinitv  College,  Dublin. 

P.  S.  Bev.  Philip  Schaff,  D.D., 

Professor  of  Theology  in  the  Union  Theological  Seminary, 
New  York. 

W.  E.  S.        Bev.  WiLUAJIf  JJpWARD  SCUDAMORE,  M.A., 

Hectxir  of  Jjf^^ingham ;  late  Fellow  of  St.  John's  College, 
J*  8.  BBv.JoHifStt,  ^^    M.A., 




B.  S.  Benjamin  Shaw,  MA., 

Of  Lincoln's  Inn ;  late  Fellow  of  Trinity  College,  Gam- 

B.  S.  Bey.  Robert  Sinker,  M.A., 

Librarian  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge. 

L  G.  S.        Bev.  L  Gregory  Smith,  M.A., 

Beotor  of  Great  Malvern,  and  Prebendary  of  Hereford 
Cathedral ;  late  Fellow  of  Brasenose  College,  Oxford. 

J.  8 — ^T.       John  Stuart,  LL.D., 

Of  the  General  Begister-Honse,  Edinburgh. 

&  Bev.  William  Stubbs,  M.A., 

Begins  Professor  of  Modem  History,  in  the  Uydversity  of 
(mord ;  Fellow  of  Oriel  College,  Oxford. 

C  A.  8.       Bev.  Charles  Anthony  Swainson,  D.D., 

Norrisian  Professor  of  Divinity  in  the  University  of 
Cambridge,  and  Canon  of  C^ohester  Cathedral;  late 
Fellow  of  Christ's  College,  Cambridge. 

E.  S.  T.      Bev.  Edward  Stoart  Talbot,  M.A., 

Warden  of  Keble  College,  Oxford. 

B.  St.  J.  T.  Bev.  BicHARD  St.  John  Tyrwhitt,  M. A., 

Late  Stndent  and  Bhetorio  Lecturer  of  Christ  Church, 

E.  V.  Bev.  Edmund  Venables,  M.A., 

Canon  Residentiary  and  Precentor  of  Lincoln  Cathedral ; 
Chaplain  to  the  Bishop  of  London. 

W.  Bev.  Brooke  Foss  Westoott,  D.D., 

(someiimefl      Canon  of  Peterborough  ;  Begins  Professor  of  Divinity  in 
B.  F.  W.)  the  University  of  Cambridge ;  late  Fellow  of  Trinity 

Collie,  Cambridge. 

H.  W.  Bev.  Henry  Wage,  M.A., 

Cbaplain  of  Lincoln's  Inn,  and  Professor  of  Ecclesiastical 
History,  King's  College,  London. 

O.  W.  Bev,  George  Williams,  B.D., 

Bector  of  Bii^wood,  Hants ;  late  Fellow  of  King's  College, 

J.  W-  Bev.  John  Wordsworth,  M.A., 

Prebendary  of  Lincoln;  Examining  Chaplain  fo  the  Bishop 
of  Lincoln ;  late  Fellow  of  Brasenose  College,  Oxford. 

W.  A.  W.    William  Aldis  Wright,  M.A., 

Trinity  College,  Cambridge. 

E.  ]£.  Y.      Bev.  Edward  Mallet  Young,  M.A., 

Assistant  Master  of  Harrow  School ;  Fellow  of  Trinity 
College,  Cambridge. 

H.  W.  y.    Bev.  Henry  William  Yule,  B.C.L.,  M.A., 

Bector  of  Shipton-on-Cherwell,  and  Vicar  of  Hampton 
Gay,  Oxon. 


This  Work  is  intended  to  furnish,  together  with  the  *  Dictionary  of 
Christian  Biography,  Literature,  and  Doctrines,*  which  will  shortly 
follow,  a  complete  account  of  the  leading  Personages,  the  Institu- 
tions, Art,  Social  Life,  Writings  and  Controversies  of  the  Christian 
Church  firom  the  time  of  the  Apostles  to  the  age  of  Charlemagne. 
It  commences  at  the  period  at  which  the  ^  Dictionary  of  the  Bible ' 
leaves  off,  and  forms  a  continuation  of  it :  it  ceases  at  the  age  of 
Charlemagne,  because  (as  Gibbon  has  remarked)  the  reign  of  this 
monarch  forms  the  important  link  of  ancient  and  modem,  of 
ciyil  and  ecclesiastical  history.  It  thus  stops  short  of  what  we 
commonly  call  the  Middle  Ages.  The  later  developement  of  Bitual 
and  of  the  Monastic  Orders,  the  rise  and  progress  of  the  great 
Mendicant  Orders,  the  Fainting,  Sculpture  and  Architecture,  the 
Hagiology  and  Symbolism,  the  Canon  Law,  and  the  Institutions 
generally  of  the  Middle  Ages,  furnish  more  than  sufficient  matter 
for  a  separate  book. 

The  present  Work,  speaking  generally,  elucidates  and  explains 
in  relation  to  the  Christian  Church  the  same  class  of  subjects  that 
the  *  Dictionary  of  Greek  and  Boman  Antiquities  *  does  in  reference 
to  the  public  and  private  life  of  classical  antiquity.  It  treats  of 
the  organization  of  the  Church,  its  officers,  legislation,  discipline, 
and  revenues ;  the  social  life  of  Christians ;  their  worship  and 
ceremonial,  with  the  accompanying  music,  vestments,  instruments, 
vessels,  and  insignia;  their  sacred  places;  their  architecture  and 
other  forms  of  Art ;  their  symbolism ;  their  sacred  days  and  seasons 
the  graves  or  Catacombs  in  which  they  were  laid  to  rest. 

We  can  scarcely  hope  that  every  portion  of  this  wide  and  varied 
field  has  been  treated  with  equal  completeness ;  but  we  may  venture 
to  assert,  that  this  Dictionary  is  at  least  more  complete  than  any 
attempt  hitherto  made  by  English  or  Foreign  scholars  to  treat  in 
one  work  the  whole  archaeology  of  the  early  Church.     The  great 


work  of  Bingham^  indeed,  the  foundation  of  most  subsequent  books 
on  the  subject,  must  always  be  spoken  of  with  the  utmost  respect ; 
but  it  is  beyond  the  power  of  one  man  to  treat  with  the  requisite 
degree  of  fulness  and  accuracy  the  whole  of  so  vast  a  subject ; 
and  there  is  probably  no  branch  of  Christian  archaeology  on  which 
much  light  has  not  been  thrown  since  Bingham's  time  by  the 
numerous  scholars  and  divines  who  have  devoted  their  lives  to 
special  investigations.  We  trust  that  we  have  made  accessible 
to  all  educated  persons  a  great  mass  of  information,  hitherto  only 
the  privilege  of  students  with  the  command  of  a  large  library. 

In  treating  of  subjects  like  Church  Government  and  Bitual  it 
is  probably  impossible  to  secure  absolute  impartiality ;  but  we  are 
confident  that  no  intentional  reticence,  distortion  or  exaggeration 
has  been  practised  by  the  writers  in  this  work. 

It  has  been  thought  advisable  not  to  insert  in  the  present  work 
an  account  of  the  Literature,  of  the  Sects  and  Heresies,  and  of 
the  Doctrines  of  the  Church,  but  to  treat  these  subjects  in  the 
'Dictionary  of  Christian  Biography,'  as  they  are  intimately  con- 
nected with  the  lives  of  the  leading  persons  in  Church  History, 
and  could  not  with  advantage  be  separated  from  them. 

It  has  not  been  possible  to  construct  the  vocabulary  on  an 
entirely  consistent  principle.  Where  a  well -recognized  English 
term  exists  for  an  institution  or  an  object,  that  term  has  generally 
been  preferred  as  the  heading  of  an  article.  But  in  many  cases 
obsolete  customs,  offices,  or  objects  have  no  English  name;  and 
in  many  others  the  EngUsh  term  is  not  really  co-extensive  with  the 
Latin  or  Greek  term  to  which  it  seems  at  first  sight  to  correspond. 
The  word  Decanus  (for  example)  has  several  meanings  which  are  not 
implied  in  the  English  Dean.  In  such  cases  it  was  necessary  to 
adopt  a  term  from  the  classic  languages.  Cross-references  are  given 
from  the  synonyms  or  quasi-synonyms  to  the  word  under  which  any 
subject  is  treated.  The  Councils  are  placed  (so  far  as  possible) 
under  the  modern  names  of  the  places  at  which  they  were  held,  a 
cross-reference  being  given  from  the  ancient  name.  In  the  case  of 
the  Saints'  Days,  the  names  of  the  Western  saints  have  been  taken 
from  the  martyrology  of  Usuard,  as  containing  probably  the  most 
complete  Ust  of  the  martyrs  and  confessors  generally  recognized  in 
the  West  up  to  the  ninth  century ;  the  occurrence  of  these  names 
in  earlier  calendars  or  martyrologies  is  also  noted.  In  the  letters  A 
and  B,  however,  the  names  of  Saints  are  taken  principally  from  the 
*  Martyrologium  Romanum  Vetus,*  and  from  the  catalogues  which 
bear  the  names  of  Jerome  and  of  Bede,  without  special  reference 


to  UsnanL  In  the  case  of  the  Eastern  Church,  we  have  taken 
from  tbe  calendars  of  Byzantium,  of  Armenia,  and  of  Ethiopia, 
those  names  which  fall  within  our  chronological  period.  This 
alphabetical  arrangement  will  virtually  constitute  an  index  to  the 
principal  martyrologies,  in  addition  to  supplying  the  calendar, 
dates  of  events  which  are  fixed — as  is  not  uncommonly  the  case  in 
ancient  records  —  by  reference  to  some  festival.  The  names  of 
persons  are  inserted  in  the  vocabulary  of  this  Work  only  with 
reference  to  their  commemoration  in  mcurtyrologies  or  their  repre- 
sentations in  art,  their  lives,  when  they  are  of  any  importance, 
being  given  in  the  Dictionary  of  Biography. 

Beferences  are  given  throughout  to  the  original  authorities  on 
which  the  several  statements  rest,  as  well  as  to  modem  writers  of 
lepute.  In  citations  from  the  Fathers,  where  a  page  is  given  without 
reference  to  a  particular  edition,  it  refers  for  the  most  part  to  the 
standard  pagination — ^generally  that  of  the  Benedictine  editions — 
which  is  retained  in  Migne's  Patroloffia. 

At  the  commencement  of  this  work,  the  Editorship  of  that  por- 
tion which  includes  the  laws,  government,  discipline,  and  revenues  of 
the  Chun^h  and  the  Orders  within  it,  was  placed  in  the  hands  of 
Professor  Stubbs ;  the  education  and  social  life  of  Christians  in  those 
of  Professor  Flumptre ;  while  the  treatment  of  their  worship  and 
ceremonial  was  entrusted  to  Professor  Cheetham;  all  under  the 
general  snperintendence  of  Dr.  William  Smith.  As  the  work  pro- 
ceeded, however,  a  pressure  of  other  engagements  rendered  it  impos- 
sible for  Professors  Stubbs  and  Flumptre  to  continue  their  editorship 
of  the  parts  which  they  had  undertaken ;  and  from  the  end  of  the 
letter  C  Professor  Cheetham  has  acted  as  Editor  of  the  whole 
work,  always  with  the  advice  and  assistance  of  Dr.  William  Smith. 

In  conclusion,  we  have  to  express  our  regret  at  the  long  time 
that  has  elapsed  since  the  first  announcement  of  the  work.  This 
delay  has  been  owing  partly  to  our  anxious  desire  to  make  it  as 
accurate  as  possible,  and  partly  to  the  loss  we  have  sustained  by 
the  death  of  two  of  our  most  valued  contributors,  the  Eev.  A.  W 
Haddan  and  the  Bev.  W.  B.  Marriott. 





A  JJTD  a 



A  aad  «.  (See  B«t.  xxii.  13.)  Of  these  I 
ifBbolic  letters  the  m  is  always  given  in  the  j 
■iaoaciilar  form.  The  symbol  is  generally  oom- 
Ufted  with  the  monogram  of  dmst.  pfONO- 
ABAX.]  In  Boldetti's  Osaervcaioni  topra  i  cinUterif 
Ibc  Rom.  1720,  foL  tav.  iii.  p.  194,  no.  4,  it  is 
feoad,  with  the  more  ancient  decussated  mono- 
gram, on  a  sepolchrml  cnp  or  vesseL  See  also 
Dc  Bocd  {InaenpUonSf  No.  776X  where  the  letters 

are  suspended  f^m  the  arms  of 

the  St.  Andrew's  Cross.  They 

are  combined  more  frequently 

_         with  the  upright  or  Egyptian 

'"  y/lV  monogram.      Aringhi,  Bom. 

/     ^^        8ySbL  Tol.  L  p.  381,  gives  an 

^  ^       engraving  of  a  jewelled  cross, 

with   the  letters  susjiended 

by  disins  to  its  horizontal  arm,  as  below.    And 

the  ame  form  oocnrs  in  sepulchral  inscriptions 

in  De  Rossi,  Inacr,  Ovr.  Horn. 
U  i.  nos.  661,  666.  See  also 
Boldetti,  p.  345,  and  Bottari, 
tav.  zliv.  voL  i. 

The  letters  are  found,  with 
or  without  the  monogram,  in 
almost  all  works  of  Christian 
antiquity ;  for  instance,  right 
Mad  left  of  a  great  cross,  on  which  is  no  form  or 
nca  symbolic  Lamb,  on  the  ceiling  of  the  apse 
«f  St  ApolHnare  in  Classe  at  Ravenna,  circ  a.d. 
673.  Iney  were  worn  in  rings  and  sigils,  either 
sloM,  as  in  Martigny,  s.  v.  AimeauXy  or  with 
the  monogTsm,  as  in  Boldetti,  ms.  21-31,  30-33. 
Oa  coins  they  appear  to  be  fint  used  imme- 
diately after  the  death  of  Constantine.  The 
tarliett  instances  are  an  aureus  nummus  of  Con- 
itaatios  (Banduri,  v.  iL  p.  227,  Iifumismata  Imp, 
itoshmomm,  &c.);  and  another  golden  coin  bear- 
iag  the  effigy  of  Constantine  the  Qreat,  with  the 
voids  "Victoria  Maxima."  Constantine  seems 
■ot  to  have  made  great  use  of  Christian  em- 
'^'—  on  his  coin  till  after  the  defeat  of  Lici- 





Dies  in  323,  and  especially  after  the  building 
fiT  CSHtaatinople.   (See  Martigny,  s.  v.  ^tants- 

Ths  use  of  these  ajmbolic  letters  amounts  to 
t'qaoUtion  of  Rev.  zjtii.  13,  and  a  confession  of 
6nh  in  our  Lord's  own  assertion  of  His  infinity 

OLMlgt.  AXT. 

and  divinity.  There  is  one  instance  in  Martial 
(Epig,  V.  26)  where  A,  Alpha,  is  used  jocularly 
(as  A  1,  vulgarly,  with  ourselves)  for  **  chief  or 
'*  first."  But  the  whole  expression  in  its  solemn 
meaning  is  derived  entirely  from  the  words  of 
Rev.  xxiL  13.  The  import  to  a  Christian  is 
shewn  by  the  well-known  passage  of  Prudentius 
{ffymnua  Omni  Bora,  10,  GaMmwrmon,  Ix.  p. 
35,  ed.  Tubingen,  45)  :— 

"Oocde  naUu  ex  parentis  ante  mundl  exordium, 
Alidis  et  O  oognomliuitus,  ipse  fbos  et  claoBula, 
Onmlum  quae  sunt,  feenint,  quaeque  post  fbtnra  soaf 

The  symbol  was  no  doubt  much  more  frequently 
used  after  the  outbreak  of  Arianism.  But  it  ap- 
pears to  have  been  used  before  that  date,  from  its 
occurrence  in  the  inscription  on  the  tomb  raised 
by  Victorina  to  her  martyred  husband  Heraclius 
in  the  cemetery  of  Piiscilla  (Aringhi,  L  605). 
It  is  here  enclosed  in  a  triangle,  and  united  with 
the  upright  monogram.  See  also  another  in- 
scription in  Fabretti  (Tnscr.  antiq.  expUoatio^ 
Rom.  1699,  fol.),  and  the  cup  given  in  Boldetti 
from  the  Callixtine  catacomb,  tav.  iiL  no.  4,  at 
p.  194.  From  these  it  is  argued  with  apparent 
truth  that  the  symbol  must  have  been  in  use 
before  the  Nioene  Council.*  No  doubt,  as  a  con* 
venient  symbolic  form  of  asserting  the  Lord's 
divinity,  it  became  far  more  prominent  after- 
wards. The  Arians  certainly  avoided  its  use 
TGlorgi,  De  Monogram,  Christiy  p.  10).  It  is 
found  on  the  crucifix  attributed  to  Kicodemus 
(Angelo  Rocca,  Theaaunu  Pontificiarum^  voL  i. 
153,  woodnnt),  and  on  a  wooden  crucifix  of  great 
antiquity  at  Lucca  (Borgia,  De  Grace  Velitema^ 
p.  33).  For  its  general  use  as  a  part  of  the 
monogram  of  Christ,  see  Monogram.  It  will  be 
found  (see  Westwood's  PaheograpfUa  Sacra')  in  the 
Psalter  of  Athelstan,  and  in  the  Bible  of  Alcuin ; 
both  in  the  British  Museum.  [R.  St.  J.  T.] 

AABON,  the  High  Priest,   commemorated 

•  Boldetti:  "QosntoaUelettere AsDdM.nonv'liadabUe 
cbe  quel  primi  Cristisni  la  preseco  dall'  Apoeallsn.*' 
He  goes  on  to  saj  that  it  is  the  sign  of  Chiistiso,  not 
Ariu,  barial ;  and  that  Ariaos  were  driven  Ihim  Borne, 
and  excloded  from  the  OaSaoombs.  Aringhi  also  protests 
that  those  oemeteries  were  *'  hand  unqiuun  heretloo  schAs 
matlooqae  ooounerdo  pollntae.* 



Miaziah  1  =  March  27  (Ob/.  Ethiop,').  Depofition 
in  Mount  Hor,  July  1  {Mart.  Bedae^  Hteron,).  [C] 

ABAOUO.  (1)  Habakknk  the  Prophet,  oom- 
memorated  Jan.  15  {Martyrologium  Eonu  Vetuty 
MmroiL,  Bedae). 

(2)  Martyr  at  Rome  nnder  Clandiiu,  A.D.  269, 
oommemorated  Jan.  20  (Martyr,  Bom.  Vettu), 


ABBA.    [Aebat.] 

ABBAT.  (^66cu  or  AfAa  [rdtis],  &/3/3as, 
fti93a,  in  low  Latin  sometimes  AbinUj  Ital.  AbaUj 
Germ.  Abt,  from  the  Chaldee  and  Syriac  form  of 
the  common  Semitic  word  for  Father,  probaUy 
adopted  in  that  form  either  by  Syriao  monks, 
or  through  its  K.  T.  use.)  A  name  employed 
oocasionaTly  in  the  East,  even  so  late  as  the  10th 
century,  as  a  term  of  respect  for  any  monks 
(Gnasian.,  CoUat.  i.  1,  a.d.  429;  Beg.  8.  Colvmb. 
rlL,  A.D.  609 ;  Jo.  Moach.,  Brat,  Spir,^  a.d.  630 ; 
Epiphan.  Hagiop.,  De  Loc,  83,,  a.d.  956 ;  Byzant. 
auto.  ap.  Du  Oinge,  Lex,  Inf.  Graec, ;  Bulteau, 
Hist,  Mon,  (FOrient,  819:  and,  similarly,  ikfifid- 
Sioiff  kfifiaZlffKioVt  4fcv8(i3/3aT,  K\tirrd$0€u,  for 
an  evil  or  false  monk,  Du  Cange,  ibJ) ;  anid  some- 
times as  a  distingnishing  term  for  a  monk  of 
'  singular  piety  (Hieron^  in  Epitt,  ad  OaL  c  4 ;  m 
Matt.  lih.  ir.  in  c  23) ;  bat  ordinarily  restricted 
to  the  superior  of  a  monastery,  Bater  or  Brincepe 
MonasterO,  electire,  irremoTeable,  single,  abso- 
lute. Replaced  commonly  among  the  Greeks 
by  'Apx'/uu^pM'  [Abguimandrita],  'Hyo^ 
li^vos^  or  more  rarely  Koiyo3<^(px^s ;  the  first 
of  which  terms  howeyer,  apparently  by  a  con- 
fusion respecting  its  deriration,  came  occasion- 
ally to  stand  for  the  superior  of  more  monas- 
teries than  one  (Helyot,  Hiet,  des  Ordr,  Mon, 
i.  65) : — extended  upon  their  institution  to  the 
superior  of  a  body  of  canons,  more  properly 
called  BraepotituBf  Abbas  Canonicorum  as  op- 
posed to  AAos  Monachorum  (e.  g.  Cone.  Boris. 
A.D.  829,  c  37;  Cone.  Aquisg,  II.  a.d.  836. 
canon,  c.  ii.  P.  2,  §  1 ;  Chron,  Lsod.) ;  but  varied 
by  many  of  the  later  monastic  orders,  as  e.  g.  by 
cSirmeliteB,  Augustinians,  Dominicans,  Seryites, 
into  Braepositus  or  Brior  ConventwUis,  by  Fran- 
ciscans into  Gustos  or  OuardianuSf  by  Camaldu- 
lensians  into  Major,  by  Jesuits  into  Rector: — 
distinguished  in  the  original  Rule  of  Pachomius, 
as  the  superior  of  a  combination  of  monasteries, 
from  the  Bater,  Brinceps,  or  Oeoonomiu  of  each 
and  from  the  Braepositi  of  the  several  families  of 
each.  Enlarged  into  Abbas  Abbatvm  for  the  Ab- 
bat  of  Monte  Cassino  (Pet.  Diac.  Chron.  Cawi. 
iv,  60 ;  Leo  Ostiens.,  ib.  ii.  54),  who  was  vicar  of 
the  Pope  over  Benedictine  monasteries  {Brivil. 
Niool,  I.  Bapae,  A.D.  1059,  ap.  And.  a  Nuce  ad 
Leon.  Ostiens.  iii.  12),  and  had  precedence  over 
all  Benedictine  abbats  (Pn'ot/.  Baschal,  II,  Bapae, 
A.D.  1113,  in  Bull,  Casin.  ii.  130;  Chart.  Lothar, 
Imp,,  A.D.  1137,  ib.  157).  Similarly  a  single 
Abbat  of  Aniana,  Benedict,  was  made  by  Ludov. 
Pius,  A.D.  817,  chief  of  the  abbats  in  the  empire 
(Chron,  Farf,  p.  671 ;  Ardo,  in  F.  Bensd,  c  viii. 
36):  and  the  Hegumenos  of  St.  Dalmatius  in 
Constantinople  was,  from  the  time  of  St.  Dal- 
matius hunself  (a.D.  430),  ftpx**'  ^^  trar^p 
funwmiplvw.  Abbas  Universalis  or  KoBoXixhs, 
Sxarohus  omnium  monasteriontm  in  urbe  regia 
(Cone.  Constant,  iv.,  a.d.  536,  Act  i.;  Cone, 
Ephes,  iii.  a.d.  431 ;  and  see  Tillem.,  Mim,  EccL 
zlv.  322   and  Eustath.  in  V.  Eutych.  n.  18,  Jo. 


Cantacuz.  i.  50,  Theocterictus  m  V,  8.  Nioetam^  i 
43,  quoted    by  Du  Cange).     Transferred     Im 
properly  sometimes  to  the  Braepositus  or  Prios 
the  lieutenant  (so  to  say)  of  a  monastery,  Abba 
Secundus  or  Secundarius  {Reg,  8.  Bened.  65  ;  an 
see  Sid.  Apoll.  vii.  17),  the  proper  abbat  beiii| 
called  by  way  of  distinction  Abhas  Major  (jCtmA 
Aqvisgr.  aj).  817  c  31).    Transferred  also,  ii 
course  of  time,  to  non-monastic  clerical  offioea 
as  e.  g.  to  the  principal  of  a  body  of  parochial 
clergy  (i.  the  Abbas,  Gustos,  or  Rector,  as  distiii' 
guished  from  ii.  the  Brefbyter  or  Capellan'usj  an<j 
iii.  the  8acrista  ;  Ughelli,  Ital,  8ac.  vii.  506,  ap.  Di 
Cange);  and  to  the  chief  chaplain  of  the  king  oi 
emperosr  in  camp  under  the  Ourlovingiana,  Abbeu 
Castrensis,  and  to  the  Abbcu  Curiae  at  Viennc 
(Du  Cange) ;  and  in  later  times  to  a  particnlai 
cathedral  official  at  Toledo  (Beyerlinck,  Afagn, 
Iheatrum,  s.  v.  Abbas},  much  as  the  term  car- 
dinal is  used  at  our  own  St.  Paul's ;  and  to  th« 
chief  of  a  decad  of  choristers  at  Anicia,  Abbaa 
Clericulorum  (Du  Cange) ;  and  later  still  to  th« 
abbat  of  a  religious  confraternity,  as  of  St.  Yto 
at  Paris  in  1350  and  another  in   1362   (/dL> 
Adopted  also  for  purely  secular  and  civil  offioera. 
Abbas  BopuU  at  Genoa,  and  again  of  the  Genoese 
in  Galata  (Jo.  Pachym.  ziiL  27),  of  Guilds  at 
Milan  and  Decnrions  at  Brixia ;  and  earlier  stilly 
Baiatii,  Clocherii,  CampaniUs,  8cholaris,  Eadaf-' 
fardorwn    (Du   Cange) ;    and    compare    Dante 
{Bwrgat.  xxvi).  Abate  del    Cottegio.     Usurped 
in  course  of  time  by  lay  holders  of  monasteries 
under   the   system    of   commendation    [sea  p. 
54],    Abbas    Broteetor,    Abbas    Zaicus^    Arcki- 
abbas,  AbbO"  [or  Abbi^'^  Comes,  denominated  by  a 
happy  equivoque  in  some  papal  documents  AMos 
Irreligiosus ;  and  giving  rise  in  turn  to  the  A66as 
Legitimus  or  Monasticus  {Serm.  de  JkunukU.  S, 
Qfiintin.,  ap.  Du  Cange),  as  a  name  for  the  abbat 
proper  (sometimes  it  was  the  Decani,  Oan^m. 
Aimtrin.  c  42 ;  and  in  Culdee  Scotland  in  the 
parallel  case  it  was  a  Brior')  who  took  charge  ot 
the  spiritual  duties.  Lastly,  perverted  altogether 
in  later  days  into  a  mock  title,  as  Abbas  Lastitiae, 
Jucenum,  Faiuorum,  or  again  Abbas  B^cmorum 
(of  freshmen,  or  "  Yellow  Beaks,"  at  the  univer- 
sity of  Paris),  or  Comardomm  or  Conardorum  (an 
equally  unruly  club  of  older  people  elsewhere  in 
France),  until  *^  in  vitium  libertas  excidit  et  vim 
dignam  lege  regi,"  and  the  mock  abbats  accord- 
inglv  "  held  their  peace"  perforce  (Du  Cange). 

The  abbat,  properly  so  called,  was  elected  in 
the  beginning  by  the  bishop  of  the  diocese  out  of 
the  monks  themselves  (with  a  vague  right  of 
assent  on  the  part  of  the  people  also,  according 
to  Du  Cange);   a  right   confirmed  at  first  by 
Justinian  {NooeiL  v.  c.  9,  A.D.  534-565);  Who, 
however,  by  a  subsequent  enactment  transferred 
it  to  the  monks,  the  abbat  elect  to  be  confirmed 
and  formally  blessed  by  the  bishop  {Novell,  cxxiii. 
c  34).    And  this  became  the  common  law  of 
Western  monasteries  also  {Reg,  8.  Bened.,  A.D. 
530,  c.  64 ;  Cone,  Carthag,,  A.D.  525,  in  die  Ilda; 
Greg.  M.,  Epist,  ii.  41,  iii.  23,  viii.  15;  Theodor., 
Boemt.  U.  vi  1  in  Wasserschl.  p.  207;  Pteudo- 
figbert,  Boenit.  Add,  in  Thorpe,  it  235,  &c  ;— 
^Fratres  eligant  sibi  abbatem,"  Aldhelm  ap.  W. 
Malm.,  De  G,  B.y,p,lll),  confirmed  in  time  by 
express  enactment  {Capit,  Car,  M,  et  Lud.  Bii, 
L  vi.,  A.D.  816),^**  Quomodo  (monachis)  ex  si 
ipsis  sibi  eligendi  abbates  licentiam  dederimus;" 
—Urban.  Pap.  ap.  Gimtiaa,  oop.  AUen,  cam,  1^ 



^  i ;  awl  to  ftlao  cap.  Quonietm  Diat,  Ixix. — 
•dwciBg  the  epifloopal  benediction,  from  Cone. 
JieacR.  il,  AJX  787,  c  14.  So  also  Counc.  of 
Galckytfa,  ajk  785,  c  5  (monks  to  elect  from 
tkor  own  mooasterj,  or  another,  with  consent  of 
kkhopX  but  Counc  of  Becanceld,  ajd.  694,  and 
«f  OeakhTth,  a.d.  816  (bishop  to  elect  abbat  or 
abbcts  vith  oonsent  of  the  ** family").  And 
fonas  oocar  accordingly,  in  both  Extern  and 
Western  Pontificals,  for  the  Benedictio  re- 
^Kctirely  of  an  Hegumenoa,  or  of  an  Abbas,  both 
JVJMicAonfBi  and  Ccmonioorumf  and  of  an  Abbch- 
tma  (see  also  Theodor.,  Poenit,  II.  iii.  5,  in 
Wasiersehl.  p.  204,  &c. ;  and  a  special  form  for 
the  bst  Damed,  wrongly  attributed  to  Theodore, 
■  Collier's  Records  from  the  Ordo  Rom,,  and 
vith  TsriatioDs,  in  Gerbert}.  An  abbat  of  an 
CMBpt  abbey  (in  later  times)  could  not  resign 
without  leaTe  of  the  Pope  (c.  Si  Abbatsm,  Bonif. 
VIIL  in  Sext.  Deer,  L  tL  36) ;  and  was  to  be 
eBofirmed  and  blessed  by  him  (Matt.  Par.  in  an, 
12S7).  A  qualification  made  in  the  Benedictine 
Sale,  allowing  the  choice  of  a  minority  if  theirs 
we  the  saniut  consHiwny  necessarily  became  a 
4esd  letter  from  its  impracticability.  Bishops, 
Wverer,  rrtained  their  right  of  institution  if  not 
loBiiiation  in  Spain  in  the  7th  century  (Cone, 
TeUL,  A.D.  633,  o.  50);  and  the  Bishop  of 
CUloas-sur-Mame  so  late  as  the  time  of  St. 
Bemud  {Epist,  58).  See,  however.  Cans,  zviiL, 
Oil  2.  The  nomination  by  an  abbat  of  his  suo- 
eesMT,  occurring  sometimes  in  special  cases  (e.g. 
St  Brono),  and  allowed  under  restrictions  (Cone. 
CabUhA,  U.,  A.D.  650,  c  12 ;  Theodor.,  Capit, 
Dedker,  c.  71,  in  Wasserschl.  p.  151),  was  ex- 
ceptional, and  was  to  be  so  managed  as  not  to 
iatcrfere  with  the  general  right  of  the  monks. 
So  also  the  founder's  like  exceptional  nominations, 
ut.%,  those  made  by  Aldhelm  or  Wilfrid.  The 
iatcr&renoe  of  kings  in  such  elections  began  as  a 
pnctiee  with  the  system  of  commendation ;  but 
in  royal  foundations,  and  as  suggested  and  pro- 
moted by  feudal  ideas,  no  doub^  existed  earlier. 
The  eonsent  of  the  bishop  is  made  necessary  to 
SB  abbat's  election,  ^'ubi  jussio  Regis  fuerit," 
iaJLa  794  (Omc.  Franoof,  c.  17).  The  bishop 
vas  also  to  quash  an  unfit  election,  under  the 
BeMdictiBe  lule,  and  (with  the  neighbouring 
aUets)  to  appoint  a  proper  person  instead  (Reg, 

Onoe  elected,  the  abbat  held  office  for  life, 
vakss  canonically  deprived  by  the  bishop ;  but 
tbe  eoment  of  his  fellow-presbyters  and  abbats  is 
■sde  necessary  to  sucn  deprivation  by  the 
CboiqI  of  Tours  (Cone,  l^uron,  ii.,  a.d.  567,  c  7 ; 
as  abo  Excerpt.  Fsevdo-EgberU,  65,  Thorpe  ii. 
107)l  And  this,  even  if  incapacitated  by  sickness 
(Hiacnar  ad  Corbeiens,,  ap.  Flodoard.  iii.  7). 
Tricanial  abbats  (and  abbesses)  were  a  desperate 
expedient  of  far  later  popes.  Innocent  VIII. 
{uk  1484-1492)  and  Clement  Yll.  (a.d.  1523- 

Uke  all  monks  (Hieron.,  ad  Rustic,  95; 
Cuuan.,  CoBoL  v.  26 ;  Caus,  xvi.  qu.  1,  c  40 ; 
DkL  xciii.  c.  5),  the  abbat  was  originally  a  lay- 
lu  (** Abbas  potest  esse,  et  non  presbyter: 
kicBs  potest  esse  abbas ;"  Jo.  de  Turrecrem.,  sup. 

VisL  liix.) ;  and  accordingly  ranked  below  all 
eHers  of  clergy,  even  the  Ustiarius  (Did,  xciiL 
c  5^  In  the  East,  Archimandrites  appear  to 
kare  beoome  either  deacons  at  least,  or  com- 
■only  pneit%  Won  the  dose  of  the  5th  century 

(inter  Epist,  Hormisd.  Pap.,  A.D.  514-^23,  ante 
Ep,  xzii.;  Cone,  (Jonstantin,  iv.,  A.i>.  536,  Act  LX 
although  not  without  a  struggle :  St.  Sabas,  e.g., 
A.D.  484,  strictly  forbidding  any  of  his  monks 
to  be  priests,  while  reluctantly  forced  into  the 
presbyterate  himself  by  the  Patriarch  of  Jeru- 
salem (Surius,  tn  Ftto,  5  Dec,,  cc  xxii.  xxv). 
And  Archimandrites  subscribe  Church  Councils 
in  the  East,  from  time  to  time,  from  Ctmc, 
Constantm,,  a.d.  448.  The  term  'Ai3/3a8oirpe<r- 
fiirtpos,  however,  in  Nomocan.  (n.  44,  ed.  Co- 
teler.),  appears  to  indicate  the  continued  ex- 
istence of  abbats  not  presbyters.  In  the  West, 
laymen  commonly  held  the  office  until  the  end 
of  the  7th  century,  and  continued  to  do  so  to 
some  extent  or  other  (even  in  the  proper  sense 
of  the  office)  into  the  11th.  Jealousy  of  the 
priestly  order,  counterbalanced  by  the  absolute 
need  of  priestly  ministrations,  prolonged  the 
struggle,  in  the  6th  century,  whether  Western 
monasteries  should  even  admit  priests  at  all.  St. 
Benedict,  a.d.  530,  hardly  allows  a  single  priest ; 
although,  if  accepted,  he  is  to  rank  next  the 
abbat  (Ifej.  60).  Anrelian  of  Aries,  a.d.  50, 
allows  one  of  each  order,  priest,  deacon,  sub- 
deacon  (Reg.  46).  The  RegtUa  Magistri  (23) 
admits  priests  as  guests  only,  **  ne  abbates  ut- 
pote  laicos  excludant."  St.  Gregory,  however, 
A.D.  595,  gave  a  great  impulse,  as  to  monastic 
life  generally,  so  in  particular,  by  the  nature  of 
his  ^gllsh  mission,  to  presbyter  (and  episcopal) 
abbats.  And  while  Benedict  himself,  a  layman, 
was  admitted  to  a  council  at  Rome,  a.d.  531,  as 
by  a  singular  privilege  (Cave,  Hist.  Litt.  in  V, 
Bened.) ;  during  the  next  century,  abbats  occur 
commonly,  1.  at  Councils  of  State,  or  in  Councib 
of  abbats  for  monastic  purposes,  in  Saxon  England 
and  in  France ;  but  2.  in  purely  Church  Councils 
in  Spain.  Theodore  (about  A.D.  690)  repeats 
the  continental  canon,  inhibiting  bishops  from 
compelling  abbats  to  come  to  a  council  without 
reasonable  cause  (Foenit,  II.  ii.  3;  Wasserschl. 
p.  203).  And  in  one  case,  both  Abbates  pres* 
byteri,  and  Abbates  simply,  subscribe  a  Saxon 
Council  or  Wltenagemot,  viz.,  that  of  Oct.  12, 
803  (Kemble,  C.  D.  v.  65),  which  had  for  its 
purpose  the  prohibition  of  lay  commendations; 
while  abbesses  occur  sometimes  as  weU,  e.  g.  at 
Becanceld,  A.D.  694  (Anglo-^ax,  Chron^  and 
at  London,  Aug.  1,  A.D.  811  (Kemble,  C.  D,  i. 
242).  Lay  abbats  continued  in  England  A.i>. 
696  (Wihtred's  Dooms,  §  18),  a.d.  740  (Egbert's 
Answ.  7,  11),  A.D.  747  (Ccunc.  of  Choesho,  c  5), 
AJ>.  957  (Aelfric's  Can,  §  18, — abbats  not  an 
order  of  clergy).  In  France,  an  annual  Council 
of  abbats  was  to  be  summoned  by  the  bishop 
every  Nov.  1,  the  presbyters  having  their  own 
special  council  separately  in  May  (Cone,  Aure- 
Uan,  i.,  A.D.  511 ;  Cone.  Autisiod,,  AJ>.  578  or 
586,  c.  7).  Abbats,  however,  sign  as  represen- 
tatives of  bishops  at  the  Councils  of  Orleans,  iv. 
and  v.,  A.D.  541,  549.  But  in  Spain,  abbats 
subscribe  Church  Councils,  at  first  after  and  then 
before  presbyters  (Cone.  Braear.  iii.,  A.D.  572; 
Osoens,,  a.d.  588 ;  Emerit,,  A.D.  666 ;  Tolet.  xii. 
and  xiii.,  a.d.  681,  683) ;  occurring,  indeed,  in 
all  councils  from  that  of  Toledo  (viii.)  A.D.  653. 
From  A.D.  565,  also,  there  was  an  unbroken 
succession  of  presbyter-abbats  at  Hy,  retaining 
their  original  missionary  jurisdiction  over  their 
monaatic  colonies,  even  after  these  colonies  had 
grown  into  a  church,  and  both  needed  and  had 




bishops,  although  undiooesan  (Baed.,  H„  E.^  iii. 
4,  T.  24).  And  clerical  abbats  (episcopal  indeed 
first,  in  Ireland,  and  afterwards  presbyteral — 
see  Todd's  St.  Patrick^  pp.  88,  89)  seem  to  have 
been  always  the  rule  in  Wales,  Ireland,  and 
Scotland.  In  Ireland,  indeed,  abbats  were  so 
identified  with  not  presbyters  only  bat  bbhops, 
that  the  Pope  is  found  designated  as  "Abbat 
of  Rome  "  (Todd's  St,  Patrick,  156).  Most  con- 
tinental abbats,  however  (and  even  their  Prae- 
positi  and  Decani)  appear  to  hare  been  pres- 
byters by  A.D.  817.  These  officers  may  bestow 
the  benediction  ("  quamyis  presbyter!  non  sint" ; 
Cone,  Aquitgr,,  A.D.  817,  c.  62).  All  were  ordered 
to  be  so,  but  as  yet  ineffectually,  ▲.D.  826  (Cbnc. 
Bum.  c.  27).  And  the  order  was  still  needed, 
but  was  being  speedily  enforced  by  custom,  A.D. 
1078  iCtMC.  Pictav.  c.  7:  "  (It  abbates  et  decani 
[aliter  abbates  diaconi]  qui  presbyterl  non  sunt, 
presbyteri  fiant,  aut  praelationes  amittant "). 

A  bishop-abbat  was  forbidden  in  a  particular 
instance  by  a  Council  of  Toledo  (zii.,  a.d.  681, 
c.  4),  but  permitted  subsequently  as  (at  first)  an 
exceptional  case  at  Lobes  near  Wge,  about  A.D. 
700,  (conjecturally)  for  missionary  purposes  among 
the  still  heathen  Flemish  (D'Achery,  Spicil.  ii. 
730) ;  a  different  thing,  it  should  be  noted,  from 
bishops  resident  in  abbeys  under  the  abbat's 
jurisdiction  ("Episoopi  monachi,"  according  to 
a  very  questionable  reading  in  Baed.  jET.  E.  !▼. 
5),  as  in  Ireland  and  Albanian  Scotland,  and  in 
seyeral  continental  (mostly  exempt)  abbeys  (St. 
Denys,  St.  Martin  of  Tours,  &c.),  and  both  at  this 
and  at  later  periods  in  exempt  abbeys  generally 
(Du  Gauge,  voc.  Epiaoopi  Vagantes:  Todd's  St. 
Patrick,  51  sq.);  although  in  some  of  these  con- 
tinental cases  the  two  plans  seem  to  hare  been 
interchanged  from  time  to  time,  according  as  the 
abbat  happened  to  be  either  himself  a  biiiJiop,  or 
merely  to  have  a  monic-bishop  onder  him 
(Martene  and  Durand,  Thes,  Nov,  Anecd.  i. 
Pref.  giving  a  list  of  Benedictine  Abbatial  bishops ; 
Todd,  16.).  In  Wales,  and  in  the  Scottish  sees 
in  Anglo-Saxon  England  (e.g.  LindisfameX  uid 
in  a  certain  sense  in  the  monastic  sees  of  the 
Augustinian  English  Church,  the  bishop  was  also 
an  abbat;  but  the  latter  office  was  here  ap- 
pended to  the  former,  not  (as  in  the  other  cases)  the 
former  to  the  latter.  So,  too,  **  Antistes  et  abbas," 
in  Sidon.  Apoll.  (zvi.  114),  speaking  of  two  abbats 
of  Lerins,  who  were  also  Bishops  of  Riez.  Pos- 
sibly there  were  undiocesan  bishop-abbats  in 
Welsh  abbeys  of  Celtic  date  (Rees,  Wel8h  SS. 
182,  266).  Abbats  sometimes  acted  as  (^ore- 
piacopi  in  the  9th  century:  ▼.  Du  Cange,  voc. 
Chorepiscopus.  The  abbats  also  of  Catania  and  of 
Monreale  in  Sicily  at  a  later  period  were  always 
bishops  (diocesan),  and  the  latter  shortly  an 
archbishop,  respectively  by  privilege  of  Urban  II., 
A.D.  1088-1099,  and  from  A.D.  1176  (Du  Cange). 
So  also  at  Fulda  and  Corbey  in  Germany. 

We  have  iastly  an  abbat  who  ^^^  ^^  ^ 

o/^cio  a  cardinal,  in  the  cue  of  tJje  Abbat  of 

Clugny,  by  privilege  of  Pope  C^uriVB  Ti^  AJ). 

ni9  (Hug.  Mon.  ad  JPontS^iZ^ll    CIm.,  ap. 

Du  Cange).  4^^  '^ 

The  nstaral  rule,  that  th^  ^Jiould  be 

d^asen  from   the  seniors,  aai  f^^UK^  of  the 

r^iL  '"^^^C^'  ^  ^IS* /^^^olsten. 

^^ monks  C^jo^^!  \^     J^eiJM. 


Pii,  i.  tit.  81,  ^  ex  seipsis,"  &c.,  as  above  quote 
ConciL  Botom.j  A.D.  1074,  c.  10) :  although  t 
limitation  to  one  above  twenty-five  years  old 
no  earlier  than  Pope  Alexander  III.  (^Oonc.  Z 
teran.  A.D.  1179).  In  the  West,  ho'vrever,  t. 
rule  was,  that  ^'Fratres  eligant  sibi  abbate 
de  ipsls  si  habent,  sin  autem,  de  extraneis 
(Theodor.,  Capit,  Daoh.  c.  72,  in  Wasserschl. 
151 ;  and  so  also  St.  Greg.,  Epist.  ii.  41,  viii.  15 
while  in  the  East  it  seems  to  be  spoken  of  as 
privilege,  where  an  abbey,  having  no  6t  moi 
of  its  own,  might  choose  a  l^votiovpiTiis — oi 
tonsured  elsewhere  (Leunclav.  Jus  Oraeco-^o* 
p.  222> 

Repeated  enactments  prove  at  once  the  rule  < 
one  abbat  to  one  monastery,  and  (as  time  wei 
on)  its  common  violation  (Hieron.  ad  Rustic  95 
Heg.  8.  Serap.  4,  and  Begulae  passim;  Com 
Venetic,  A.D.  465,  c.  8 ;  AgatK,  a.d.  506,  oc  3i 
57 ;  Epaon.,  A.D.  517,  oc.  9,  10 ;  and  so,  in  th 
East,  Justinian,  L.  I.  tit.  iii. ;  De  Epiao,  I.  39 :  an 
Balsamon  ad  Nomocan.  tit.  i.  c  20, — '*  Si  non  pei 
mittitur  alicui  ut  sit  clericus  in  duabus  eoclesiii 
nee  prsfectus  sen  abbas  duobus  monasterii 
praeerit").  Ko  doubt  such  a  case  as  that  o 
Wilfrid  of  York,  at  once  founder  and  Abbat  o 
Hexham  and  Ripon,  or  that  of  Aldhelm,  Abbai 
at  once  (for  a  like  reason)  of  Malmesbury,  Frome 
and  Bradford,  was  not  so  singular  as  it  was  ii 
their  case  both  intelligible  and  excusable.  Th( 
spirit  of  the  rule  obviously  does  not  apply,  eithei 
to  the  early  clusters  of  monasteries  under  th« 
Rule  of  St.  PMchomius,  or  to  the  tens  of  thou- 
sands of  monks  subject  to  the  government  oi 
e.  g.  St.  Macarius  or  St.  Serapion,  or  to  the  later 
semi-hierarchical  quasi-jurisdiction,  possessed  as 
already  mentioned  by  the  Abbats  of  St.  Dalma* 
tins,  of  Monte  Cassino,  or  of  Clugny,  and  by 
Benedict  of  Aniana.  Generals  of  Orders,  and 
more  compact  organization  of  the  whole  of  an 
Order  into  a  single  body,  belong  to  later  times. 

The  abbat's  power  was  in  theory  paternal,  bat 
absolute — "  Timeas  ut  dominum,  diligas  ut  pa- 
trem  "  (Beg.  8,  Macar.  7,  in  Holsten.  p.  25 ;  and 
BegtUae  passim).    See  also  St.  Jerome.    Even  to 
act  without  his  order  was  culpable  {Beg.  8. 
Basil.}.    And  to  meek  for  another  who  hesitated 
to  obey  was  itself  disobedience  (Beg.  passim). 
The  relation  of  monk  to  abbat  is  described  as 
a  libera  eervitus  {Beg.  8,  Orsies.  19,  in  Holsten. 
p.  73) ;  while  no  monk  (not  even  if  he  was  a 
bishop,  Baed.  H.  E.,  iv.  5)  could  exchange  mo- 
nasteries without  the  abbat's  leave  (Beg.  passim)^ 
not  even  (although  in  that  case  it  was  some- 
times allowed)  if  he  sought  to  quit  a  laxer  for 
a  stricter  rule  (Beg.  PP.  14,  in  Holsten.  p.  23; 
GUd.  ap.  MS.  8.  GalL  243,  pp.  4,  155);  unless 
indeed  he  fled  from  an  excommunicated  abbat 
(Gild.  tb.  p.  155,  and  in  D'Ach.,  SptciL  u  500). 
In  later  times,  and  less  civilized  regions,  it  was 
found  necessary  to  prohibit  an  abbat  from  blind- 
ing or  mutilating  his  monks  (Cone,  Franoof. 
A.D.  794,  c.  18).    The  rule,  however,  and  the 
canons  of  the  Church,  limited  this  absolute  power. 
And  each  Benedictine  abbat,  while  bound  exactly 
to  keep  St.  Benedict's  rule  himself  (e.  g.  Cone. 
Augustod.  c.  a.d.  670),  was  enjoined  also  to  make 
his  monks  learn  it  word  for  word  by  heart  (Ciwio. 
Aquiagr.,  A.D.  817,  oc.  1,  2,  80).    He  was  also 
limit^  practically  in  the  exercise  of  his  authority 
(1)  by  the  system  otPraepositi  or  Friores,  elected 
usually  by  bimselfi  but  **  oonnfib  et  vobmtak/rth 



»<M  *  {Seg.  Orient,  3,  in  Holsten.  p.  99 ;  Seg,  8, 
BtmtdL  $5)»  aikd  in  Spnin  at  one  time  bj  the 
hnbop  (CSmc.  ToleL  it.  A.D.  633,  o  dl);  one  in  a 
BcDedictine  abbey,  bnt  in  the  East  eometimes 
two,  one  to  be  at  home,  the  other  superintending 
tbe  monk*  abroad  (^Hig.  Orient.  2,  in  Holsten. 
p.  89) ;  and  under  the  Rule  of  Paehomius  one  to 
tuk  fubordinate  house  ;  a  system  in  some  sense 
remcd,  though  with  a  very  different  purpose,  in 
tbe  PriorM  non  Oonventuales  of  the  dependent 
OhtHekLicmy  CeUae,  kc^  of  a  later  Western  Abbey ; 
sad  (2)  by  that  of  Z/eoani  and  CentenarOj  elected 
bf  the  monks  themselves  (Hieron.  ad  JEuttoch. 
BfMd,  xriix. ;  B«g,  MonatX,  in  Append,  ad  Hieron. 
0^  v.;  Beg.  passim ;  see  also  Baed.  H. E.  ii.  2\ 
tknrn^  vfaom  the  discipline  and  the  work  of  the 
■OQsstery  were  administered.  He  was  limited  also 
froB  without  by  episcopal  jurisdiction,  more  e£S- 
deoUy  fai  the  YagX  iOmc.  Chak.,  AJ>.  451,  cc.  4, 
6,  fte.  fte. ;  and  so  Balsam,  ad  Nomooan.  tit.  xi., 
"Epiitopis  magis  subjecti  monachi  quam  monas- 
krionnn  praefiBctis  "^  but  in  theory,  and  until 
the  lith  century  pretty  fairly  in  fact,  in  the 
I  Wcft  likewise  ^Ifeg.  S.  Bened. ;  Cone.  Agath.,  A.D. 
N6,c  38;  Aweivjoi.  L,  aj>.  511,  c  19;  Epaon., 
AM.  517,  c  19 ;  Herd.  ▲.D.  524^  c.  3 ;  Areht  v., 
AM.  554,  ec  2,  3,  5 ;  and  later  still,  Gone.  TuU.^ 
AM.  859,  c  9;  Botomag.^  a.d.  878,  c.  10;  Au- 
fdtaLf  aJk  952,  a  6;  and  see  also  Greg.  M. 
EfitLf  TiL  12 ;  X.  14,  33 ;  Hincmar,  as  biefore 
qastsd ;  and  Omc.  Paris.  A.D.  615 ;  ToUt.  ir.  A.D. 
C33;  CahiUotu  i.  AJ>.  650;  Bendf.  A.D.  673,  c  3, 
ia  Baed.  ff.  E.  iy.  5,  among  others,  putting  restrio- 
tkas  upon  episcopal  interference).  The  French 
csaoBs  on  this  subject  are  repeated  by  Pseudo- 
Egbert  in  England  (^Excerpt.  63-^5,  Thorpe,  ii. 
lOS,  107)u  Gassian,  howerer,  in  the  West,  from 
thi  beginning,  bids  monks  beware  above  all  of 
tvo  sorts  of  folk,  women  and  bishops  (fie  Inetit. 
GmnsS.  XL  17).  And  although  exemptions,  at  first 
■erely  defining  or  limiting  episcopal  power,  but 
ii  tiiM  substituting  immediate  dependence  upon 
the  Pope  for  episcopal  jurisdiction  altogether,  did 
Ht  grow  into  an  extensive  and  crying  evil  until 
Ike  time  of  the  Councils  of  Rheims  and  of  Rome, 
rapcctively  a.d.  1119  and  1122,  and  of  the  lelf- 
deajing  ordinances  of  the  Cistercians  {Chart. 
AirS.  in  Ann.  Oieterc.  L  109)  and  Premonstra- 
tttsaas,  in  the  years  A.D.  1119, 1120,  repudiating 
nch  privileges  but  with  a  sadly  short-lived 
Tinoe,  and  of  the  contemporary  remonstrances  of 
St  Bcraard  (Xt6.  3  De  Gonad.;  tiud  Epist.  7,  42, 
179,180);  yet  they  occur  in  exceptional  cases 
■Qch  csrlier.  As  e.  g.  the  adjustment  of  rights 
between  Paustus  of  Lerins  and  bis  diocesan  bishop 
at  the  Council  of  Aries,  e,  A.D.  456  (which  se- 
cued  to  the  abbat  the  jurisdiction'  over  his  lay 
■Miki,  and  a  veto  against  the  ordination  of  any 
•f  them,  leaving  all  else  to  the  bishop,  Mansi, 
vit  907),  a  parallel  privilege  to  Aganne  (St. 
Kaarice  in  the  Valais),  at  the  Council  of  ChAlons 
A^  579,  and  privilegia  of  Popes,  as  of  Hono- 
rias  L  AJ>.  628  to  Bobbio,  and  of  John  IV.  A.D. 
Ml  to  LuxeuO  (see  Harculf.,  Formu/.  lib.  I.  §  1 ; 
nd  ICaliill.,  Ann,  Bened.  xiii.  no.  11,  and  Ap- 
^ndL  a.  18).  Even  exempt  monasteries  in  the 
E*it,  Le.  Uiose  immediately  depending  upon  a 
fittriarch,  were  subject  to  the  visitatorial  powers 
•f  reguLsr  officials  called  ExarcM  Mo/uuteriorum 
CiMm.  in  Nomooan.  L  20 ;  and  a  form  in  Greek 
^ttiikals  for  the  ordination  of  an  exarch,  Ha- 
Wt^  Ankierat^  Pontif.  Qhraec.  o'jtertf.  t.  ad  Edict. 

pro  Archknandrit.  pp.  570,  587),  exercised  some- 
times through  Apocrisiarii  (as  like  powers  of  thf 
bishops  through  the  Dtfeneores  Ecciesiarum) ;  and 
even  to  visitations  by  the  emperor  himself  (J  usti- 
nian,  Novell,  cxxxiii.,  cc.  2,  4,  5).  The  Rule  of 
Paehomius  also  qualified  the  abbat's  power  by  a 
council  of  the  Mo^ores  Monasierii,  and  by  a  tri- 
bunal of  assessors,  viri  saneti,  5,  10,  or  20,  to  as- 
sist in  administering  discipline  (Beg.  S.  Pack. 
167,  in  Holsten.  p.  49).  And  the  Rule  of  St.  Bene- 
dict, likewise,  compelled  the  abbat,  while  it  re- 
served to  him  the  ultimate  decision,  to  take 
counsel  with  all  the  brethren  (juniors  expressly 
included)  in  greater  matters,  and  with  the  Seni- 
ores  Monast^i  in  smaller  ones  (Beg.  S.  Betted.  2, 
8).  The  Rule  of  Columbanus  gave  him  an  un- 
qualified autocracy. 

The  abbat  was  likewise  limited  in  his  power 
over  abbey  property,  and  in  secular  things,  by  his 
inability  to  interfere  in  person  with  civil  suits ; 
which  led  to  the  appointment  of  an  AdvocatuSj 
Vioedomnue,  Oeconomue,  Procurator  (Cod.  Can. 
Afric.  A.D.  418  (?),  c.  97 ;  Justinian,  lib.  I  Cod. 
tit.  3,  legg.  33,  42 ;  Cod,  Theodos.  lib.  ix.  tit.  45, 
leg.  3 ;  St.  Greg.  Epist.  iii.  22 ;  Cone.  Nicaen.  ii. 
A.D.  787,  0.  11),  revived  with  greater  powers 
under  the  title  of  Advocaius  EccUsiae,  or  Monaa- 
terO,  by  Charlemagne  (Capit.  A.D.  813,  c  14 ;  and 
Lothar.,  Capit,  tit.  iii.  cc.  3,  9, 18,  &c.) ;  who  flrom 
a  co-ordinate,  frequently  pi'oceeded  to  usurp  an 
exclusive,  interest  in  the  monastic  revenues.  The 
abbat  also  was  required  to  give  account  of  the 
abbey  property  to  both  king  and  bishop,  by  the 
Council  of  Vem  (near  Paris)  a.d.  755 ;  while 
neither  abbat  nor  bishop  separately  could  even 
exchange  abbey  lands  in  Anglo-Saxon  England, 
but  onlv  by  joint  consent  (Theodor.,  Poen,  II.  viii. 
6,  in  Wasserschl.  p.  208). 

Within  the  abbey  and  its  precincts,  the  abbat 
was  to  order  all  work,  vestments,  services  {Beg. 
S.  Bened.  47, 57 ;  Begulae  passim) ;  to  award  idl 
punishments,  even  to  excommunication  (Beg.  S, 
Bened.  24 ;  Leidrad.,  Lugdun,  Arch.,  ad  Car.  M. 
ap.  Galland.,  xiii.  390,  restoring  to  the  Abbat  of 
Insula  Barbara,  ^  potestatem  ligandi  et  solvendi, 
uti  habuerunt  praedecessores  sui ;"  Honorius  III. 
oap.  DUecta,  tU.  de  Major,  et  Obodientia,  desiring 
a  neighbouring  abbat  to  excommunicate  refrac- 
tory nuns,  because  their  abbess  coxdd  not ;  and  see 
Bingham),  or  to  the  use  of  the  '*  ferrum  abscis- 
sionis  "  (Beg.  S.  Bened.  28).  He  was  also  to  be  ad- 
dressed as  **  Domnus  et  Abbas"  (ib.  68).  And  while 
in  the  East  he  was  speciallv  commanded  to  eat  with 
the  other  monks  (Beg.  PX  11,  in  Holsten.  p.  23)« 
the  Rule  of  Benedict  (56)  appoints  him  a  separate 
table  "  cum  hospitibus  et  peregrinis,"  to  which 
he  might,  in  case  there  was  room,  invite  any  monk 
he  pleased.  The  Council  of  Aix  a.d.  817  (c.  27) 
tried  to  qualify  this  practice  by  bidding  abbats 
"  be  content "  with  the  food  of  the  other  monks, 
unless  ''propter  hospitem;"  and  some  monas- 
teries kept  up  a  like  protest  in  the  time  of  Peter 
Damiani  and  Peter  the  Venerable ;  but  it  con- 
tinued to  be  the  Western  rule.  He  was  ordered 
also  to  sleep  amon^  his  monks  by  the  Council 
of  Frankfort  A.D.  794  (c.  13).  The  abbat  was  spe- 
cially not  to  wear  mitre,  ring,  gloves,  or  sandals, 
as  being  episcopal  insignia— a  practice  growing 
up  in  the  West  in  the  10th  and  11th  centuries, 
and  (vainly)  then  protested  against  by  the  Coun- 
cil of  Poictiers  A.D.  1100,  and  by  St.  Bemai-d 
(Epist.  42)  and  Peter  of  BIoib  (Epist.  90 ;  and  see 



also  Thom.  Cantipnt.,  D9  AjnbuB,  L  6 ;  Cknm, 
(kmn,  iy.  78).    But  a  mitre  is  said  to  have  been 
granted  to  the  Abbat  of  Bobbio  by  Pope  Theodo- 
ras I.  A.D.  643  {BuU,  Casin.  I.  iL  2\  the  next 
alleged  case  being  to  the  Abbat  of  St.  Sayianns 
by  Sylvester  II.  ▲.D.  1000.  A  staff,  however,  but 
of  a  particular  form,  and  some  kind  of  stockings 
Q*  baculum  et  pedules  "),  were  the  special  insig- 
nia of  an  abbat  in  Anglo-Saxon  England  in  the 
time  of  Theodore  a.d.  668-690,  being  formally 
given  to  him  by  the  bishop  at  his  benediction 
(^Poenii.  II.  iii.  5,  in  Wasserechl.  p.  204).  And  the 
staff  was  so  everywhere.  He  was  also  to  shave  his 
beard,  and  of  course  to  be  tonsured  {Cono,  Bitu- 
ric.  Jl,d.  1031,  c.  7).    His  place  of  precedence, 
if  an  ordinary  abbat,  appears  to  have  been  finally 
fixed  as  immediately  after  bishops,  among  prae" 
latij  and  before  archdeacons  (see,  however,  Decret. 
Greg,  /X,  lib.  ii.  tit.  1,  cap.  DecenUmus) ;  but 
the  list  of  our  English  convocations  fVom  Arch- 
bishop Kemp's  Register  a.d.  1452  (Wilk.  I.  xi. 
sq.),  though  following  no  invariable  rule,  appears 
usually  to  postpone  the  abbat  and  prior  to  the 
archdeacon.   In  Saxon  England,  he  shared  in  like 
manner  with  the  king  (as  did  an  abbess  also)  in 
the  "  wer  "  of  a  murdered  "  foreigner  "  (Laws  of 
Ine,  23 ;  Thorpe,  i.  117).    The  abbat  also  was 
not  named  in  the  canon  of  the  mass  (Qavant.  in 
Bubr,  Miss,  P.  iii.  tit.  8 ;  Macr.  F.F.,  JTieroiex,  in 
Can,  Missae\  except  in  the  case  of  the  abbat  of 
Monte  Cassino  (^g.  a  Nuce,  in  notis  ad  Lea 
Ostiens.  ii.  4).    But  an  anniversary  was  allowed 
to  be  appointed  for  him  on  his  death  (e.  g.  Cone, 
Aquisgr,  a.d.  817,  c  73).    He  was  forbidden  (as 
were  all  monks,  at  least  in  France)  to  stand 
sponsor  for  a  child  (Cbnc.  Avtissiod,  A.D.  578,  c. 
25 ;  Greg.  M.,  Epist,  iv.  42),  with  a  noUble  ex- 
ception, however,  in  England,  in  the  case  of  Abbat 
Robert  of  Hont  St.  Michel,  godfather  to  King 
Henry  II.'s  daughter  Eleanor  (Rob.  de  Monte  od 
an,  1 161),  or  to  go  to  a  marriage  (jCono,  Autis8iod.f 
ib,y ;  or  indeed  to  go  far  from  his  monastery  at 
all  without  the  bishop's   leave  {Cone,  Arel,  v. 
A.D.  554) ;  or  to  go  about  with  a  train  of  monks 
except  to  a  general  synod  {Cone,  Aquisgr,  a.d. 
817,  c.  59).     He  of  course  could  not  hold  pro- 
perty (although  it  was  needful  sometimes  to  pro- 
hibit his  lending  money  on  usury,  Pseudo-Egbert. 
Poenit,  iii.  7,  in  Thorpe,  ii.  199) ;  neither  could 
he  dispose  of  it  by  will,  even  if  it  accrued  to  him 
by  gift  or  heirship  after  he  became  abbat  (Beg. 
PP,  2,  in  Holsten.  p.  22);  but  if  the  heirship 
was  within  the  4th  degree,  he  was  exceptionally 
enabled  to  will  the  property  to  whom  he  pleased 
(Justinian,  lib.  i.  God,  tit,  de  JSpisc,  et  Cler,  c. 
33).    Further,  we  find  bishops  and  archdeacons 
prohibited   from  seizing  the  goods  of  deceased 
abbats  {Cone,  Paris,  a.d.  615 ;  Cdbillon,  i.  a.d. 
650).    And  later  wills  of  abbats  in  the  West  are 
sometimes  mentioned  and  confirmed,  but  prin- 
cipally in  order  to  secure  to  their  abbeys   pro- 
perty bequeathed  to  those  abbeys  (see  Thomassin). 
rrivileges  of  coining  money,  of  markets  and  tolls, 
of  secular  jurisdiction,  began  certainly  as  early 
as  Ludov.  Pius,  or  even  Pipin  (Gieseler,  ii.  p.  255, 
notes  5, 6,  Eng.  Tr.).  Others,  such  as  of  the  title 
of  prince,  of  the  four  Ahbates  Imperii  in  Germany 
(viz.,   of  Fulda — also  ex  officio  the   empress's 
chancellor— of  Weissenberg,  Kempten,  Murbach), 
of  the  English  mitred  baronial  abbats,  and  the 
like,  and  sumptuary  laws  limiting  the  number  of 
their  horses  and  attendants,  &c«,  belong  to  later 

times.  An  abbat,  however,  might  hunt  in 
land  {Laws  of  Cmd,  in  Thorpe,  i.  429).  An  a.bba:l 
or  an  abbess,  presiding  over  a  joint  honae  c 
monks  and  nuns,  is  noted  by  Theodore  as  &  pecv 
liar  Anglo-Saxon  mistom : — ^  Apud  Graeoos  no: 
est  consuetude  viris  feminas  habere  monachal 
neque  feminis  viros ;  tamen  consuetudinem  iatiii 

Erovinciae  "  (England)  "  non  destruamus  "  {Poenii 
[.  vL  8,  in  Wasserschl.  p.  208).  The  well-kno^pm 
cases  of  the  Abbesses  Hilda  and  Aelbfled  of  W  tkithr 
and  of  Aebba  of  Coldingham  are  instances  of  th< 
latter  arrangement  (Baed.  H,  E,  iv.  23,  24,  25 
26) ;  and  the  last  of  them  also  of  its  misdiievoiu 
ness  {Id,  ib.  25).  Tynemouth  and  WimboarxM 
are  other  instances.  But  the  practice  was  a  Celti 
one  (e.g.  St.  Brigid;  see  Todd,  St,  Patrick 
pp.  11,  12),  not  simply  Anglo-Saxon:  and  wit2 
Celtic  monastic  missions,  penetrated  also  into  thi 
Continent  {e,g,  at  Remiremont  and  Poictiers^  anc 
even  into  Spain  and  into  Rome  itself  (so  Montalenn' 
bert.  Monks  of  West,  vol.  v.  p.  297,  Engl.  Tr.> 
It  is,  however,  remarkable,  that  while  instancei 
of  abbesses  ruling  monks  abounded,  abbats  ruling 
nuns  rest  for  us  upon  the  general  assertion  oi 
Theodore.  And  the  practice,  while  it  died  out  on 
the  Continent,  was  not  restored  in  England  after 
the  Danish  invasion.  In  the  East  there  -was  a 
rigorous  separation  between  monks  and  nuns. 
And  where  two  such  communities  were  in  any 
'  way  connected,  a  special  enactment  prohibited  all 
but  the  two  superiors  fVom  communication  -with 
one  another,  and  placed  all  possible  restrictions 
upon  even  their  necessary  interviews  {Reg.  S, 
Basil,  in  Holsten.  p.  158).  St.  Pachomius  esta- 
blished the  double  order,  but  put  the  Nile  be- 
tween his  monks  and  his  nuns  (Pallad.,  Hisi,  Laus^ 
cc.  30-42). 

Interference  by  abbats  with  the  ministrations 
of  parochial  clergy  oould  scarcely  exist  until  ab- 
bats were  presbyters  themselves,  nor  did  it  ever 
(as  was  naturally  the  case)  reach  the  extent  to 
which  it  was  carried  by  the  friars.     We  find, 
however,  an  enactment  of  Theodore  {Poenit,  II.  vi, 
16,  in  Wasserschl.  p.  209),  prohibiting  a  monas- 
tery from  imposing  penances  on  the  laity,  ''  quia 
(haec  libertas)  proprie  dericorum  est."    And  a 
much  later  and  more  detailed  canon,  of  the  4th 
Lateran  Council  (a.d.  1123),  forbids  abbats  to 
impose   penance,  visit  the  sick,  or  administer 
unction.    They  were  authorized  in  the  East,  it 
presbyters,  and  with  the  bishop's  leave,  to  confer 
the  tonsure  and  the  order  of  reader  on  their  own 
monks  {Cone,  Nicaen,  ii.  a.d.  787,  c.  14).     And 
they  could  everywhere  admit  their  own  monks 
("ordinatio  monachi" — ^Theodor.,  Poenit,  II.  iii.  3, 
in  Wasserschl.  p.  204).   But  encroachments  upon 
the  episcopal  office,  as  well  as  upon  episcopal  in- 
signia, gradually  arose.    Even  in  a.d.  448  abbats 
were  forbidden  to  give  k'vo<rT6\ta{Conc,  Constats 
tin., — corrected  by  Du  Cange  into  iwurr6\ia= 
commendatory  letters  for  poor,  and  see  Cone,  Alt' 
relian,  ii.  c  13,  and  Turon,  ii.  c.  6).    But  by  A.O. 
1123  it  had  become  necessary  to  prohibit  gene- 
rally their  thrusting  themselves  into  episcopal 
offices  {Cone,  Lateran,  iv.  c.  17).     And  we  find 
it  actually  asserted  by  Sever.  Binius  (in  Canon, 
Apostol,  ap.  LaJbh,  Cone.  i.  54e,  on  the  authority 
of  Bellarmine,  De  Eccles.  iv.  8),  that  two  or  more 
^*  abbates  infulati "  might  by  Papal  dispensation 
be  substituted    for    bishops  in   consecrating  a 
bishop,  provided  one  bishop  were  there ;  while 
Innocent  IV.  in  1489  empowered  an  abbat  bf 



ioMelf to  ooider  not  obIj  th«  siibdtoooiwte,  bat 
Ike  diMsonate. 

The  ipiritaal  aUMt  wis  sopplaated  In  Wales 
(GiimUL  Gunlir^  IHil,  OemA^  wA  repeatedly)  and 
ia  Scotland  (Rolvrtaon,  Earfy  ScotL  L  3^9, 339), 
kf  the  end  of  the  8tli  and  m>  on  to  the  12th  oen- 
toy,   by   the   Adweahu   Eoeletku   (eonfiued 
Mowthnes  with  the   Oeconomut,  who  in  Weldi 
lad  Irish  manaatariee  waa  a  different  officer,  and 
Buaged  the  internal  secular  affiurs,  as  the  other 
did  t&  external),  called  in  Scotland  Hertnach^  in 
IreSaad  Axrchixneadk,  who  was  originally  the  lay, 
sad  padnally  became  also  the  hereditary,  lessee  of 
the  TVnaon  (or  abbey)  lands,  being  commonly  the 
Ibander  or  his  deaoendant,  or  one  of  the  neighbonr- 
'm%  lords ;  and  who  held  those  lands,  receiving  a 
aSai.  part  of  their  value  in  the  first  instance,  bat 
who  is  ibond  as  an  hereditary  married  lay  abbat 
dariag  the  period  named ;  e.  g.  Crinan,  the  Abbat 
sf  Denkeld,  who  was  grand&ther  of  Shakspeare's 
Daacan,  and  one  Dnndiad,  also  Abbat  of  Dunkeld, 
■he  died  in  battle  AJ>.  961.    The  case  was  the 
MBS  at  Abenethy  and  at  Applecrosa.    The  spi- 
ritnsl  daties  derolved  upon  the  bishop  and  a 
prior.    See  also  Da  Cange  (voc  Advocatui)^  for 
a  omilar  process  althoagh  to  a  less  degree  on  the 
Coatiaait.    In  Ireland,  the  Comarh,  or  similar 
btreditary  abbat  (or  bishop),  retained  his  spiritoal 
charseter  (Todd,  St.  Patrick,  pp.  155  8q.>    The 
lay  abbats  ia  Northombria,  denounced  by  Baeda 
{ipid.  ad  Bgb€rt,\  were  simply  fttiudulent  imi- 
tstisas  of  abbats  in  the  proper  sense  of  the  word. 
Aa  entirely  like  result,  however,  and  to  as  wide 
aa  extent  daring  Garlovingian  times  as  in  Scot- 
had,  ensued    abroad   from  a    different   cause, 
vts^  from  the  system  of  commendation  [Com- 
hexda];  which  began  in  the  time  of  C&u-les 
Martel  (aj>.  717-741,  being  approved  by  Cone. 
Ltptim.  A.IX  743 ;  Cmc.  iSudniem.,  AJ>.  744;  and 
sse  Bsron.  m  on.  889,  n.  31),  with  the  plaosible 
object  of  temporarily  employing  monastic  re- 
veaaes  for  the  pressing  needs  of  warfare  with 
SaTMiMis,  Saxons,  or  o&er  heathens,  care  being 
takea  to  reserve  enough  to  keep  up  the  monas- 
tery proper.   The  nobleman,  or  the  king  himself, 
who  kd  the  troops  thus  raised,  became  titular 
And  in  Ckrlovingian  times,  accordingly, 
of  the  great  Frank  and  Bnrgundian  nobles 
sad  kings,  iod  sometimes  even  bishops  (e.  g. 
Hstto  of  Mains,  A.D.  891-912,  who  enjoyed  the 
Rpstation  of  holding  twelve  abbeys  at  once), 
were  titular  abbats  of  some  great  monastery,  as 
of  St  Denys  or  St.  Martin,  held  for  life  or  even 
lyinkeritaaoe;  the  revenues  of  which  were  soon 
direrted  to  parpooes  less  patriotic  than  that  of 
npplying  the  king  with  soldiers  (see  a  short 
Kit  by  way  of  specimen  in  Qieseler,  ii.  p.  411, 
aote  I,  Eng.  Tr.).    In  the  East  a  like  system  ap- 
ptan  to  have  grown  up,  although  hardly  from 
the  same  origin,  some  centuries  lator ;  John,  Pa- 
triareh  of  Antioch,  at  the  beginning  of  the  12th 
«antary,  InfiBrming  us  that  moat  monasteries  in 
bis  tigM  were  banded  over  to  laymen  (xapi<rra- 
■dpisi  =  henefoiariC)f  for  life  or  for  two  or  three 
disffBti,  by  1^  of  the  emperors;  while  Balsamon 
(ad  Cmo.  Sioatfi.  c  13)  actually  oondenms  him 
fer  eondenuiag  the  practice.    Later  abuses  of  the 
Uad  ia  the  West,  as  in  the  time  of  Francis 
L  ef  France  or  of  Louis  XTV.,  need  here  be  only 

(Bin^iam ;  Balteau,  Jtid,  Mm.  d^Orieid ;  Du 
tiafe;  Ant.  Dadini,  JbcHic.  mm  Origg.  B^  ifONOs- 

tic. ;  Ferraris ;  Helyot,  Hid.  dea  Ordr.  JVbn. ;  Her- 
xog ;  Hospinian,  De  Monach. ;  Macri  FF.,  Ifiero- 
lexic. ;  Martens,  D€  jinKig.  Monach.  Bitibua  ;  Mar* 
Ugny;  Montolembert,  Monks  of  the  West;  Tho- 
massin,  De  Benefic. ;  Van  Espen.)       [A.  W.  H.] 

ABBATISSA.    [Abbess.] 

ABBESS.  (AhbcLtissa  found  in  inscript.  of 
▲.D.  569,  in  Murater.  429.  3,  also  called  Asdi" 
stita  and  Majorissa,  the  female  superior  of  a  body 
of  nuns ;  among  the  Greeks,  *Hyovfi4prif  ^Apx'" 
ftsurHpiriSf  ArchimandritissOj  Justinian,  Novell.^ 
'AfifjMf  or  mother,  Pallad.,  Hist,  Laus.y  c  42,  in 
the  time  of  Pachomius,  Mater  monasterii  or  moni- 
alium,  see  St.  Greg.  M.,  Dial,  IV.  13  [where 
**  Mater "  stands  simply  for  a  nun] ;  Gone. 
Mogtmt.  A.D.  813;  Aguisgr.,  a.d.  816,  lib.  ii.). 
In  most  points  subject  to  the  same  laws  as  ab- 
bats, mtUatis  mutandis  f — elective,  and  for  life 
(triennial  abbesses  belonging  to  years  so  late  as 
A.D.  1565,  1583) ;  and  solemnly  admitted  by  the 
bishop— ^<0natficMb  Abbatissae  (that  for  an  abbess 
monasticam  regrUam  projitentem,  capit.  ex  Canone 
7%eodori  Atiglontm  Episoopi,  is  in  the  Ordo  Ro- 
fnantM,  p.  164,  Hittorp.);  and  in  France  re- 
stricted to  one  monastery  apiece  {Cone,  Vem.  a.d. 
755) ;  and  with  Praepositae,  and  like  subordinates, 
to  assist  them  (fionc,  Aquiagr,,  A.D.  816,  lib.  ii. 
cc  24-26) ;  and  bound  to  obey  the  bishop  in  all 
things,  whether  abbesses  ofMonachae  or  of  CSomo- 
nicae  {Cone.  Cabillon.  ii  ▲.D.  813,  c.  65) ;  and  sub* 
ject  to  be  deprived  for  misconduct,  but  in  this 
case  upon  report  of  the  bishop  to  the  king  (Cone. 
Franoof,  a.d.  794) ;  bound  also  to  give  account  of 
monastic  property  to  both  king  and  bishop  (Cone. 
Vem,f  A.D.  755) ;  entitled  to  absolute  obedience 
and  possessed  of  ample  powers  of  discipline,  even 
to  expulsion,  subject  however  to  the  bishop  (Oonc. 
AqvUsgr.  a.d.  816,  lib.  ii.) ;  and  save  only  that 
while  an  abbat  could,  an  abbess  could  not,  excom- 
municate (Honorius  III.,  cap.  DilectOy  t^,  de  Ma* 
jor.  et  ObMUentid) ;  neither  could  she  give  the  veil 
or  (as  some  in  France  appear  to  have  tried  to 
do)  ordain  (Capitul.  Car.  M.  an.  789,  c.  74, 
Anseg.  71);  present  even  at  Councils  in  England 
(see  Abbat,  and  compare  Lingard,  Antiq.  i. 
139 ;  Kemble,  Antiq.  ii.  198 ;  quoted  by  Mont- 
alembert.  Monks  of  West,  v.  230,  Engl.  Tr.). 
While,  however,  a  bishop  was  necessary  to 
admit  and  bless  an  abbat,  Theodore  ruled 
in  England,  although  the  rule  did  not  become 
permanent,  that  a  presbyter  was  sufficient  in  like 
case  for  an  abbess  (Poenit.  II.  iii.  4,  in  Wasserschl., 
p.  203).  The  limitetion  to  forty  years  old  at  elec- 
tion is  as  late  as  the  Council  of  Trent ;  Gregory 
the  Great  speaks  of  sixty  {Epist,  iv.  11).  An 
abbess  also  was  not  to  leave  her  monastery,  in 
France,  save  once  a  year  if  summoned  by  the 
king  with  the  bishop's  consent  to  the  king's 
presence  upon  monastic  business  (jOonc.  Vem. 
A.D.  755 ;  Cabillon.  ii.  a.d.  813,  c.  57).  Neither 
was  she  even  to  speak  to  any  man  save  upon 
necessary  business,  and  then  before  witnesses 
and  between  the  first  hour  of  the  day  and 
evening  {Cone.  Cabillon,  ii.  A.D.  813,  cc.  55, 
56).  For  the  exceptional  cases  of  Anglo-Saxon, 
Irish,  or  Continentel  Irish,  abbesses  ruling 
over  mixed  houses  of  monks  and  nuns,  see 
Abbat.  It  was  noted  also  as  a  specially 
Western  custom,  that  widows  as  well  as  virgins 
were  made  abbesses  (Theod.,  Poenit.  II.  iii.  7,  in 
Wasserschl.  p.  204).  [A.  W.  H.1 


.      ABBBT.     [UONIBTEBT.] 

ABBUNA,  tha  common  *pp«lliUaB  of  th* 
Blihop,  Uctrui,  or  Uetropolltui,  of  Ainm,  or 
Abyufoli,  or  EtbiopiK,  not  ■  patriarcb,  bnt,  on 
tha  contnrr,  appoiatod  ud  cauacnt«d  alwayi 
bj  ths  patiiarcQ  of  Aleiuiilria,  and  ipcciiJl^ 
forbidden  to  bavs  more  tbau  UTan  loffregin 
biihopa  nader  biro,  Iwt  ba  ihould  make  binualf 
•o,  twalva  biihopa  being  beld  to  ba  tba  lovat 
casoDlcal  number  for  the  consacntion  of  a  patri- 
arcii.  Id  ■  Council,  If  bald  in  Greeca,  ba  ocm- 
piad  tba  seTenth  plan,  Immediately  after  tha 
preUte  of  Salaucia.  (Lndolf,  Bitt.  £iMop. 
£  7.)  [A.  W.  H.] 

ABDIANT^  of  AMoi,  commamontad  Jnna 
S  (Jfor(.  Bliroii.).  [C] 

ABDON,  Abdo  or  Abi>ub,  ud  BBNKEN, 
8ENBE8,  or  Sehhib,  PeniaQ  prlncaa,  mirtTred  at 
Roma  under  Deciiu,  A.D.  250,  are  commemorated 
Julj  30  (Martyrologmm  Rom.  Fit,,  Bedat,  AdOKuy 
Proper  oflice  in  Gregorian  Sacrammtary^  p.  116  ^ 
ud  Antipboa  in  tbe  Lii.  Antiflion.  p.  704. 

It  ii  related  (Adonii  Martyrol.  iil.  Kal.  Aug.) 
tbat  their  relici  were  traoalatad  in  tha  time  of 
Onutantine  to  the  cematerf  orPontianiu.  There 
Boaio  diicoTarad  a  nmarkabla  Ireaco,  Tcpreeaat- 
iagthe  Lord,  aean  from  the  waist  upward  emerg- 
ing &om  a  cJond,  placing  wroethi  on  tha  beadi 
of  SS.  Abdon  and  Sennen  (laa  woodcnt).    TUi  ii 

In  front  of  tha  vault  aadoaing  tha  luppoeed 
remain!  of  tbe  martrrt,  which  bean  tba  inicilp- 
tlon  [DBFOBITipKlS  DIE.  The  painting  ie,  in 
Martiguj'a  opinion,  not  earlier  than  the  toyentb 
centnrj.  It  is  remarkable  that  tbe  painter  haa 
avideDtljr  made  an  attempt  to  repreient  tha  Per- 
■ioD  dress.  Tbe  lainte  wear  pointed  caps 
hoodi,  timilar  to  those  in  which  tbe  Uogi  (._. 
■ometimes  reoraeented;  clo^s  liutened  with  a 
fibula  on  tha  breast ;  and  tunica  of  ikin  entirely 
unlike  the  Roman  tunic,  and  resembling  tbat 

e'en  to  St.  John  Baptiat  in  a  fresco  of  the 
id's  Baptiim  in  tbe  same  cemetcrj  of  PoDti- 
anni  (Bottari,  ScultaFt  e  Pitlurt,  tav.  xli..). 
Soma  aocoont  of  the  peculiar  dram  of  Abdon  and 
Sennen  may  be  foond  in  Lami'i  treatise  Da  Ent- 
diiioiu  ApotloloniBi,  pp.  12I-16S. 
The  gaatnra  of  tha  Lord,  cmwDing  tha  mart;ta 


fbr  thdr  ooD*t«ocy,  is  fimnd  aba  on 
of  oarly  Chrietian  cupa  [Gijbb,  Chhisttak] 
when  Ba  crowns  S3.  Peter  and  Paul,  uu 
other  aainta  (Bnonarmoti,  Vtwi  Anticht,  tsv 
XT.  fig.  1,  and  elsewhere);  and  on  coini  of  thi 
Lower  Empire  tha  Lord  ia  not  nnfrequeutl] 
Han  crowning  two  ampetora.  (Ifartigny,  JMct 
dtf  Anliq.  cAr^linun.]  IC] 

ABECEDABIAN.  Tbe  term  "  Hrmnaa  "  oi 
"  Paean  Abecedarine"  is  applied  opeciallj  to  tbi 
bjmn  of  Sedulini,  "A  eolii  ortns  csrdiiia." 
[AoBOsna]  [C] 

ABBBCIC8  of  Jenualem,  Jcrmt^irToAvi 
toiwaraupyit,  commemorated  Oct.  23  (_Cal. 
Bj/iani.).  [CJ 

ABGARUB,  King,  commamoratad  Dsc  21 
(CW.  Armm.).  [C] 

ABIBA8,  martyr  of  Edasss,  oommamont«<l 
Nor.  15  (Cat.  Bytant.).  [C] 

ABIBOK,  iaventlon  of  his  relio  at  Jerrua- 
lem,  Aug.  3  (^Martyrol.  Ban.  Vet.y.  [CJ 

ABILIUS,  biabop  of  Alexandria  (  B6-96), 
commemorated  Feb.  22  (^Martynl.  Son.  Vat.); 
Maakarram  1  ^  Aug.  2S  (CbJ.  EMop.).       [CJ 

ABJURATION— denial,  dIaaTowal,  or  re- 
nunciation upon  oath.  Abjoration,  in  tmnmon 
eocleiiaatiaal  language,  is  reetrictad  to  the  resiut' 
dation  of  beraiy  niade  by  the  penitent  lieretio 
on  the  occasion  of  bis  recondliatlon  to  the  Cliarch. 
In  soma  cases  tha  abjnration  waa  tha  only  cere- 
mony required ;  but  In  other*  it  wu  followed 
up  by  tbe  impoaition  of  honda  and  by  unction. 
The  practice  of  the  ancient  Church  Is  described 
by  St.  Gregory  tbe  Great  in  a  letter  to  Quiricna 
and  tbe  blebopa  of  Iberia  on  tha  TMoncillatloD 
of  tbe  Mestorians.  According  to  this,  in  caaaa  in 
which  tbe  heretical  baptism  was  imperfect,  the 
rule  was  that  tbe  penitent  ahonld  ba  baptiiad  ; 
but  when  it  wu  complete,  as  in  tha  case  of  the 
Ariana,  tba  cnatom  of  tha  Eastern  Church  was 
to  reooncila  by  the  Chrism  ;  that  of  tbe  Western, 
by  the  imposition  of  hands.  Ae,  bowerer,  the 
myiteiT  of  tba  Chrism  was  but  ths  Oriental  rite 
of  Confirmation,  tbe  practice  was  substantially 
IdenticaL  (On  the  question  of  Re-baptism,  sea 
Re-Baftum,  Butum.)  Converts  from  tha 
Uonophysites  ware  received  after  simple  confes- 
sion, and  tbe  prsvious  baptism  was  auppoead  to 
take  aS'act  "  for  tha  remission  of  line,  at  tbe 
moment  at  which  the  Spirit  waa  imparted  by 
tha  imposition  of  hands;  or  tha  convert  woa  re- 
united to  the  Church  by  his  profeiaion  of  faith 
(St.  Greg.  Ep.  9,  61).  A  oimiUr  mle  is  laid 
down  by  tha  Quinioeit  Conndl,  canon  95,  which 
classes  with  tha  Ariana,  tbe  Uacedoniano,  Nova- 
tians  and  othere,  to  be  received  with  the  Chrism. 
Tbe  Fanlianista,  Montaniata,  Eunomians,  and 
others,  are  to  be  re-baptised ;  to  ba  received  as 
Christians,  on  their  profession,  tha  first  daT,  ss 
Catechumens  the  second,  and  after  tber  have 
been  allowed  a  place  in  tha  Church  as  neorers 
for  some  time,  to  ba  baptiied.  In  all  cases,  tbe 
profession  of  fUth  must  be  mode  by  the  pre- 
sentation of  a  libellus,  or  form  of  abjonttion,  in 
which  the  convert  renounced  and  anathematised 
his  former  tenets.  After  declaring  his  a)>iura- 
tion  not  to  be  made  on  compnliion,  from  fMr  or 
any  other  unwotthj  motive,  he  proceeded  to 
the   sect   renounced,  by  all  «t* 


hbm;  IIm  hcntiarclis,  and  their  raooeason,  past, ' 
yi— if>  aad  fotore ;  Iw  then  enumerateid  the  \ 
tmto  noMTed  bj  them,  and,  baring  repudiated  i 
UoB  aiagl J  and  generally,  he  ended  with  making 
ywftMion  of  the  true  £uth.    (BandinioAi  Jfonu- 
wukU  iL  109-111.   Bat  for  the  whole  subject  see 
Mutcae  and  Doraiid,  De  AntiqiUt  Eccleaiae  Riti- 
\m  IL  liber  ill.  du  6 ;  Abj,de  Uvi  et  de  v^htmwii, 
ktcrdate.    See  Landon's  ilbcX.  Dtc.)      [D.  B.] 

ABLUTION.  A  term  under  which  rarious 
hmh  ef  ceremimial  washing  are  included.  The 
■iadpal  are  the  {bllowing :  the  washing  of  the 
Mtd,  as  a  preparation  for  unction  in  baptism, 
lai  the  washijig  of  the  feet,  which  in  some 
pbeet  fivnned  part  of  the  baptismal  ceremony 
[BAPnBM] ;  the  washing  of  the  feet  of  the  poor 
wj  exalted  persons,  whi<£  forms-  part  of  the  cere- 
may  of  Maundy  Thursday  [Feet,  washzno  of]; 
tbe  lastnl  ceremony  which  preceded  entrench  to  a 
cbvdk  [Cakthabub;  Holt  Water];  and  the 
vasbiag  of  the  priest's  hands  at  certain  points 
ia  the  eekbratioa  of  the  liturgy  [Aquamanile  ; 
Havdb^  WAnmro  or].  [C] 

ABORTION.    The  crime  of  procuring  abor^ 
^m  is  little,  if  at  all,  noticed  in  the  earliest 
bvL    It  ia  a  crime  of  dTilisation:  the  repre- 
MBlatiTe  of  the  principle  which  in  a  barbarous 
itite  of  society  is  infanticide.    The  oration  of 
Lyoss  which  waa  pronounced  on  occasion  of  a 
idt  oa  this  subject  is  lost,  so  that  it  cannot  be 
ieddsd  whether  the  act  was  regarded  by  the 
Athraiant  as  an  offence  i^ainst  society,  or  merely 
ss  a  prirate  wrong.     It  is  in  the  latter  aspect 
that  it  is  chiefly  regarded  in  the  civil  law.    The 
cUid  unborn  represents  certain  interests,  and  his 
hfc  er  death  may  be  beneficial  or  injurious  to 
iidhriduali:  thus,  it  may  have  been,  that  a 
filher,  by  hb  wife's  crime,  might  lose  the  jua 
trmn  l&erorun.    The  case  quoted  from  Cicero 
pie  Qaeatio  (Dig.  xlriiL  19,  39),  in  which  a 
■iiiisji  was  condemned  to  death  for  haying  pro- 
cored  abortion,  having  been  bribed  by  the  second 
heir,  is  clearly  exceptional.    The  only  passage 
ia  the  dril  law  in  which  the  crime  is  mentioned 
vithoat  such  connexion,  is  a  sentence  of  Ulpian, 
ia  the  Pkndeeto  (Dig.  xlviiL  8,  8,  ad  lesem  Cor- 
ndiaai  de  Sicariis),  where  the  punishment  b 
4ecUred  to  be  banishment.    The  horrible  preva- 
ience  of  the  practice  among  the  Romans  of  the 
Eapbe  may  be  learned  from  Juvenal* 

It  was  early  made  a  ground  of  accusation  by 
the  Ghristiaas  against  the  heathen.  Tertullian 
dcaaaneas  the  practice  as  homiddaL  "Pre- 
vcatiea  of  birth  is  a  predpitation  of  murder," 
Apsl.  ix.    Minudua  Felix  declares  it  to  be  par- 

Hie  Goondl  of  Ancyra  (a.d.  314)  baring  men- 
tkaed  tJiat  the  andent  punishment  was  penance 
ftr  life,  proceeds  to  limit  it  to  ten  years ;  and 
tkc  ttme  space  of  time  is  given  by  St.  Basil,  who 
MadcmBs  the  practice  in  two  canons,  ii.  and  viii., 
aflepag  tlie  character  of  the  crime  aa  committed 
apbst  both  the  mother  and  the  ofispring ;  and 
dednuBg  to  accept  the  distinctions  drawn  by 
the  Uwycn  between  the  degrees  of  criminality 
varying  with  the  time  of  the  gestation.  The 
CModl  of  Lerida  (324)  dasses  the  crime  with 
ia&atidde,  but  allows  the  mother  to  be  received 
to  Coannnaion  after  seven  years'  penance  even 
vhca  hei  sin  b  complicated  with  adultery.  The 
'  IB  Trolls  cwdemna  it  to  the  penance 


of  homicide.  Pope  Gregory  III.  Jn  the  next 
century  reverta  to  the  ten  yeara'  penance,  al- 
though he  differs  from  St.  Baail  in  modifying  the* 
sentence  to  a  single  year  in  cases  where  the 
child  has  not  been  formed  in  the  womb ;  this  b 
based  on  £xod.  xxL,  and  b  countenanced  by  St. 
Augustine,  in  Quaestiones  Exodi,  in  a  passage  in- 
corporated by  Gratian. 

There  b  thus  abundant  evidence  that  the  crime 
was  held  in  extreme  abhorrence,  and  punished 
with  great  severity,  as  pertaining  to  wilful 
murder,  by  the  canons  of  the  Church.  By  the 
Vbigothic  law  (lib.  VI.  tit.  iii.  c.  1),  the  person 
who  administered  a  draught  for  the  purpose 
waa  punished  with  death.  [D.  B.] 

ABBAHAM.  (1)  the  patriarch,  comme- 
morated Oct.  9  (Martyrol.  Rem.  Vei,).  Also  on 
the  23rd  of  the  month  Nahasse,  equivalent  to 
August  16.  (Ca/.  Ethiop, ;  Neale,  Eastern  Churchy 
IntrocL  pp.  805,  815.) 

(8)  Patriarch  and  martyr,  commemorated 
Taksaa  6  =  Dec  2  {Col.  EtJuop,),  [C] 


commemorated  by  the  Ethiopic  Church  on  the 
28th  of  every  month  of  their  Calendar.        [C] 

ABRAXAS  GEMS.  [See  Abrasax  in 
Dicr.  OF  Christ.  Bioor.] 

ABREHA,  firat  Chriatian  king  of  Ethio- 
pia, commemorated  Tekemt  4  =  (M.  1  {Col, 
Ethiop.),  [C] 

ABRENUMTIATIO.    [Baftdm.] 

ABSOLUTION  (Lat.  ^bao/tt^ib).  (For  Sacra- 
mental Absolution,  see  EzOMOLOOBSlS.) 

1.  A  short  deprecation  which  follows  the 
Psalms  of  each  Noctum  in  the  ordinary  offices 
for  the  Hours.  In  this  usage,  the  word  "  abso- 
lutio  "  perhaps  denotes  simply  **  ending  "  or  *'  com« 
pletion,"  because  the  monks,  when  the  Noctums 
were  said  at  the  proper  hours  of  the  night,  broke 
off  the  chant  at  tnis  point  and  went  to  rest 
(Macri  Hierolexicon  s.  v.).  In  fact,  of  the  "  Ab- 
solutiones  "  in  the  present  Roman  Breviary,  only 
one  (that  ''  in  Tertio  Koctumo,  et  pro  feria  iv. 
et  Sabbato")  contains  a  prayer  for  absolution^ 
in  the  sense  of  a  setting  free  from  Sin. 

2.  For  the  Absolution  which  follows  the  intro- 
ductory Confession  in  most  Liturgies  and  Offices^ 
see  CoNFEauoN. 

3.  The  prayer  for  Absolution  at  the  beginning 
of  the  office  is,  in  Oriental  Liturgies,  addressed 
to  the  Son  :  but  many  of  these  liturgies  ctmtain 
a  second  ^  Oratio  Absolutionis,"  at  some  pomt 
between  Consecration  and  Communion,  which  is 
addressed  to  the  Father.  For  example,  that  in 
the  Greek  St.  Basil  (Benaudot,  Lit.  Orient  L  81), 
addressing  God,  the  Father  Almighty  {h  %*^s, 
6  noT^p  6  UamoKpdreop),  and  reciting  the  pro- 
miae  of  the  Keys,  prays  Him  to  dbmiss,  remit 
and  pardon  our  sins  (&ycr,  &4^cf,  ffvyx^(ffl<^op 
il/uy).   Compare  the  Coptic  St.  Basil  (A  i.  22). 

4.  The  word  **  Absolutio "  b  also  appUed  to 
those  prayers  said  over  a  corpse  or  a  tomb  in 
which  remission  of  the  sins  of  the  departed  b 
entreated  from  the  Almighty.  (Macri  /Ttmn 
iexicon,  a.  v.)  [C] 

ABSTINENCE.  Days  of  abstinence,  as  they 
are  called,  on  which  persons  may  take  their 
meab  at  the  ordinary  hour,  and  eat  and  drink 
what  they  please,  ia  any  quantity  so  that  they 




abstain  from  meat  alone,  belong  to  modem  times. 
Ancientlj,  fasting  and  abstinence  went  together, 
as  a  general  rule,  formed  {>arts  of  the  same  idea, 
and  conld  not  be  dissevered.  There  maj  have 
been  some  few,  possibly,  who  ate  and  drank  in- 
discriminately, when  they  broke  their  &st,  as 
Socrates  (v.  22,  10)  seems  to  imply;  bnt  in 
general,  bayond  doubt,  abstinence  from  certain 
kinds  of  food  was  obserred  on  fasting  days  when 
the  fast  was  over,  '<  abstinentes  ab  iis,  quae  non 
r^icimus,  sed  diiferimus,"  as  Tertullian  says 
(fie  Jejun,  15).  Thus  it  will  be  more  properW 
considered  under  the  head  of  fasting,  to  which 
it  subserved.  [£.  S.  F.] 

ABUKA.    [Abbuna.]  I 

ABUNDANTIUS,  of  Alexandria,  commemo- 
rated Feb.  26  {Mart.  Hieron,),  [C] 

ABUNDIUS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Rome  under 
Decins,  commemorated  Aug.  26  (Mart,  jRom,  Vet. 
et  Bedae);  Aug.  23  (Mart  Hieronym.'), 

(8)  The  deacon,  martyr  at  Spoleto  under  Dio- 
cletian, Dec.  10  (Martyrol,  Rom,  Vet.).        [C] 

AGAGIUS,  martyr,  commemorated  May  7 
(CW.  Byzant.).  [C.] 

AOATHISTUS  (Or.  iuedBurros),  A  hymn  of 
the  Greek  Church,  sung  on  the  eve  of  the  fifth 
Sunday  in  Lent,  in  honour  of  the  Blessed  Virgin, 
to  whose  intercession  the  deliverance  of  Constan- 
tinople from  the  barbarians  on  three  several  oc- 
casions was  attributed.  Meursius  assigns  its 
origin  more  especially  to  the  deliverance  of  the 
city  from  Chosroes,  king  of  the  Persians,  in  the 
reign  of  the  Emperor  Heraclius  (626).  It  is 
called  iucdOto'Tost  because  during  the  singing  of 
it  the  whole  congregation  stood,  while  during 
the  singing  of  other  hymns  of  the  same  kind 
they  occasionally  sat.  (Saicer's  Thesaurus,  s.  v. ; 
Neale's  Eastern  Ch.  Introd.  747  ;  Daniers  Codex 
Liturg.  iv.  223.) 

Francis  Junius  wrongly  supposed  this  use  of 
the  Acathistus  to  commemorate  the  journey  of 
Mary  and  Joseph  to  Bethlehem.  (Maori  Hiiro- 
lexicotif  s.  V.) 

The  word  Acathistus  is  also  used  to  designate 
the  day  on  which  the  hymn  was  used.  (Sabae 
Typicum,  in  Suicer,  s.  v.)  [C] 


the  two  principal  kinds  (accentus  and  ooncentus) 
of  ecclesiastical  music 

1.  The  consideration  of  this  subject  is  encum- 
bered by  an  especial  difficulty — the  popular,  and 
now  all  but  exclusive  application  of  the  word 
**  accent "  to  emphasis,  stress,  or  ictus.  Accent, 
however,  claims  and  admits  of  a  much  wider 
application.  Ben  Jonson*  speaks  of  accent  as 
being  **  with  the  ancients,  a  tuning  of  the  voice, 
in  lifting  it  up,  or  letting  it  down," — a  defini- 
tion not  only  clear  and  concise,  but  thoroughly 
accordant  with  the  derivation  of  the  word 
*<  accent,"  from  accino,  i.  e.  ad  cano,  to  sing  to. 
We  are  ail  conscious  of  and  affected  by  the 
varieties  of  accent**  (in  tl^is,  its  etymological 
and  primitive  acceptation)  in  foreign  languages 
spoken  by  those  to  whom  they  are  native,  as 
well  as  in  our  native  language  spoken  by  fo- 
reigners, or  (perhaps  still  more)  by  residents  of 

•  English  Grammar^  1640,  chap.  viU. 
b  ••  Est  In  dloeodo  etism  qaJdam  cantiis  obscorior.*'— 
Qoero,  OnL  18, 6t. 

parts  of  Glreat  Bntam  other  than  our  own.  ^ 
Scottish,  Irish,  and  various  provinciAl  aeoeii 
are  not  so  much  the  result  of  different  Tocalxj 
tion  (i^e.  utterance  of  vowel  sounds)  aa  of  f 
different  gradations  in  which  the  Scotch,  Irii 
and  others,  **  tune  their  voices." 

2.  The  Accentus  Eodesiasticus,  called  alao  si 
dftis  choraliter  legendi,  is  the  result  of  sucoessj 
attempts  to  ensure  in  Public  Worship  nniformi 
of  delivery  consistent  with  uniformity  of  maM 
delivered ;  so  as,  if  not  to  obliterate,  at  leaat 
hide  indiWdual  peculiarities  under  the  veil  of 
catholic  **  use."  It  presents  a  sort  of  mean  I 
tween  speech  and  song,  continually  inclining  t 
wards  the  latter,  never  altogether  leaving  i 
hold  on  the  former ;  it  is  speech,  though  al^rm 
attuned  speech,  in  passages  of  average  interc 
and  importance ;  it  is  song,  though  always  di 
tinct  and  articulate  song,  in  passages  denaandii 
more  fervid  utterance.  Though  actually  muaic 
only  in  concluding  or  culminating  phrases,  tJ 
Accentus  Ecclesiasticus  is  always  sufficiently  is 
chronous  to  admit  of  its  being  expressed  in  mas 
cal  characters,  a  process  to  which  no  attemj 
(and  such  attempts  have  been  repeatedly  mad 
has  ever  succeeded  in  subjecting  pure  speech. 

3.  Accentus  is  probably  the  oldest,  as  it  is  on 
tainly  the  simplest,  form  of  Cantus  Eoclesiaatiem 
Like  most  art-forms  and  modes  of  operatic 
which  have  subsequently  commended  themaelTi 
on  their  own  account  to  our  sense  of  beauty,  i 
grew  in  all  likelihood  out  of  a  physical  difficaltj 
The  limited  capacit>  of  the  so-called  "  natural 
or  speaking  voice  must  have  been  ascertained  a 
a  very  early  period;  indeed  its  recognition  i 
confirmed  by  the  well-known  practice  whethe 
of  the  ancient  temple,  theatre,  or  forum.  The  ol 
rhetoricians,  says  Forkel,  are,  without  exoeptioi 
of  the  same  way  of  thinking ;  and  we  may,  fron 
their  extant  works,  confidently  conclude,  tha 
neither  among  the  Greeks  nor  the  Romans  wa 
poetry  ever  recited  but  in  a  tone  analogous  it 
that  since  known  as  the  accentus  ecclesiasticna. 
The  Abbe'  du  Bos'  too  has  demonstrated  tha 
not  only  was  the  theatrical  recitation  of  itu 
ancients  actually  musical — "  un  veritable  chant,' 
susceptible  of  musical  notation,  and  even  of  in 
strumental  accompaniment — ^but  that  all  theii 
public  discourses,  and  even  their  familiar  Ian* 
guage,  though  of  course  in  a  lesser  degree,  par 
took  of  this  character. 

4.  The  advantages  resulting  fh>m  the  employ 
ment  of  isochronous  sounds  (sounds  which  xn 
the  result  of  equal-timed  vibrations)  would  be- 
come apparent  on  the  earliest  occasion,  when  i 
single  orator  was  called  upon  to  fill  a  larg« 
auditorium,  and  to  make  himself  intelligible,  oi 
even  audible,  to  a  large  assembly.  So,  too,  foi 
simultaneous  expression  on  the  part  of  large  num- 
bera,  these  advantages  would  at  once  make  them- 
selves  felt.  In  congregational  worship  a  uniform 
(technically,  a  "unisonous")  utterance  might 
seem  as  essential,  as  conducive  to  the  decency 
and  order  with  which  we  are  enjoined  to  do  "all 

•  *'  Die  alten  Spnch-  und  DecUm*tion»-Lebrer  stnd 
tSmmUich  eben  deraelben  Meinung.  und  wlr  konncnsu 
ihren  hinterlasBenen  Werken  mil  dem  hoduten  Qrad  vM 
Wahncbeinlichkelt  BchUesMn,  dass  sowohl  bei  d«n  Gito* 
Chen  als  Bomem  die  melsien  Gedichte  mit  keiner  aoden 
sis  mit  dieser  Art  von  Geiaog  gesoogen  werden  setak"- 
Forkel,  AOgtm.  GesMdUe  dtr  MusOc,  ii,  IM. 

a  R^fieasinmssurlaPotsie.M^ 



tka^*  as  is  tbrnt  still  more  essential  aniformitj 
eqipeMSii  in  the  term  Common  Prayer,  without 
vkkkf  tndifd,  congregational  worship  would  seem 
Is  iw  impossible.  ^  Accent,"  sajs  Ornithoparcos, 
*'haih  great  aifinitj  with  Concent,  for  thej  be 
firstbeis :  because  Somu,  or  Sound  (the  King  of 
Kodenastical  HarmonrX  ^  Father  to  them  both, 
sad  b^at  one  upon  Grammar,  the  other  upon 
V«iek,''&e.  (He)  ''so  diTided  his  kingdome, 
that  Coneadus  might  be  chief  Ruler  over  all 
things  that  are  to  be  song,  as  Hymnes,  Sequences, 
Aatipbonss,  Responsories,  Introitus,  Tropes,  and 
the  Hke :  and  Accentua  orer  all  things  which  are 
rsid;  as  Gospels,  Lectures,  Epistles,  Orations, 
Prophecies:  For  tho  functions  of  the  Papale 
Kiagdome  are  not  duely  performed  without  Con- 
cmt,"  kc  **  Uence  it  was  that  I,  marking  how 
■uay  of  those  Priests  (which  by  the  leave  of  the 
ksned  I  will  saye)  doe  reade  Uiose  things  they 
have  io  reade  so  wildly,  so  monstrously,  so 
Utily  (that  they  doe  not  onely  hinder  the  de- 
votion of  the  fiiithfhl,  but  also  even  provoke 
them  to  laughter  and  scorning,  with  their  ill 
leaiiag),  resolved  after  the  doctrine  of  Concent 
ts  explain  the  rules  of  Accent ;  in  as  much  as  it 
hdoogs  to  a  Musitian,  that  together  with  Con>- 
cent.  Accent  might  also  as  true  heire  in  this 
Errifsiasticsll  Kingdome  be  established ;  Desiring 
that  the  praise  of  the  highest  King,  to  whom  all 
and  rererence  is  due,  might  duely  be 

5b  The  Aoeentus  Eodesiasticus,  or  modus  cho- 
nSter  legendi,  must  have  been  perpetuated  by 
tadition  only,  for  many  ages.  That  the  rules 
fm  its  application  hare  been  reduced  to  writing 
ealy  in  comparatirely  modem  times  does  not  in 
the  lesst  invalidate  its  claim  to  a  high  antiquity. 
On  the  contrary,  it  tends  to  confirm  it.  That 
which  is  extoisively  known  and  universally  ad- 
mitted has  no  need  of  verification.  It  is  only 
when  tnulitions  are  dying  out  that  they  begin  to 
be  pat  on  record.  So  long  as  this  kind  of  reci- 
tation wss  perfectly  familiar  to  the  Greeks  and 
Boaisns  there  could  be  no  necessity  for  ''  noting  " 
it;  not  till  it  began  to  be  less  so  were  '*  accents  " 
(the  chazacters  so  called)  invented  for  its  pre- 
suTstion, — just  as  the  **  vowel-points "  were 
ortrodoced  into  Hebrew  writing  subsequently  to 
the  dispernon  of  the  Jews.  The  force  and  accu- 
iiey  of  tradition,  among  those  unaccustomed  to 
the  ue  of  written  characters,  have  been  well 
iseertained  and  must  be  unhesitatingly  admitted ; 
their  operation  has  certainly  been  as  valuable  in 
■SHC  as  in  poetry  and  history.  Strains  incom- 
psrably  longer  and  more  intricate  than  those  now 
seee|)ted  as  the  ecclesiastical  accents  have  been 
pund  on  from  roice  to  voice,  with  probably  but 
tziffiag  alteration,  for  centuries,  among  peoples 
vho  had  no  other  method  of  preserving  and 
tnannitting  them. 

&  The  authorities  for  the  application  of  the 
Gutas  Eodesiasticus  are,  as  we  have  said,  com- 
psrUively  modem.  Lucas  Lossius,'  a  writer 
freqneatly  quoted  by  Walther,  Kock,  and  other 
■ore  recent  musical  theorists,  gives  six  forms  of 
csdesce  or  close,  ije^  modes  of  bringing  to  an 
•d  a  phraie  the  earlier  portion  of  which  had 
Wca  redted  in  monotone.    According  to  Lossius, 

OnilihopBieaOk  BU  Mkardogve.    Tiamhtted 
liO».    P.M. 



accent  is  (1)  immutahUia  when  a  phrase  is  con- 
cluded without  any  change  of  pitch,  t.^.,  when  it 
is  monotonous  throughout ;  (2)  it  is  mediua  when 
on  the  last  syllable  the  voice  falb  from  the 
reciting  note  (technically  the  dominant)  a  third ; 
(3)  graviSf  when  on  the  last  syllable  it  falls  a 
fiflh ;  (4)  acutua,  when  the  ^  dominant,"  after  the 
interposition  of  a  few  notes  at  a  lower  pitch,  is 
resumed;  (5)  moderatiu,  when  the  monotone  is 
interrupted  by  an  ascent,  on  the  penultimate,  of 
a  second;  (6)  interrogativus,  when  the  voice, 
after  a  slight  descent,  rises  scale-wise  on  the  last 
syllable.  To  these  six  forms  other  writers  add 
one  more,  probably  of  more  recent  adoption; 
(7)  the  finalia,  when  the  voi(^  after  rising  a 
second  above  the  dominant,  falls  scale-wise  to 
the  fourth  below  it,  on  which  the  last  syllable  is 
sounded.  The  choice  of  these  accents  or  cadences 
is  regulated  by  the  punctuation  (possible,  if  not 
always  actual)  of  the  passage  redted ;  each  par* 
ticular  stop  had  its  particular  cadence  or  cadences. 
Thus  the  comma  (distinctio)  was  indicated  and 
accompanied  by  the  accentus  trnmutcAUis,  acutus, 
or  moderatus ;  the  colon  (duo  punctd)  by  the 
medius;  and  the  ftill  stop  {punctum  quadratum 
ante  syHabam  capitalem)  by  the  gravis, 

7.  The  following  table,  from  Lossius,  exhibits 
the  several  accents,  in  musical  notation  :-— 


Lec-ti  -  o     E-pb-to-lsesanc-ti  Fan-IL 
(2)    HxDnm. 



et     o  -  pe- ra-tnr  vir- ta-tes  in    vo-Us:       ' 
(3)    Gravis. 


Be  •  ne  •  dl-  oen-tor  in    te    om-nes  gen-tos. 

(4)     AOUTOa.  (5)     MODSaATUB^ 

■♦— ♦■ 


Camspi-ri-tacoe-pe-ri-tisnuDe,  Cam  fi-de-li, 


ex  op-e-rt-boB  le^sn  exaa-di-tn  fl-de  -  i? 

(T)     FtSALIS. 



a-Dl-ma    me-a     ad     te       De 


The  examples  given  by  Omithoparcus  are  similar 
to  the  above,  with  two  exceptions — (5),  the  Mode^ 
ratus,  which  in  '  His  Micrologus '  appears  thus : 


s    Je-ra*8a-  lem. 

And  the  InterrogaiivuSf  of  which  he  says :  ''  A 
speech  with  an  interrogation,  whether  it  have  in 
the  end  a  word  of  one  sillable,  or  of  two  sillables, 
or  more,  the  accent  still  falls  upon  the  last  sil- 
lable, and  must  be  acuated.  Now  the  signs  of 
such  a  speech  are,  who,  whichy  what,  and  those 
which  are  thus  derived,  why,  wherefore,  when^ 
how,  in  what  sort,  whether,  and  such  like." 






Un  -  de    es      tu  ? 

Quid  eat    ho  •  mo? 

Quintastaapbo-o  lii-l-qal-t*4«  etp60*oa*ta? 

^  To  these  ore  joyned  rerbes  of  asking ;  as, 
latke^  laeekCy  l  require,  I  tearche,  Iheare,  laee, 
and  the  like." 

Some  vanatioDs  too  from  the  above,  in  the 
present  Roman  use,  are  noticed  by  Mendelssohn  :f 
e,g,  in  the  Gravis^  where  there  the  voice  rises  a 
tone  above  the  dominant,  on  the  penultimate, 
before  falling : — 

changing  the  cadence  from  a  fifth  (compare  5) 
to  a  sixth ;  and  in  the  Interrogativut,  where  the 
voice  falls  from  the  dominant  (also  on  the  penul- 
timate) a  third : — 

To  the  aocentus  belong  the  following  forms,  or 
portions  of  offices  of  the  Latin  Church:^  (1) 
lhnu8  OoUectarufn  aeu  Orationum.  (2)  Tbnus 
EpisMartun  et  Evangelii,  including  the  melodies 
to  which  the  Passion  is  sung  in  Passion  Week. 
(3)  Tonus  Lectionum  solemnis  et  lugubris;  Pro- 
pMiarum  et  Martyroiogiu  (4)  Various  forms 
of  Intonation,  Benediction,  and  Absolution  used 
in  the  Liturgy.  (5)  Single  verses.  (6)  The 
Exclamations  and  Admonitions  of  the  assistants  at 
the  altar.  (7)  The  Prefaces;  the  Pater  Noster, 
with  its  Prefaces ;  the  Benediction,  Pax  Domini 
tit  semper  vofnscum.  [J.  H.] 

ACCESS.  1.  The  approach  of  the  priest  to 
the  altar  for  the  celebration  of  the  Eucharist. 
Hence  the  expression  **  prayer  of  access  "  is  used 
as  equivalent  to  the  Ehxh  '")'  vapaffrdffMwSt  or 
prayer  of  the  priest's  presenting  himself  at  the 
altar,  in  the  Greek  Liturgy  of  St.  James  (Neale's 
Eastern  Church,  Introduction^  i.  360). 

2.  But  the  expression  **  prayer  of  access,"  or 
"prayer  of  humble  access,"  is  more  commonly 
used  by  English  liturgical  writers  to  designate 
a  confession  of  unworthiness  in  the  sight  of  God, 
occurring  at  a  later  point  of  the  service ;  gene- 
rally between  consecration  and  communion.  So 
that  the  *'  prayer  of  humble  access  "  corresponds 
to  the  '*  Prayer  of  Inclination  "  or  "  of  bowing 
the  neck"  in  the  Greek  Liturgies.  Though 
words  more  expressive  of  **  humble  access " 
occur  in  other  places ;  for  instance,  in  the  Greek 
St.  James,  where  the  priest  declares :  V^h  xpot' 
^iKBov  r^  dtl^  roWpf  Kcd  iirovpaMi^  fjwan^piqf 
ovx  &s  A^ios  ^dpx^fy  (Daniel^  Codex  Lit^  iv. 
88);  in  the  Mozarabic,  ''Accedam  ad  Te  in 
humilitate  spiritus  mei "  (/5.  U  71);  or  in  the 
'*  Domine  et  Deus  noster,  ne  a«p]ci^  ^  multitu- 
dinem  peccatorum  Dostrorutxi "  jp.  the  Liturgy  of 

Adaeua  and  Maris  (Id,  i.  ^7^.        Compare  CON- 

rEssiorr,  v» 



applied  by 

epignphista  to  certain  ,1  <  ^X^ptions,   ex- 
pre^  jutj,  ^eond  p^^^  ^^f^ntaSng  a 

t,  p.  1«7. 


wish  or  injuncUon;  as,  VIVAS  IN  DEO  C'^^^^^ 
tori,  ITiesaurus  Vet.  Inacrip.  1954,  no.  4>.  B 
far  the  greater  part  of  these  acclamations  aix' 
sepulchrid  [Epitaph],  but  similar  sentenoes  ai^ 
also  seen  on  amulets,  on  the  bottoms  of  cup 
[Glabb,  Christian]  found  in  the  Catacombs,  am 
on  OEMS.    (See  the  Articles.) 

2.  The  term  acclamation  is  also  sometimei 
applied  to  the  responsive  cry  or  chant  of  tii4 
congregation  in  antiphonal  singing.  Coxnpaini 
AcBOSTio  (§  5) ;  Antiphon.  C^-H 


— ^Those  who  made  false  accusations  against  snj 
person  were  visited  with  severe  punishments 
under  the  canons  of  several  councils. 

In  Spain.  The  Council  of  Illiberis  (a.i>.  305 
or  306)  reftised  communion  even  at  the  hour  of 
death  (**  in  fine,"  at.  **  in  finem  ")  to  any  person 
who  should  falsely  accuse  any  bishop,  priest,  or 
deacon  (can.  75). 

In  France.  By  the  14th  canon  of  the  1st 
Council  of  Aries  (a.d.  314)  those  who  wisely 
accuse  their  brethren  were  excommunicated  for 
life  ("  usque  ad  exitum  ").  This  canon  was  re- 
enacted  at  the  2nd  Council  held  at  the  same 
city  (a.d.  443),  but  permission  was  given  for  the 
restoration  of  those  who  should  do  penance  and 
give  satisfaction  commensurate  with  their 
offence  (can.  24).    See  also  Calumny.     [I.  B.3 

AGEPSIMAS,  commemorated  Nov.  3  CCaL 
Byxant.)i  Nov.  5  {CaL  Armen.);  April  22 
{Mart.  Bom.}.  QC] 

AGERBA  or  AGEBNA.  (The  latter  is 
possibly  the  original  form,  from  Acer,  mapl«.> 
Acerra  designatcKl,  in  classical  times,  either  the 
incense-box  used  in  sacrifices ;  or  a  smioll  altar,  or 
incense-burner,  placed  before  the  dead.  (Smith's 
Diet  of  Greek  and  Roman  Antiquities,  s.  v.)  And 
in  ecclesiastical  latinity  also  it  designates  either 
an  incense-box  or  an  incense-burner;  ''Arcs 
thuris,  vel  thuribulum,  vel  thurarium."  (Papias 
in  Ducange's  Glossary  s.  v.  *  Acema.*) 

It  is  used  in  the  rubrics  of  the  Gregorian  sa- 
cramentary  (Corbcy-MS.)  in  the  office  for  the 
consecration  of  a  church  (p.  428) ;  and  in  the 
office  for  the  baptism  of  a  bell  (p.  438);  in 
the  latter  in  the  foim  Acema :  "•  tunc  pones  in- 
censum  in  acema."  In  both  cases  it  designates 
an  inoense-bumer  or  Thurible  (q.  v.).        [C] 

of  Achaia,  in  Greece,  are  recorded :  one,  a.d.  250, 
against  the  Valesians,  who,  like  Origen,  inter-   : 
preted  St.  Matth.  xix.  12,  literally ;  the  other,  in 
359,  against  the  followers  of  Aetius.  [A.  W.  U.] 

ACHILLEAS  (or  Achillas),  bishop  of  Alex- 
andria, commemorated  Nov.  7  {MartyroL  Hotn. 
Vet.).  [C.] 

ACHELLEUS,  the  eunuch,  martyr  at  Rome, 
May  12,  A.D.  96.  (Martyrol.  Bom.  Vet.,  Bier. 
Bedae).  [C.] 

ACINDYKUS  QAiclySv¥os)  and  companions, 
martyrs,  A.D.  346,  commemorated  Nov.  2  (CaL 
Byz.).  [C] 

ACEPHALI    [Yagi    Clbbici  ;    Autoce- 


«<  Field  of  the  Oak,"  supposed  to  be  Aydiffe,  is 
Durham ;  Raine's  Priory  of  Hexham,  i.  38,  note> 
(L)  A.D.  781  (Flor.  Wig.  in  M.  H.  B.h^),  bo* 






782  (AngLSax.  Ckr.  and  H.  Hnnt^  t5.  336, 
731>  (H.)  AJ)b  787  (Kemble,  0,  />.,  No.  151). 
(ia.)  A.i>.  788,  SepL  29,  in  the  Tear  and  month  of 
Che  Buder  of  Elfwald  of  Northnmbria,  Sept.  21, 
788  (WUk.  L  153 ;  Mansi,  xiiL  825,  826).  (It.) 
1.0. 789  {AMgLSas.  CSb-.,  Jf.  ff,  B.  337  ''a  great 

tntod**)^  in  ^^  ^^  7«^  o^  Brihtric,  King  of 
Woaez  (H.  Hunt.,  &K  732).  (t.)  A.D.  804  (Kemble, 
r.  D^  No.  186).  (tL)  aj>.  805,  Ang.  6  (itf.  t6., 
Soc  190, 191).  (Tii.)  A.D.  810  (id.  16.,  No.  256). 
Km.  ii,  T.,  and  ri.  probably,  and  No.  vii.  oer- 
talalj,  were  at  Ockley,  in  Sorrey;  or,  at  any 
nU^  not  in  the  Northumbrian  Aclea.  Nothing 
MR  if  known  of  any  of  these  synods,  or  rather 
WitcBagemota,  beyond  the  deeds  (grants  of  lands) 
ibore  refeired  to,  in  Kemble.  [A.  W.  H.] 

AOOEMETAE,  lit.  the  •*  sleepless  "  or  "  an- 
resUag  **  (for  the  theological  or  moral  import  of 
the  term  t.  Soioer,  J^esaur.  EccL  S.T.),  a  so-called 
wder  of  monks  established  in  the  East  abont  the 
■addle,  rather  than  the  commencement,  of  the 
Mk  oentory,   being    altogether    unnoticed  by 
Seentes  and  Soxomen,  the  latter  a  sealons  chro- 
■ider  of  monks  and  monasteries,  who  bring  their 
kvtoTies  down  to  ▲.D.  440 ;  yet  mentioned  by 
Eragrias  (iiL  19)  as  &  regularly  established  order 
is  483.    Later  authorities  make  their  founder  to 
bare  bees  a  certain  officer  of  the  imperial  house- 
keVl  at  Constantinople  named  Alexander,  who 
flitted  his  post  to  turn  monk,  and  after  having 
kai  to  shift  his  quarters  in  Syria  sereral  times. 
It  length  returned  to  Constantinople,  to  give 
pennaaence  to  the  system  which  he  had  already 
eooBienced  on  the  Euphrates.    The  first  monas- 
tery which  he  founded  there  was  situated  near 
liie  church  of  St.  Hennas.    It  was  composed  of 
900  OMrnks  of  different  nations,  whom  he  divided 
isto  Bz  choirs,  and  arranged  so  that  one  of  them 
ikoald  be  always  employed  in  the  work  of  prayer 
tad  pnise  day  and  night  without  intermission 
all  the  year  round.    This  was  their  peculiar  cha- 
ncteristio — and  it  has  been  copied  m  various 
wijs  elsewhere  since  then — ^that  some  part  of 
**  the  house,"  as  Wordsworth  (£crctirt.viii.  185) 
erprijsu  it,  **  was  evermore  watching  to  God." 
Alczaoder  having  been    calumniated    for  this 
{nciiee  as  heretical,  he  was  imprisoned,  but 
Rgained  his  liberty,  and  died,  say  his  biographers, 
absot  AJK  430 — ^it  might  be  nearer  the  mark  to 
ar  450 — in  a  new  convent  of  his  own  founding 
ea  the  Daidanellea.    M arcellus,  the  next  head  of 
tke  Older  but  one,  brought  all  the  zeal  and 
**ergy  to  it  of  &  second  founder ;  and  he  donbt- 
le»  foond  a  powerful  supporter  in  Gennadius, 
pitnareh  of  Constantinople,  A.D.  458-71,  a  great 
nstorer  of  discipline  and  promoter  of  learning 
■Boogst  the  clergy.    Then  it  was  that  Studius, 
s  BoUe  Roman,  and  in  process  of  tipne  consul, 
<Bignted  to  Constantinople,  and  converted  one 
«f  the  churches  there,  dedicated  to  St.  John  the 
Btftist,  into  the  celebrated  monastery  bearing 
^  MBc,  but  which  he  peopled  with  the  Acoe- 
9t^at.  There  was  another  monastery  founded  by 
fit  Diu,  a  the  reign  of  Theodosius  the  Great, 
tkat  also  became  theirs  sooner  or  later,  to  which 
Tilems  {Ad,  Ewg.  iii  19  and  31)  adds  a  third 
fiwided  hr  St.  Aissianus.    It  may  have  been 
<i«ing  to  their  connexion  with  Studius  that  they 
vere  led  to  correspond  with  the  West.    At  all 
•▼eats,  on  the  acceptance  by  Acacius,  the  patri- 
SKh  sQcoeeding  Gennadius,  of  the  Henotioon  of 
fteempmr  Zoio^  and  communion  with  the  schis- 

matic patriarch  of  Alexandria,  their  "hegumen,** 
or  president,  Cyril  lost  no  time  in  despatching 
complaints  of  him  to  Rome ;  nor  were  their 
emissaries  slow  to  accuse  the  legates  of  the  Pope 
themselves  of  having,  during  their  stay  at  Con- 
stantinople, held  communion  with  heretics.  The 
ultimate  result  was,  that  the  two  legates,  VitaliR 
and  Hisenus,  were  deprived  of  their  sees,  and 
Acacius  himself  excommunicated  by  the  Popes 
Simplicius  and  Felix.  Meanwhile  one  who  had 
been  expelled  from  their  order,  but  had  learnt 
his  trade  in  their  monasteries,  Peter  the  Fuller, 
had  become  schismatic  patriarch  of  Antioch,  and 
he,  of  course,  made  common  cause  with  their  op- 
ponents. Nor  was  it  long  before  they  laid  them- 
selves open  to  retaliation.  For,  under  Justinian, 
their  ardour  impelled  them  to  deny  the  cele- 
brated proposition,  advocated  so  warmly  by  the 
Scythian  monks,  hesitated  about  so  long  at  Rome, 
that  one  of  the  Trinity  had  suffered  in  the  flesh. 
Their  denial  of  this  proposition  threw  them  into 
the  arms  of  the  Nestorians,  who  were  much  in- 
terested in  having  it  decided  in  this  way.  For, 
if  it  could  be  denied  that  one  of  the  Trinity  had 
suffered,  it  could  not  be  maintained,  obviously, 
that  one  of  the  Trinity  had  become  incarnate. 
Hence,  on  the  monks  sending  two  of  their  body, 
Cyrus  and  Eulogius,  to  Rome  to  defend  their 
views,  the  emperor  immediately  despatched  two 
bishops  thither,  Hypatius  and  Demetrius,  to 
denounce  them  to  the  Pope  (Pagi  ad  Banm^ 
▲.D.  533,  n.  2).  In  short,  in  a  letter,  of  which 
they  were  the  bearers,  to  John  II.,  afterwards 
inserted  bv  him  in  Lib.  I.  Tit.  **  De  summ&  Trini- 
tate "  of  his  Code,  he  hinutelf  accused  them  of 
favouring  Judaism  and  the  Nestorian  heresy. 
The  Pope  in  his  reply  seems  to  admit  their  hete- 
rodoxy, but  he  entreats  the  emperor  to  forgive 
them  at  his  instance,  should  they  be  willing  to 
abjure  their  errors  and  return  to  the  unity  of 
the  Church.  With  what  success  he  interceded 
for  them  we  are  not  told.  During  the  iconoclastic 
controversy  they  seem  to  have  shared  exile  with 
the  rest  of  the  monks  ejected  from  their  monas- 
teries by  Constantino  Copronymus(Pa^'  ad  Baron, 
▲.D.  798,  n.  2) ;  but  under  the  empress  Irene  the 
Studium,  at  all  events,  was  repeopled  with  its  for- 
mer alumni  by  the  most  celebrated  of  them  all, 
Theodore,  in  whose  surname.  ^  Studites."  it  has 
perhaps  achieved  a  wider  celebrity  than  it  evei 
would  otherwise  have  possessed. 

In  the  West  a  branch  of  the  order  long  held 
the  abbey  of  St.  Maurice  of  Agaune  in  Valais, 
where  they  were  established  by  Sigismund,  king 
of  Burgundy,  and  had  their  institute  confirmed 
by  a  Council  held  there  ▲.D.  523.  For  ftiller  de- 
tails see  Bonanni's  Hist,  du  Clerg,  aec.  et  reg.  vol. 
ii.p.  153  et  aeq.  (Amsterdam,  1716);  Bulteau's 
ffid.  Monad,  d*  Orient,  iii.  33  (Paris,  1680); 
Hospin,  De  Orig,  Monach,  ilL  8;  Du  Fresno, 
Oloia.  Lot,  s.  V. ;  and  Constant.  Christian,  iv.  8 
2 ;  Bingham's  Antiq.  vii.  11,  10.  [£.  S.  F.] 

IST8  CAki^Xov^oi).  One  of  ike  minor  orders 
peculiar  to  the  Western  Church,  although  the 
name  is  Greek.  In  the  Apostolic  age,  the  only 
order  which  existed,  in  addition  to  those  of 
bishops,  priests,  and  deacons,  was  that  of  dea- 
conesses— ^widows  usually  at  first,  who  were  em- 
ployed in  such  ministrations  towards  their  own 
sex  as  were  considered  unsuitable  for  men,  espe- 
dallr  Id  the  East.    But  about  the  end  of  the  2n4 




or  early  in  the  3rd  century,  other  new  officers 
below  the  order  of  the  deaoona  were  introduced, 
And  amongst  them  this  of  Acoiifles,  though  only 
in  the  Latin  Church  as  a  distinct  order.  In  the 
rituals  of  the  Qreek  Church  the  word  occurs  only 
as  another  name  for  the' order  of  sub-deaoon. 

The  institution  of  the  minor  orders  took  its 
origin  in  the  greater  Churches,  such  as  Rome 
and  Carthage,  and  was  owing  partly  to  the  sup- 
posed expediency  of  limiting  the  number  of  dea- 
cons to  seven,  as  first  appointed  by  the  apostles, 
and  partly  to  the  need  which  was  felt  of  assist- 
ance to  the  deacons  in  performing  the  lower  por- 
tions of  their  office ;  of  which  functions,  indeed, 
they  appear  in  many  cases  to  hare  be^  impa- 
tient, regarding  them  as  unworthy  of  their  im- 
portant position  in  the  Church.  Tertullian  is  the 
earliest  writer  by  whom  any  of  the  inferior  orders 
is  mentioned.  He  speaks  of  Readers,  De  Praetcr, 
c.  41.  It  is  in  the  epistles  of  Cyprian  that  the 
fuller  organization  of  these  orders  oomes  before 
OS  (JEpp,  xxixMy  zxzviii^  Ixrr.,  &&).  It  is  also 
stated  by  his  contemporary  ComeUub,  Bishop  of 
Rome,  that  the  Church  of  Rome  at  that  time 
numbered  forty-^iz  presbytei's,  seven  deacons, 
seven  sub-deaoons,  forty-two  acolyths,  and  fifty- 
two  exorcists,  readers,  and  doorkeepers  (Ostiarii). 
None  of  these  inferior  orders,  according  to  St. 
Basil,  were  ordained  with  imposition  of  liands, 
but  they  were  simply  appointed  by  the  bishop 
with  some  appropriate  ceremony,  to  certain  sub> 
ordinate  functions  of  the  ministry  such  as  any 
Christian  layman  might  be  commissioned  by 
episcopal  authority  to  perform.  The  form  of 
ordination  employed  in  the  case  of  Acolytes  is 
thus  prescribed  by  a  canon  of  the  4th  Council  of 
Carthage.  **  When  any  Aoolythist  is  ordained,  the 
bishop  shall  inform  him  how  he  is  to  behave  him- 
self in  his  office ;  and  he  shall  receive  a  candlestick 
with  a  taper  in  it,  from  the  archdeacon,  that  he 
may  understand  that  he  is  appointed  to  light  the 
candles  of  the  church.  He  shall  also  receive  an 
empty  pitcher  to  furnish  wine  for  the  Eucharist 
of  the  blood  of  Christ."  Hence  it  appears  that 
the  Acolyte's  office  at  that  period  consisted  chiefly 
in  two  things,  viz.,  lighting  the  candles  of  the 
church  and  attending  the  officiating  priest  with 
wine  for  the  Eucharist. 

The  Acolyte  of  the  ancient  Western  Church  is 
represented  in  .the  later  Roman  communion  by 
the  Ceroferarius  or  taper-bearer,  whose  office  con- 
•bts  in  walking  before  the  deacons  or  priests  with 
a  lighted  taper  in  his  hand. 

Both  in  the  East  and  West  the  minor  orders  of 
ancient  times  were  afterwards  conferred  as  merely 
introductory  to  the  sacred  orders  of  deacon  and 

Sresbyter,  while  the  duties  which  had  formerly 
elonged  to  them  were  performed  by  laymen.  In 
the  7th  century  the  readers  and  singers  in  the 
Armenian  Church  were  laymen — in  the  8th  cen- 
tury the  readers,  and  in  the  12th  the  ostiarii 
and  exorcists  were  laymen  in  the  Greek  Church. 
Before  the  year  1300  the  four  orders  of  acolyte, 
exorcist,  reader,  and  ostiarius  began  to  be  con* 
ferred  at  the  same  time  in  the  Western  Churches. 
Not  long  afterwards  it  became  customary  to  re- 
lease the  clerks  thus  ordained  (rom  discharging 
the  duties  of  their  orders,  which  were  entrusted 
to  lay  clerks.  The  Councils  of  Cologne  and  Trent 
vainly  endeavoured  to  alter  this  custom ;  and 
•avmen  continue  generallv  to  perform  the  offices 
of'^the  ancient  orders  in  toe  Roman  churches  to 

the  present  day.  In  England  the  same  costom  fani 
prevailed ;  and  the  minor  orders  having  for  khih 
centuries  become  merely  titular,  were  disused  in 
the  Reformation  of  our  Churches. 

Fuller  information  on  the  subject  of  tbe  minor 
orders  may  be  found  in  Field's  Book  of  the 
Churchf  b.  T.  c.  25;  Bingham's  Antiquitie8f  K 
iiL  ;  Thomassin,  Vet,  et  Nov.  Ecol.  pars  I.  lib.  ii 
See  also  Robertson's  History  of  the  Church  and 
Palmer's  Treatise  on  the  Church  of  Christ,  [D-B.] 

AOONnXJS,  of  Rome,  commemorated  July 
25  (Mart,  Hieron,).  [C] 

ACROSTIC.  CA«P«»»^«X^»>  iucpotrrix^ow^ 
aKp6imxoyf  Acrostichis.)  A  composition  in 
which  the  first  letters  of  the  several  lines  form 
the  name  of  a  person  or  thing.  The  invention  is 
attributed  to  Epicharmus. 

We  find  several  applications  of  the  Acroetie 
principle  in  Christian  antiquity. 

1.  The  word  Acrostic  is  applied  to  the  well- 
known  formula  lx06s.    [See  IxeYC.] 

2.  Verses  in  honour  of  the  Saviour  were  fre- 
quently written  in  the  acrostic  form ;  Pope  £)»- 
masus,  for  instance,  has  left  two  acrostics  on  the 
name  Jesus  (^Carm,  iv.  and  v.),  the  former  >f 
which  nms  as  follows : 

"  In  rebns  tantls  Triua  con}iinctlo  mundi 
ErJIgit  humsnum  sensum  laodare  vennste : 
Sola  aalos  nobis,  et  mtuxll  summa  poteataa 
Venlt  peocati  nodom  dlsaolvere  fhictu. 
Summa  sains  cnnctis  nitolt  pw  saecala  terrla." 

The  same  pope,  to  whom  so  many  of  the  in- 
scriptions in  the  Catacombs  are  due,  composed 
an  acrostic  Inscription  in  honour  of  Constantia, 
the  daughter  of  Constantino.  This  was  origin- 
ally placed  in  the  apse  of  the  basilica  of  St. 
Agnes  in  the  Via  Nomentana,  and  may  be  seen  in 
Bosio,  Soma  Sotteranea,  p.  118.  And  inscrip- 
tions of  this  kind  are  frequent.  Lest  the  reader 
should  miss  the  names  indicated,  an  explanation 
of  the  acrostic  principle  is  sometimes  added  to 
the  inscription  itself.  For  instance,  to  the  epi- 
taph  of  Licinia,  Leontia,  Ampelia,  and  Flaria 
(Muratori,  Thesaurus  Novusy  p.  1903,  no.  5)  are 
added  these  verses,  which  give  the  key : 

'*  Nomina  sanctamm,  lector,  d  forte  requtrls^ 
Ex  omnt  versa  fee  Utera  prima  docebiL* 

So  the  epitaph  of  a  Christian  named  AgatnA 
(Marini,  I^telli  Arvali,  p.  828),  ends  with  the 
woi-ds,  "ejus  autem  nomen  capita verfsuum];" 
and  another,  given  by  the  same  authority,  ends 
with  the  words,  **  Is  cujus  per  capita  versorum 
nomen  declaratur."  Fabretti  {Insoript  Aniiq.  iv. 
150)  gives  a  similar  one,  '*  Revcrtere  per  capita 
versorum  et  invenies  pium  nomen."  (?azzera 
(IscrizionedelJPienumte,  p.  91)  gives  the  epitaph 
of  Eusebius  of  Yercelli,  in  which  the  first  letters 
of  the  lines  form  the  words  EVSEBIVS  EPIS* 
COPVS  ET  MARTYR;  and  another  acrosUo 
epitaph  (p.  114),  where  the  initial  letters  form 
the  words  CELSVS  EPISCOPVS  (MarUgny, 
Diet  des  Aniiq.  ChrA.  11> 

We  also  find  acrostic  hynms  in  (Sreek.  Seveisi 
of  the  hymns  of  Cosmas  of  Jerusalem,  are  of 
this  kind ;  the  first,  for  instance  (Gallandi,  Bi- 
bliotheoa  Pat.  xiiL  234),  is  an  acrostic  forming 
the  words,  ! 

XptoT^  pponAtU  J|r  ovtp  Oc^  /i^  j 

3.  Those  poems,  in  which  the  lines  or  stanza*  , 
commence  with  the  letters  of  the  alphabet  takes 


A0T0B8  AND  AGTBE8SEB       15 

a  «4nv  finrm  another  dan  of  acrostioc  Soch 
k  Um  wetl-known  h jnm  of  Sednlins,  **  A  aolii 
«Has  eudlne,**  a  portioa  of  which  is  introduced 
IB  the  Roman  offices  for  the  Nativity  and  the  Cir- 
nmnAm  of  the  Lord ;  and  that  of  Y enantins 
Fertaaatas  {Canu  xtLX  whidi  begins  with  the 
«eids**AfanMatomnesaecnlani."  St.  Augnstine 
fl— posed  an  Abecedarian  Psalm  against  the  Do- 
■stists,  in  imilatioB  of  the  119th,  with  the  oon- 
itsBt  re^NHise,  ^Omnce  qui  gaudetis  de  pace, 
Bsde  Tcnun  jndicate.*' 

4.  A  pecnUar  use  of  the  acrostic  is  fovnd  in 
:k  0ffice4woks  of  the  Greek  Church.  Each 
CbaoB,  or  series  of  Troparia,  has  its  own 
semtiC;  which  is  a  metrical  line  formed  of  the 
iiitkl  letters  of  the  Troparia  which  compose  the 
Gbaoa.  To  take  the  instance  given  bj  £^.  Neale 
(Euiem  Ckmrch^  Introd.  p.  832);  the  acrostic 
ftr  the  Festival  of  SS.  Proclus  and  Hilarins  is, 

SfVfMf  cJAi^roiff  <wi>i>  cif^^pw  fUkof, 

11»  Bcaaing  of  this  is,  that  the  first  Troparion 
9i  the  Canon  begins  with  2,  the  second  with  £, 
sad  90  on.  These  lines  are  generally  Iambic,  as 
ia  the  instance  above;  bat  occasionally  Hex- 
sBMter,  as. 

They  frequently  contain  a  play  on  the  name  of 
the  Saint  of  th«  day,  as  in  the  instance  jost  given, 

kt  St.  Dorothens  of  Tyre.  The  Troparia  are 
wrthaes,  bnt  rarely,  arranged  so  as  to  form 
o  slphabetic  acrostic,  as  on  the  Eve  of  the 
TnasSgnration  (Neale,  u.  s.). 

&.  The  word  ^poarlxuif  in  the  Apostolical 
(Wtttvtions  (iL  57,  §  5)  denotes  the  verses,  or 
portioos  of  a  verse,  which  the  people  were  to 
■Bg  responsively  to  the  chanter  of  the  Psalm, 
*^i  Afl^s  rii  kKpocrtxut.  ^o^a\X^T«."  The 
enstsatly  rspcated  response  of  the  136th  Psalm 
("  For  His  mercy  endnreth  for  ever "),  or  that 
sTtht  «Benedidte  omnia  Opera'  («" Praise  Him, 
•id  aiagnifr  Him  for  ever"),  are  instances  of 
vkst  is  probably  intended  in  this  case.  Compare 
imPHOS,  Pbalmodt  (Bingham's  Antiq,  xiv.  1, 
§W).       '  ^     [C.]' 

ACBOTELBUnO.  [Doxologt  ;  Pbalmodt.] 

ACTIO.  A  word  frequently  used  to  desig- 
asle  the  canon  of  the  mass. 

The  word  "agere,"  as  is  well  known,  bears  in 
daHcsl  writers  the  special  sense  of  performing 
a  aMTififia]  act ;  hence  the  word  "^  Actio  "  is  ap- 
pBed  to  that  which  was  regarded  as  the  essential 
psrtioB  of  the  Encharistic  sacrifice ;  "^  Actio  dici- 
tar  iose  canon,  quia  in  eo  sacramenta  oonficiuntur 
iWaica,"  sap  Waiafrid  Strabo  {De  Sebus  £col, 
c  S2,  p.  950,  Migne).  Whatever  is  included  in 
the  canon  is  said  to  be  "  infra  actionem ;"  hence, 
vbcB  any  words  are  to  be  added  within  the 
cnen  (as  is  the  case  at  certain  great  festivals), 
thcj  bear  in  the  litnrgies  the  title  or  rubric 
"iafra  actionem ;"  and  in  printed  missals  these 
verds  are  frequently  placed  before  the  prayer 
'Cananicantea."  Compare  Cahok.  (Bona, 
*  lU^  LHuryidty  lib.  iL  c  11}  Macri,  Bicr<h 
fawa,  s.  V,  «  AcUo  ".) 

Ueaorins  of  Antan  supposes  this  use  of  the 
«nd  **  actio  "  t«  be  derived  from  legal  termino- 

logy. **  If  issa  quoddam  judidum  imitatur ;  unde 
et  canon  Actio  vocatur  "  (lib.  i.,  c.  8) ;  and  ^  Canon 
.  .  .  etiam  Actio  didtnr,  quia  causa  povuli  in  eo 
cum  Deo  agitur"  (c.  103).  (In  be  Cange's 
Olosaary,  s.  v.  '*  Actio.")  But  this  derivation, 
though  adopted  by  several  mediaeval  writers, 
does  not  appear  probable.  [C] 

fluence  of  Christianity  on  social  life  was  seen, 
as  in  other  things,  so  specially  in  the  horror 
with  which  the  members  of  the  Christian  Church 
looked  on  the  classes  of  men  and  women  whose 
occupations  identified  them  with  evil.  Among 
these  were  Actors  and  Actresses,  It  must  be  re- 
membered that  they  found  the  drama  tainted  by 
the  depravity  which  infected  all  heathen  sodety, 
and  exhibiting  it  in  its  worst  forms.  Even  Au- 
gustus sat  as  a  spectator  of  the  ''scenica  adulteria  " 
of  the  '*mimi,"  whose  performances  were  tha 
favourite  amusement  of  Roman  nobles  and  people 
(Ovid,  IHst.  ii.  497-520).  The  tragedies  of 
Aeschylus  or  Sophocles,  or  Seneca,*  the  comedies 
even  of  Menander  and  Terence  could  not  compete 
with  plays  whose  subject  was  always  the  ^  vetiti 
crimen  amoris,"  represented  in  all  its  baseness 
and  foulness  (/6ttf.).  What  Ovid  wrote  of  <<ob- 
scaena"  and  *'turpia"  was  there  acted.  The 
stories  of  Hars  and  Venus,  the  loves  of  Jupiter 
with  Danae,  Leda,  and  Ganymede,  were  exhibited 
in  detail  (Cyprian,  De  Greet,  Dei,  c.  8).  Men's 
minds  were  corrupted  by  the  very  sight.  They 
learnt  to  imitate  their  gods.  The  actors  became, 
in  the  worst  sense  of  the  word,  efieminate,  taught 
''gestus  turpes  et  moUes  et  muliebros  exprimere" 
(^rprian,  Ep,  2,  ed.  Gersdorf.  61,  ed.  Rigalt). 
The  theatre  was  the  ''sacrarium  Veneris,"  the 
<(  oonsistorium  impudidtiae  "  (/Mi.  c  17).  Men 
sent  their  sons  and  daughters  to  learn  adultery 
(Tatian.  Orat.  adv.  Qraec,  c  22;  Tertull.  De 
Sped,  c  10).  The  debasement  which  followed 
on  such  an  occupation  had  been  recognized 
even  by  Roman  law.  The  more  active  cen- 
sors had  pulled  down  theatres  whenever  they 
could,  and  Pompeius,  when  he  built  one,  placed 
a  Temple  of  Venus  over  it  in  order  to  guard 
against  a  like  destruction  (/6tcf.  c.  10).  The 
Greeks,  in  their  admiration  of  artistic  culture, 
had  honoured  their  actors.  The  Romans  looked 
on  them,  even  while  they  patronised  them,  with 
a  consdousness  of  their  degradation.  They  were 
excluded  from  all  dvil  honours,  their  names  were 
struck  out  of  the  register  of  their  tribes ;  they 
lost  by  the  ^  minutio  capitis"  their  privileges  as 
dtizens  {Ibid,  c  22 ;  Augustin.  De  Civ.  Deiy  ii. 
14).  Trajan  banished  them  altogether  from 
Rome  as  utterly  demoralized. 

It  cannot  be  wondered  at  that  Christian  writers 
should  almost  from  the  first  enter  their  pro- 
test against  a  life  so  debased.^  They  saw 
in  it  part  of  the  "pompae  diaboli,"  which 
they  were   called    on   to    renounco.      Tertul- 

■■       ■        I     ■ 

•  Angoitine^  who  hi  his  yoath  had  deUi^led  In  ihs 
higher  forms  of  the  drama  (Obii/m.  ill  a),  draws,  after 
his  oonversioD,  a  distlDctioD  between  these  ("acenioonun 
tolerabiltora  lodoram  ")  and  the  obeoenity  of  the  mimes 
(^De  Civ.  Detail  8). 

^  No  spedfio  referenoe  to  ttde  Ibnn  of  evil  is  found.  It 
Is  troe,  In  the  N.  T.  The  case  had  not  yet  presented 
ttseU  It  woDid  have  seemed  as  fanposslbleibr  a  Christian 
to  lake  put  ia  it  as  «o>iln  hi  adnal  Idolatiy. 




lian  wrote  the  treatise  already  quoted  specially 
against  it  and  its  kindred  evils  of  the  circus  and 
the  amphitheatre,  and  dwells  on  the  inconsis- 
tency 'of  uttering  from  the  same  lips  the  amen 
of  Christian  worship,  and  the  praises  of  the 
gladiator  or  the  mime.    The  actor  seeks,  against 
the  words  of  Christ,  to  add  a  cnhit  to  his  stature 
by  the  use  of  the  Cothumtts,     He  breaks  the 
Diyine  law  which   forbids  a  man  to  wear  a 
woman's    dress  (Deut.  xziL    5).     Clement  of 
Alexandria    reckons   them   among   the   things 
which  the  Divine  Instructor  forbids  to  all  His 
followers  {Paedagog,  ill.  c  77,  p.  298).    In  course 
of  time  the  question  naturally  presented  itself, 
whether  an  actor  who  had  become  a  Christian 
might  continue  in  his  calling,  and  the  Christian 
conscience  returned  an  answer  in  the  negative, 
the  case  which  Cyprian  deals  with  {Ep»  2,  ut 
supra)  implies  that  on  that  point  there  could  be 
no  doubt  whatever,  and  he  extends  the  prohibition 
to  the  art  of  teaching  actors.    It  would  be  better 
to  maintain  such  a  man  out  of  the  funds  of  the 
Church  than  to  allow  him  to  continue  in  such  a 
calling.  The  more  formal  acts  of  the  Church  spoke 
in  the  same  tone.  The  Council  of  Iliiberis  (c  62) 
required  a  *' pantomimus "  to  renounce  his  art 
before  he  was  admitted  to  baptism.    If  he  re- 
turned to  it,   he   was  to  be  excommunicated. 
The  Srd  Council  of  Carthage  (c.  35)  seems  to 
be  moderating  the  more  extreme  rigour  of  some 
teachers,  ijrhen  it  orders  that  ^  gratia  vel  recon- 
ciliation is  not  to  be  denied  to  them  any  more 
than  to  penitent  apostates.     The  Codex  Eccles. 
A/ric,  (c.  63)  forbids  any  one  who  had  been  con- 
verted, "  ex  qualibet  ludicr&  arte,"  to  be  tempted 
or  coerced  to  resume  his  occupation.    The  Coun- 
cil in  Trullo  (c.  51)  forbids  both  mimes  and  their 
theatres,  and  r&f  M  incny&v  hpx^v^th  under 
pain  of  deposition  for  clerical,  and  excommuni- 
cation for  lay,  offenders.      With  one  consent  the 
moral  sense  of  the  new  society  condemned  what 
seemed  so  incurably  evil.     When  Christianity 
had  become  the  religion  of  the  Empire,  it  was 
of  course,  more  difficult  to  maintain  the  high 
standard  which  these  rules  implied,  and  Chryso- 
Rtom  (^ffom,  vi.  in  Matt.,  Horn.  xv.  ad  Pop.  Antioch, 
Uvnu  X.  in  Coloss.  ii.  p.  403,  i.  38,  731,  780), 
complains  that  theatrical  entertainments  pre- 
vailed among  the  Christians  of  his  time  with  no 
abatement  of  their  evils.      At  Rome  they  were 
celebrated  on  the  entrance  of  a  consul  upon  his 
office  (aaudian  in   Cons.  MaU.  313).     On  the 
triumph  of  the  Emperors  Theodosius  and  Arcadius 
the  theatre  of  Pompeius  was  opened  for  perfor- 
mances by  actors  from  all  parts  of  the  Empire 
(Symmachus,  Epp.  x.  2,  29).    With  a  strange 
inversion  of  the  old  relations  between  the  old  and 
the  new  societies,  the  heathen  Zosimus  reproaches 
the  Christian  Emperor  Constantine  with  having 
patronised  the  mimes  and  their  obscenity.    The 
pantomimes  or  ballets  in  which  the  mythology 
of  Greece  furnished  the  subject-matter  (Medea 
and  Jason,  Perseus  and  Andromeda,  the  loves  of 
Jupiter),  were  still  kept  up.      Women  as  well 
as  men  performed  in  them  (Chrysost.,  Horn.  vi. 
m  Thess.),  and  at  Rome  the  number  of  actresses 
was  reckoned  at  3000.     The  old  infamy  adhered 
to  the  whole  class  under  Christian  legislation. 
They  might  not  appear  in  the  forum  or  basilica, 
or  use  the  public  baths.    And  yet,  with  a  strange 
inconsistency,  the  civil  power  kept  them  in  their 
degradation  rather  than  deprive  the  population 

of  the  great  cities  of  the  empire  of  the 
ments  to  whidi  they  were  so  addicted.  H 
the  Church  sought  to  rescue  them,  admitting 
them  to  baptism,  and  after  baptism  claiming 
immunity  from  their  degrading  occupation,  it 
stepped  in  to  prevent  any  such  conversion,  ex- 
cept in  extremis  (Cod.  Theodos.,  De  Scenic^  xy.). 
Compare  Milman's  History  of  Christianity^  hook 
iv.  c  2 ;  Chastel,  p.  211.  Perhaps  the  fxdlest 
collection  of  every  passage  in  Christian  antiquity 
bearing  on  the  subject  is  to  be  found  in  Piynse^ 
Histrimastix.  [T.] 

ACUTUS,  martyr  at  Naples,  commemorated 
Sept.  19  {Martyrol.  Rom.  Vet.).  [C] 

ACUS  (accubiwn,  or  ocu&tum,  adcuUij  spina, 
spifwia).  Pins  made  of  precious  metal,  and^  in 
later  mediaeval  times,  enriched  with  jewels,  for 
attaching  the  archiepiscopal  (or  papal)  p&llium 
to  the  vestment  over  which  it  was  worn,  t.  e,  the 
planeta  or  casula  (the  chasuble).  The  earlier 
mention  of  these  known  to  the  present  writer  Is 
in  the  description  given  by  Joannes  Diaconus  of 
the  pallium  of  St.  Gregory  the  Great.  Writing 
himself  in  the  9th  century,  he  notes  it  as  a  point 
of  contrast  between  the  pallium  worn  by  St.  Gre- 
gory and  that  customary  in  his  own  time,  that 
it  was  nvUis  acubus  perforatum.  Their  first 
use,  therefore,  must  probably  date  between  the 
close  of  the  6th  and  the  beginning  of  the  9tb 
century.  For  details  concerning  these  ornaments 
at  later  times,  see  Bock  (fiesch.  der  liturg.  Ge- 
icdndeTf  ii.  191).  Innocent  III.  (/>«  Sacro 
Altaris  MysteriOf  lib.  i.  cap.  63)  assigns  to  these 
pins,  as  to  every  other  part  of  the  sacerdotal 
dress,  a  certain  mystical  significance.  **Tra 
acus  quae  pallio  infiguntur,  ante  pectus,  super 
humerum,  et  post  tergum,  designant  compas- 
sionem  proximi,  administrationem  officii,  destri<^- 
tionemque  judicii."  [W.  B.  M.] 

ADAM  AND  EYE  are  commemorated  in 
the  Ethiopic  Calendar  on  the  6th  day  of  the 
month  Miaziah,  equivalent  to  April  1.  The 
Armenian  Church  commemorates  Adam  with 
Abel  on  July  25.  (Neale,  Eastern  Church,  Introd., 
pp.  800,  812.)    ,  [C] 

ADATJOTUS  or  AUD  ACTUS.  (1)  Martyr 
at  Rome,  commemorated  Aug.  30  (Martyroi 
Rom.  Vet.,  Hieron.).  Proper  collects  in  Gre- 
gorian Saoramentary  (p.  127),  and  Antiphon  in 
Lib,  Antiph.  p.  709. 

(2)  Commemorated  Oct.  4  (M.  Hieron.).  [C] 

ADDERBOURN,  Council  near  the  (Ad- 

DERBURNENSE    CONCILIUM),    A.D.    705;    OU  the 

River  Nodder,  or  Adderbonrn,  in  Wiltshire;  of 
English  bishops  and  abbats,  where  a  grant  o( 
free  election  of  their  abbat,  after  Aldhelm's 
death,  made  by  Bishop  Aldhelm  to  the  abbejs 
of  Malmesbury,  Frome,  and  Bradford,  was  con- 
firmed  (W.  Malm.,  De  Oest.  Font.  v.  pars  iii.,  f> 
1645,  Migne ;  WUk.  i.  68).  [A  W.  H.] 

ADJT7T0R,  in  Africa,  commemorated  Dec. 
17  {MaH.  Hteron.).  [C] 

ADMONITION.    [Monition.] 

ADRIANtJS.  (1)  Martyred  by  Galenas  is 
Nicomedia,  commemorated  Sept.  8  (^MartyroL 
Horn.  Vet.,  Hieron.  Bedae);  Aug.  26  {Cd 
Byzant.) ;  Nov.  6  (M.  Hieron.). 

(2)  Martyr,,  Natale  March  4  (Mart  Bedae) 


(S>  Jdj  26  (Jr.  merwi), 
(4)  Aogiut  8  (fial.  Armen.). 




ADULTEBY.— We  shall  attempt  to  give  a 
gtaeni  aooonnt  of  laws  and  customs  relating  to 
tkis  topic,  duelling  more  fully  upon  such  as 
doddste  the  spirit  of  their  several  periods,  and 
•pon  the  principles  involved  in  disputable  poinU. 
Ow  outline  br^ks  naturally  into  the  three  fol- 
lowing divirions : — 

1.  Afiteoedents  of  Christian  jurisprudence  in 

Church  and  State  on  adultery. 

2.  Kature  and  classification  of  the  crime. 

3.  Penalties  imposed  upon  it. 

Oar  quotations  from  Eastern  canonists  when 
esBipsred  with  civilians  are  made  from  the  older 
Latin  versions;  oit  occasion  the  Greek  phrases 
are  added.  Iii  imperial  laws  the  Latin  is  com- 
moaly  the  most  authentic  These  are  numbered, 
fint  the  Book  of  Codez,  next  Title,  then  Law ; 
bit  ia  the  Digest,  where  it  is  usual  to  subdivide, 
the  title  is  distinguished  by  a  Roman  numeral. 

L  Aidecedents  of  Christian  Jurisprudence  in 
OmtcK  and  State  on  Adultery, — Respecting  the 
penns  of  future  differences  as  regards  this  and 
eoanected  subjects  traceable  in  the  Apostolic 
times,  Xeander  has  some  useful  observations 
{Pkutting  of  the  Christian  Church,  Bohn*s  ed.  L 
246-9  and  257, 261).  Many  circumstances,  how- 
erer,  kept  down  these  tendencies  to  opposition. 
la  an  age  of  newly  awakened  faith,  and  under 
the  pressure  of  persecution,  liring  motive  took 
tke  place  of  outward  law.  The  revulsion  from 
heatheD  sins  was  strong,  and  filled  the  souls  of 
coQTcrts  with  abhorrence,  while  the  tender  sym- 
pitbj  of  their  teadiers  urged  men  to  control 
themselres,  succour  the  tempted,  and  pity  the 
fikllen.  "I  am  overwhelmed  with  sadness," 
vrites  Polycarp  to  the  Philippians  (cap.  xi.), 
**(Ni  account  of  Valens  who  was  made  presbyter 
saongst  yon,  because  he  thus  knows  not  the 
place  which  was  given  him."  This  man  had 
fiUkn  into  adultery  (see  Jacobson  in  loco).  *^l 
grieve  exceedingly  both  for  him  and  for  his 
wife,  tQ  whom  may  the  Lord  grant  true  repent* 
aaoc.  Bt  ye  therefore  also  sober-minded  in  this 
matter,  and  count  not  such  persons  as  your  ene- 
mies; bat  as  suffering  and  wayward  members 
call  them  back,  that  you  may  save  the  one  Body 
<d  voa  alL  For  so  doing  ye  shall  establish  your 
own  selves." 

Clement  of  Rome,  unlike  Polycarp,  had  no 
tftoMl  example  to  deal  with ;  his  warnings  are 
therefore  general.  In  JEp.  i.  30  and  cap.  6  of 
the  2nd  Ep^  attributed  to  him,  adultery  is  stig- 
nutixed  among  the  foulest  and  most  heinous 
flu.  His  exhortations  and  promises  of  forgive- 
oeis  (L  7,  8,  9,  50)  are  likewise  general,  but 
their  tenour  leaves  no  doubt  that  he  intended  to 
mvite  all  such  sinners  to  repentance.  The  same 
declarations  of  remission  to  all  penitents  and 
the  loosing  of  every  bond  by  the  grace  of  Christ, 
occur  in  Ignat.  £p.  ad  Philadelph,  8 ;  and  are 
fcKud  in  the  shorter  as  well  as  the  longer  reccn- 
sioii  (gee  Cureton,  Corp.  Ignat.  p.  97).  In  these 
addr^ses  we  seem  to  catch  the  lingering  tones 
*4  the  Apoatolic  age ;  and  all  of  like  meaning 
and  early  date  should  be  noted  as  valuable  testi- 
Konies.  De  I'Aubespine  (Bingham,  xvi.  11,  2) 
a&wrted  that  adulterers  were  never  taken  back 
into  communion  before  the  time  of  Cyprian,  and, 
thoQ{(h  Bishop  Pearson  refutes  this  opinion,  he 

CBlVr.  AHT. 

allows  that  respecting  them,  together  with  mnr* 
derers  and  idolaters,  there  was  much  dispute  m 
the  early  Church.  Beveridge  also  {Cod,  Can, 
vii.  2)  believes  that  its  severity  was  so  great  as 
to  grant  no  such  sinners  reconciliation  except 
upon  the  very  hardest  terms. 

Of  this  severe  treatment,  as  well  as  the  differ- 
ence of  opinion  alluded  to  by  Pearson,  we  see 
various  traces;  yet  the  prevailing  inclination 
was  to  hold  out  before  the  eyes  of  men  a  hope 
mingled  with  fear.    Hermas  (^Pastor  Mandat.  4, 1 
and  3)  concedes  one,  and  but  one,  repentance  to 
those  who  are  unchaste  after  baptism ;  for  which 
mildness  and  a  reluctant  allowance  of  second 
nuptials,  TertuUian  (De  Pudicit.  10)  styles  this 
book  an  Adulterers'  Friend.    Dionysius  of  Co- 
rinth, writing  to  the  churches  of  Pontus  on 
marriage  and  continency,  counsels  the  reception 
of  all  who  repent  their  transgressions,  whatever 
their  nature  mav  be  (Euseb.  iv.  23).    Thus  also 
Zephyrinus   of  liome  announced,  according   to 
TertuUian,   '^ego  et  moechiae  et  fornicationis 
delicta,  poenitentia  functis  dimitto ;"  and  though 
quoted  in  a  spirit  of  hostility  and  satire,  this 
sentence,   which  forms  a  chief  reason  for  the 
treatise  {De  Pudicit.),  probably  contains  in  sub- 
stance an  authentic  penitential  rule.   Of  Tertul- 
lian's  own  opinion,  since  he  was  at  this  time  a 
Montanist,  it  is  needless  to  say  more  than  that, 
differing  from  his  former  views,  not  far  removed 
from  those  maintained  by  Hermas  (cf.  De  Peni' 
tent.  7-10),  he  now  held  adultery  to  be  one  of 
those  sins  not  only  excluding  for  ever  from  the 
company  of  believers,  but  also  (cap.  19)  abso- 
lutely without  hope  through  our  Lord's  inter- 
cession.   Exclusion  from  the  faithful  was,  how- 
ever,  insisted    upon    in    such    cases    by  some 
Catholic  bishops.    Cyprian  (ad  Antonian.),  while 
himself  on  the  side  of  mercy,  tells  us  how  cer- 
tain bishops  of  his  province  had,  in  the  time  of 
his  predecessors,  shut  the  door  of  the  Church 
against  adulterers,  and  denied  them  penitence 
altogether.  Others  acted  on  the  opposite  system ; 
yet  we  are  assured  that  peace  remained  un- 
broken—  a   surprising  circumstance,  certainly, 
considering  the  wealth  and  intelligence  of  that 
province,  and  the  importance  of  such  decisions 
to  a  luxurious  population.    Cypnan  hints  at  no 
lay   difficulties,  and    simply    says    that  every 
bishop  is  the  disposer  and  director  of  his  own 
act,  and  must  render  an  account  to  God  (cf.  also 
Cypr.  De   Unitate,  several  Epistles^  and   Cone. 
Carthag.  Prohquium).    Hence  the  determination 
of  one  bishop  had  no  necessary  force   in  the 
diocese  of  another.    So,  too,  the  acts  of  a  local 
council  took  effect  only  within  its  own  locality, 
unless  they  were  accepted  elsewhere.     But  the 
correspondence    of   bishops    and    churches    set 
bounds  to  the  difficulties  which  might  otherwise 
have  arisen,  and  prepared  the  way  for  General 
Councils — see,  for  instance,  the  fragment  (Euseb. 
▼.  25)  of  the  early  Synod  at  Caesarea  in  Pales- 
tine— ^its  object  being  the  difiWion  of  the  Syno- 
dical    Epistle.      United  action  was  also  much 
furthered  by  the  kind   of   compilation  called 
Codex  Oinonum,  but  the  first  of  these  (now 
lost)  was  formed  towards  the  end  of  the  4th 
century.   See  Dion.  JSxig.  ap.  Justell.  1. 101,  and 
Bevereg.,  Pand,  Can.  Proleg.  vii. 

The  passages  already  cited  show  the  strength  of 

Christian  recoil  from  heathen  sensuality.    In  his 

I  instructive  reply  to  Celsus  (iii.  51)  Origen  com* 




pans  the  attitade  of  the'  Church  towards  back- 
sliders, especially  towards  the  incontinent,  with 
that  feeling  which  prompted  the  Pythagoreans  to 
erect  a  cenotaph  for  each  disciple  who  left  their 
school.  They  esteemed  him  dead,  and,  in  pre- 
cisely the  same  way.  Christians  bewail  as  lost  to 
God,  and  already  dead,  those  who  are  overcome 
with  unclean  desire  or  the  like.  Should  sudi 
regain  their  senses,  the  Church  receives  them  at 
length,  as  men  alive  from  death,  but  to  a  longer 
probation  than  the  one  converts  underwent  at 
first,  and  as  no  more  capable  of  honour  and 
dignity  amongst  their  fellows.  Yet  Origen  goes 
on  to  state  (59'64)  the  remedial  power  of  Chris- 
tianity. Taken  together  these  sections  paint  a 
lively  picture  of  the  treatment  of  gross  trans- 
gressors within  and  without  the  Christian  fold. 
On  the  passage  in  his  De  Oratione,  which  sounds 
like  an  echo  of  Tertullian,  see  foot-note  in  Dela- 
rue's  ed.,  vol.  i.  256. 

Christians  might  well  shrink  from  what  they 
saw  around  them.  Ldoentious  impurities,  count- 
less in  number  and  in  kind,  were  the  burning 
reproaches,  the  pollution,  and  the  curse  of 
heathendom.  It  is  impossible  to  quote  much  on 
these  topics,  but  a  carefully  drawn  sketch  of 
them  will  be  found  in  two  short  essays  by  Pro- 
fessor Jowett  appended  to  the  first  chapter  of 
his  Commentary  on  the  Romans.  They  demon- 
strate how  utterly  unfounded  is  the  vulgar 
notion  that  Councils  and  Fathers  meddled  un- 
necesNarily  with  gross  and  disgusting  offences. 
With  these  essays  may  be  compart  Martial 
and  the  Satirists,  or  a  single  writer  such  as 
Seneca — unus  instar  omnium — e.g.  ^'Hinc  de- 
centissimum  sponsaliorum  genus,  adulterium," 
&C.,  i.  9 ;  or  again,  lii.  16,  "  Nunquid  jam  ulla 
repudio  erubescit  postquam  illustres  quaedam 
ac  nobiles  foeminae,  non  consulum  numero, 
sed  maritonim,  annos  suos  computant?  et 
exeunt  matrimonii  causa,  nubunt  repudii  ?  .  .  . 
Nunquid  jam  uUus  adulterii  pudor  est,  postquam 
eo  ventum  est,  ut  nulla  virum  habeat,  nisi  ut 
adulterum  irritet?  Argumentum  est  deformi- 
tatis,  pudicitia.  Quam  invenies  tam  miseram, 
tam  sordidam,  ut  illi  satis  sit  unum  adulterorum 
par?"  &c.  In  Valerius  Maximus  we  hear  a 
sigh  for  departed  morals — in  Christian  writers, 
from  the  Apologists  to  Salvian,  a  recital  of  the 
truth,  always  reproachful,  and  sometimes  half 
triumphant.  Moreover,  as  usual,  sin  became  the 
punishment  of  sin — Justin  Martyr,  in  his  first 
Apology  (c.  27  seq.),  points  out  the  horrible  con- 
sequences which  ensued  from  a  heathen  prac- 
tice following  upon  the  licence  just  mentioned. 
The  custom  of  exposing  new-bom  babes  pervaded 
all  ranks  of  society,  and  was  authorized  even  by 
the  philosophers.  Almost  all  those  exposed,  says 
Justin,  both  boys  and  girls,  were  taken,  rc»u^, 
and  fed  like  brute  beasts  for  the  vilest  purposes 
of  sensuality ;  so  that  a  man  might  commit  the 
grossest  crime  unawares  with  one  of  his  own 
children,  and  from  these  wretched  beings  the 
State  derived  a  shameful  impost.  Compare  Ter- 
tull.  Apohget.  9,  sub  fin.  Happy  in  comparison 
those  infants  who  underwent  the  prae  or  post 
natal  fate,  described  by  Minucius  Felix  c.  30.  To 
Lactantius  (we  may  rentark)  are  attributed  the 
laws  of  Constantine  intended  to  mitigate  the 
allied  evils  of  that  later  age,  cf.  Milman  {Hist, 
ChritA.  ii.  394).  <<We,''  continues  Justin  (c 
29)^  *'  expose  not  our  offspring,  lest  one  of  them 


should  perish  and  we  be  murderers;  nay,  the 
bringing  up  of  children  is  the  very  object  of  ou 
marriages.'  There  are  passages  to  the  saioi 
effect  in  the  Ep.  ad  Diognet.  c  5,  and  Athenag. 
LegcA.  pro  Christian,  (c.  33  al.  28),  and  thus 
these  early  apologists  adduce  a  principle  laid 
down  amongst  the  ends  of  matrimony  in  the 
Anglican  marriage  -  service.  They  no  doubt 
utter  the  thought  of  their  fellow  Christians 
in  opposing  to  the  licence  of  the  age  the  purest 
parental  instincts,  and  these  are  perhaps  in 
every  age  the  most  stringent  restraints  upon 

The  standard  of  contemporary  Jewish  practice 
may  be  divined  from  the  Dial,  cum  TrtffAon, 
cc.  134  and  141.  The  Rabbis  taught  the  law- 
fulness of  marrying  four  or  five  wives, — ^if  any 
man  were  moved  by  the  sight  of  beauty  Jaoob^ 
example  excused  him, — if  he  sinned,  the  prece- 
dent of  David  assured  his  forgiveness. 

Surrounding  evils  naturally  deepened  the  im- 
pression upon  Christians  that  they  were  stran- 
gers and  pilgrims  in  the  world,  that  their  aim 
must  be  to  keep  themselves  from  being  partakers 
in  other  men's  sins ;  to  suffer  not  as  evil  doers, 
but  as  Christians,  and  to  use  the  Roman  law  ss 
St.  Paul  used  it,  for  an  appeal  on  occasion — a 
possible  protection,  but  not  a  social  rule.   Hence 
the  danger  was  Quietism ;  and  they  were  in  fact 
accused  of  forsaking  the  duties  of  citizens  and 
soldiers — accusations  which  the  Apologists,  par- 
ticularly   Tertullian    and     Origen,    answered, 
though    with    many    reserves.      The    faithful 
thought  that  their  prayers  and  examples  were 
the  best  of  services ;  they  shunned  sitting  in 
judgment  on  cases  involving  life  and  death,  im- 
prisonment or  torture,  and  (what  is  more  to  our 
purpose)  questions  de  pudore.    On  the  admission 
of  Christians  to  magistracy  as  early  as  the  An- 
tonines,  cf.  Dig.  50,  tit.  2,  s.  3,  sub  fin.,  with  Gotho- 
fred's  notes.    Traces  of  their  aversion  from  such 
business  appear  in  some  few  Councils ;  e,  g.  Elib. 
56,   excludes  Duumvirs   from    public    worship 
during  their  year  of  office.    Tarracon.  4,  forbids 
bishops  to  decide  criminal  causes — a  rule  which 
has  left  its  mark  on  modem  legislation.     Natu- 
rally resulting   from    these  infiuences,   was   s 
higher  and  diffVised   tone  of  purity.    Obeying 
human  laws,  believers  transcended  them,  Ep,  ad 
Diognet.  5,  and  compare  Just.  Apoi,  I.  17,  seq. 
with    15.     He  8])enks   emphntically  of  the  in- 
numerable multitude  who  turned  f^om  license 
to  Christina  self-control.    The  causeless  divorce 
allowed  by  law  led  to  what  Christ  forbade  as 
digamy  and  adultery,  while  the  latter  sin  was 
by  Him  extended  to  the  eye  and  the  heart.    In 
like  manner,  Athenagoras  (Leg.  pro  Christ.  2) 
asserts  that  it  was  impossible  to  find  a  Christian 
who  had  been  criminally  convicted — and  that  do 
Christian  is  an  evil-doer  except  he  be  a  hypocrit* 
— 32,  33,  al.  27,  28,  that  impurity  of  heart  is 
essentially  adultery,  and  that  even  a  slightly 
unchaste  thought  may  exclude  from  everlasting 
life.     He  says,  as  Justin,  that  numbers  in  the 
Church  were  altogether  continent ;  numbers,  too, 
lived  according  to  the  strictest  marriage  mle. 
Athenagoras  goes  so  far  (33  al.  28)  as  to  pro- 
nounce against  all  second  marriages,  because  he 
who  deprives  himself  of  even  a  deceased  wife  br 
taking  another  is  an  adulterer.     Clement  of 
Alexandria  (Paedag,  ii.  6)   quaintly  ohserres 
that  '*  Non  Moechaberis  "  it  cut  up  by  the  roots 


tkiwgii  "bob  ooBcnpiioes,**  and  in  the  same 
fpiiH  fiMMiwniUmii  (Ingtmct.  48)  writes 
i  BMc^fidl  vM  man  eat  Vrngb  Tltate : 
wmA  UutftiM,  que  finni  atne  BaDgnlne  fino^ 

OiBpm  other  passages  on  adultery  of  the 
iMvt,  Lsctaat.  IndH.  ri.  23,  and  Epit.  8 ;  Greg. 
SiBiBs^  Earn.  37  aL  31 ;  and  later  on^  Photius, 
J^  13i^--a  remarkable  composition. 

Aaothcr  aalefnard  from  lioentiousness    was 

Ikck^Taloationnow  set  npon  the  true  dignitj 

•f  vonsB  not  only  as  the  help-meet  of  man  but 

m  t  partaker  in  the  Divine  Image,  sharing  the 

UK  kope,  and  a  fit  partner  of  that  moral 

BBMt  in  which  our  Lord  placed  the  intention 

lai  eaeaoe  of  the  married  state.    Clement  of 

Umadria  draws  a  picture  of  the  Christian 

wHi  lod  mother  {Paedag.  iiL  11,  p.  250  Sylb. 

aai  Pottar^s  Gr.  marg.);   of  the  husband  and 

frtkr,  (Sbvm.  tii.  p.  741).     Tertullian  before 

bin,  ia  the  last  cap.  ad  Uxorem  describes  a  truly 

(Jbrirtisn  marriage — the  oneness  of  hope,  prayer, 

pnctice,  and  pious  service ;  no  need  of  conceal- 

BNt,  mutual  avoidanoe,  nor  mutual  vexation ; 

dknst  banished,  a  freebom  confidence,  sym- 

pitky,  and  comfort  in  each  other,  presiding  over 

etefy  part  of  their  public  and  private  existence. 

This  languaee   derives    additional    strength 

btm  Tertullian  s -treatment  of  mixed  marriages. 

TImm  eontncted  before  oonversion  fall  under  1 

Cat.  TIL  10-17  (ef.  ad  Uxor.  ii.  2),  yet  their 

eoanqacDees  were  most  mischievous.    He  tells 

m{ad8eapfikan  3)  how  Claudius  Herminianus, 

vWr  wife  became  a  convert,  revenged  himself 

bf  kxbarous  usage  of  the  Cappadocian  Chris- 

tnas.   A  mixed  marriage  after  oonversion  is  a 

raj  gmt  sin,  forbidden  by  1  Cor.  vii.  39  and  2 

Cv.  ri.  14-16,  and  Tertullian  ad  Uxor.  ii.  3 

watifmni  these  who  contract  it  as  "  stupri  reos  " 

—  tnaagresBors    of   the    7th    Commandment. 

Addreaing  his  own  wife,  he  proceeds  to  describe 

iU  Krioos  evils  to  a  woman.    When  she  wishes 

to  attend  worship  her  husband  makes  an  appoint- 

■MBt  for  the  baths.     Instead  of  hymns  she  hears 

Magi,  sad  his  songs  are  from  the  theatre,  the 

tsfera,  and  the   night  cellar.    Her  fasts  are 

kiadcnd  by  his  feasta.     He  is  sure  to  object 

•fsiiBt  nocturnal  services,  prison  visita,  the  kiss 

«f  pesee^  sad  other  customs.     She  will  have  a 

^ifieslty  ia  persuading  him  that  such  private 

ohKimeee  as  crossing  and  exsufflation,  are  not 

nagiesl  rites.     To  these  and  other  remarks, 

Totalliaa  adds   the  sensible  arguments,  that 

aoM  but   the    worst    heathens   would  marry 

(Vistisa  women,  and  how  then  could  believing 

wins  feel  secure  in  such  hands?    Their  hus- 

kaads  kept  the  secret  of  their  religion   as  a 

■KSBS  of  enforcing  subjection ;  or,  if  dissatisfied, 

■aned  it  for  the  day  of  persecution  and  legal- 

ind  murder.    Their  own  motives  were  of  the 

hawr  kind — ^they  married  for  a  handsome  litter, 

■alei,  and  tall  attendants  from  some  foreign 

eoeatry ; — luxuria  which  a  fiuthful  man,  even 

if  wealthy,  might   not  think  proper  to  allow 

tkca.    This  being  the  early  experience  of  the 

Hkarch,  we  are  not  surprued   to  find  mixed 

■srriagtf  forbidden  in  after  times  suh  poena 



We  cannot  here  pass  over  a  history  told  by 
Ja^  Martyr  in  his  ApoL  ii.  2,  and  repeated 
hjr  Eosebtns  iv.  17,  respecting  which  the  learned 
Bofkam  haa  been  led  into  a  remarkable  mis- 

take, copied  and  added  to  by  Whiston  in  a  note 
on  Antiq.  xv.  7,  10.  A  woman  married  to  a 
very  wicked  husband,  herself  as  drunken  and 
dissolute  as  the  man,  became  a  convert  to  the 
faith.  Thoroughly  reformed,  she  tried  to  per- 
suade him  by  the  precepts  of  the  Gospel  and 
the  terrors  of  eternal  fire.  Failing  in  her  at- 
tempts, and  revolted  by  the  loathsome  and  un- 
natural compulsion  to  which  her  husband  sub- 
jected her,  she  thought  repudiation  would  be 
preferable  to  a  life  of  impious  compliances.  Her 
friends  prevailed  upon  her  to  wait  and  hope  for 
the  best,  but  a  journey  to  Alexandria  made  her 
husband  worse  than  before,  and,  driven  to  des- 
pair, she  sent  him  a  divorce.  Immediately  he 
informed  against  her  as  a  Christian ;  a  blow 
which  she  parried  by  presenting  a  petition  for 
delay  to  the  Emperor  Marcus  Aurelius,  who 
granted  her  request.  Upon  this  her  husband, 
thirsting  for  revenge,  accused  her  teacher  in 
religious  truth,  and  had  the  satisfaction  of  seeing 
three  lives  sacrificed  in  succession  to  his  ven- 

Bingham  (zvi.  11,  6)  cites  the  narrative  as  an 
instance  of  a  wife's  being  allowed  by  the  Church 
to  divorce  a  husband  on  the  ground  of  adultery. 
But  the  valuable  writer,  led  perhaps  by  Gotho- 
fred  {Cod.  Theod.  vol.  i.  p.  812)  has  here  erred  in 
a  matter  of  fact,  for  Justin  tidces  some  pains  to 
show  that  the  woman's  grievance  was  not  adul- 
tery at  all.  Fleury  (iii.  49)  has  apprehended 
the  truth  with  correctness  and  expressed  it  with 
delicacy.  The  like  case  is  discussed  by  an  author 
long  called  Ambrose  in  his  comment  on  1  Cor.  vii. 
11  \Afnbros.  op.  ed.  Benedict.,  torn.  ii.  appendix 
p.  133  E-FX  and  he  determines  that,  under  the 
given  circumstances,  a  woman  must  separate 
from  her  husband,  but  she  must  not  marry  again. 
The  Imperial  law  also  provided  a  remedy.  Cod. 
Theod.  9,  tit.  7,  s.  3.  It  is  certainly  noteworthy 
that,  in  telling  this  brief  tragedy,  neither  Justin 
nor  Eusebius  says  a  word  against  the  wife's  seek- 
ing relief  from  the  heathen  custom  of  divorce. 
Yet  its  license  was  condemned  on  all  sides.  The 
founder  of  the  Empire  strove  to  check  it ;  and, 
had  the  aggrieved  woman  lived  under  the  first 
Christian  emperor,  that  resource  would  have 
been  denied  her.  Clearly,  circumstances  justi- 
fied the  wife,  but  it  would  seem  natural  to  have 
mentioned  the  danger  of  doing  wrong,  while 
pleading  her  justification.  We,  in  modem  times, 
should  say  that  such  cases  are  exceptional,  and 
the  inference  from  silence  is  that  similar  wicked- 
new  was  not  exceptional  in  those  days,  and  was 
treated  by  the  Church  as  a  ground  of  divorce ; 
a  moumral  conclusion,  but  one  that  many  fiu;ts 
render  probable,  ejg.  the  Imperial  law  above 

From  these  antecedents  our  step  is  brief  to 
laws  for  the  repression  of  incontinency.  The 
natural  beginning  was  for  each  community  to 
follow  simply  the  example  of  St.  Paul  (1  Cor 
V.  and  2  Cor.  ii.),  but,  as  convei*ts  multiplied,  i 
became  necessary  to  prescribe  definite  tests  ci 
repentance  which  formed  also  ^he  terms  of  re- 
conciliation. Such  rules  had  for  one  object  the 
good  of  the  community,  and  in  this  light  every 
offence  was  a  public  wrong,  and  is  so  looked 
upon  by  canon  law  at  this  day.  But  penitence 
had  a  second  object — ^the  soul's  health  of  the 
offender— and  thus  viewed,  the  same  transgres- 
sion was  treated  as  a  moral  stain,  and  censured 

C  2 




according  to  its  Intrinsic  heinousness,  or,  in  few 
words,  the  crime  became  a  sin.  This  idea,  no 
doubt,  entered  into  the  severe  laws  of  Christian 
princes  against  adulteiy,  and  is  an  indication  of 
ecclesiastical  influence  upon  them.  Framers  of 
canons  had  in  turn  their  judgment  acted  upon 
by  the  great  divines,  who  were  apt  to  regulate 
public  opinion,  and  to  enforce  as  maxims  of  life 
their  own  interpretations  of  Scripture.  Some- 
times the  two  character  met  in  the  same  per- 
son, as  in  the  eminent  Gregories,  Basil,  and 
others ;  but  where  this  was  not  the  case,  theo- 
logians commonly  overlooked  many  points  which 
canonists  were  bound  to  consider. 

Church  lawgivers  must  indeed  always  have 
regard  to  existing  social  facts  and  the  ordinary 
moral  tone  of  their  own  age  and  nation.  They 
roust  likewise  keep  State  law  steadily  in  mind 
when  they  deal  with  offences  punishable  in  civil 
courts.  That  they  did  so  in  reality,  we  learn 
from  the  Greek  Scholia ;  and  hence,  when  divorce 
is  connected  with  adultery  (particularly  as  its 
cause),  the  Scholiasts  trace  most  canonical 
changes  to  foregoing  alterations  in  the  laws  of 
the  Empire.  The  reader  should  reproduce  in  his 
mind  these  two  classes  of  data  if  he  wishes  to 
foi*m  a  judgment  on  subjects  like  the  present. 
We  have  called  attention  to  the  license  which 
tainted  prae-Christian  Rome.  Of  the  Christian 
world,  homilists  are  the  most  powerful  illustra- 
tors, but  the  light  thrown  upon  it  by  canons  is 
quite  unmistakable.  The  spirit  prevalent  at  the 
opening  of  the  4th  century  may  be  discerned 
from  its  Councils,  cjq.  Gnngra ;  one  object  of 
which  (can.  4)  was  to  defend  married  presbyters 
against  the  attacks  made  upon  them ;  cf.  £lib.  33, 
and  Stanley's  account  of  the  later  1  Nic.  ?^{Eastem 
Ch,  196-9).  Gangra,  14,  forbids  wives  to  desert 
their  husbands  from  abhorrence  of  married  life ; 
9  and  10  combat  a  like  disgust  and  contempt  of 
matrimony  displayed  by  consecrated  virgins, 
and  16  is  aimed  against  sons  who  desert  their 
parents  under  pretext  of  piety,  t>.  to  become 
celibates,  something  after  the  fashion  of  "  Cor- 
ban."  An  age,  whei*e  the  springs  of  home  life 
are  poisoned,  is  already  passing  into  a  morbid 
condition,  and  legislative  chirurgeons  may  be 
excused  if  they  commit  some  errors  of  severity  in 
dealing  with  its  evils.  But  what  can  be  said  of 
the  frightful  pictures  of  Roman  life  drawn,  some- 
what later,  by  Ammian.  Marcell.  xiv.  6 ;  xxvii.  3 ; 
and  xxviii.  4 ;  or  the  reduced  copies  of  them  in 
Gibbon,  chaps.  25  and  31,  to  which  may  be  added 
the  fiery  Epistles  of  Jerome  (jpassim),  and  the 
calm  retrospect  of  Milman  (^Hist,  of  Christ,  iii. 
230,  seq.)?  Can  any  one  who  reads  help  reflect- 
ing with  what  intensified  irony  this  decrepit 
age  might  repeat  the  old  line  of  Ennius — 

MuUerem :  quid  potlus  dicam  ant  verius  qimm  nmlierem  ? 

Or  can  we  feel  surprised^wjih  violent  efforts  at 
coercing  those  demoralized  ,men  and  women  ? 

Gibbon,  in  giving  an  account  of  the  jurispru- 
dence of  Justinian,  saw  that  it  could  not  be 
understood,  particularly  on  the  topic  of  our 
article,  without  some  acquaintance  with  the 
laws  and  customs  of  the  earliest  periods.  To 
his  sketch  we  must  refer  the  reader,  adding  only 
the  following  remarks : — 

1.  His  opinion  upon  the  barbarity  of  marital 
rule  has  found  an  echo  in  Hegel  (see  Werke,  Bd. 
IX.  p.  348,  seq.).     F.  von  Schlegel,  though  in  his 

Concordia  highly  praising  the  conjugal  purity  oi 
ancient  Rome,  had  already  (^Werhey  xiii.  261,  3 
blamed  that  rigid  adherence  to  letter  and  for* 
mula  which  pervades  the  system.  To  such  cen- 
sures Mommsen  is  thoroughly  opposed.  In  book 
i.  chap.  .5,  he  views  the  stern  simplicity  of  idei 
on  which  all  household  right  was  founded  as  true 
to  nature  and  to  the  requirements  of  social  im- 
provement. In  chap.  12  he  points  out  how  the 
old  Roman  religion  supplemented  law  by  iti 
code  of  moral  maxims.  The  member  of  t 
family  might  commit  grievous  wrong  untouched 
by  civil  sentence,  but  the  curse  of  the  gods 
lay  henceforth  heavy  on  that  sacrilegious  head. 
Mommsen's  remarks  on  religious  terrors  agree 
well  with  the  very  singular  restraints  on  divorce 
attributed  by  Plutarch  to  Romulus.  The  im- 
pression of  ethical  hardness  is  in  &ct  mainlv 
due  to  the  iron  logic  of  Roman  lawyers.  Father, 
husband,  matron,  daughter,  are  treated  as  real- 
istic universals,  and  their  specific  definitioiu 
worked  out  into  axioms  of  legal  right.  Yet  id 
application  (a  fact  overlooked  by  Schlegel)  the 
swnmumjus  is  often  tempered  by  equitable  allow- 
ances, e,g.  a  wife  accused  of  adultery  had  the 
power  of  recrimination.  Dig.  48,  tit.  5,  s.  13,  §  5; 
and  cf.  August.  Be  Conjug.  Adttiterin,  ii.  7  (vtii.) 
for  a  longer  extract,  and  a  comment  on  the  re- 
script. Such  facts  go  far  to  explain  the  coum 
pursued  by  Christian  lawgivers. 

2.  On  the  vast  changes  which  took  place 
after  the  2nd  Punic  war  Gibbon  should  be  com- 
pared with  Mommsen,  b.  iii.  cap.  13,  pp.  884-5. 

But  neither  of  these  writers,  in  dwelling  oo 
the  immoral  atmosphere  which  infected  married 
life,  point  out  any  specially  sufficient  cause  why 
Roman  matrons  showed  such  irrepressible  avi- 
dity for  divorce  with  all  its  strainings  of  law, 
its  dissolution  of  sacred  maxims,  its  connecticn 
with  celibacy  in  males,  and  a  frightful  train  of 
unbridled  sensualities.  Perhaps  the  only  tnu 
light  is  to  be  gained  from  a  comparison  with 
ecclesiastical  history.  We  shall  see  that  is 
later  ages  of  the  Church  there  came  about  va 
entire  reversal  of  earlier  opinions  on  the  crimi- 
nal essence  and  the  very  definition  of  adultery, 
and  that  the  ground  of  complaint  at  both  periodi 
(Pagan  nnd  Christian)  was  one  and  the  same; 
the  cause,  therefore,  may  not  improbably  be  one 
also,  viz.,  the  inadequate  remedy  afforded  U 
women  for  wifely  wrongs.  Some  parti cu Ian 
will  be  found  in  our  second  division,  but  the 
question  opens  a  wide  field  for  speculation,  out- 
lying our  limits,  and  belonging  to  the  philoso- 
phy of  history. 

3.  The  parallel  between  Church  and  State 
ought  to  be  carried  further.  Imperial  Rome, 
looking  back  upon  the  Republic,  felt  the  de- 
cadence of  her  own  conjugal  and  family  ties, 
and  wrote  her  displeasure  in  the  Inws  of  the 
first  Caesars.  So,  too,  when  the  nobleness  oi 
apostolic  life  ceased  to  be  a  substitute  for  legis- 
lation, it  sharpened  the  edge  of  canonical  ceo- 
sure  by  regretful  memories  of  the  better  time. 
The  same  history  of  morals  led  to  a  sameness  is 
the  history  of  law,  the  State  refieated  itself  u 
the  Church. 

4.  Gibbon  has  a  sneer  against  Justinian  for 
giving  permanence  to  Pagan  constitutions.  Bat 
those  laws  had  always  been  presupposed  bj 
Christian  government,  both  civil  and  spiritual 
The  emperors  amended  or  supplemented  them, 




ni  vkere  bisbopt  felt  a  need,  they  petitioned 
far  aa  Imperiml  edict — €^»  the  canons  of  three 
African  ooandls  relating  to  oar  subject,  and 
•oced  hereafter,  in  which  the  sjnods  decide  on 
flacb  a  petition.  Then,  too,  the  opposite  experi- 
Bcnt  bal  been  tried.  The  Codex  Theodosianus 
heffSBL  with  the  laws  of  Constantino  (c£  art. 
Tkeoiomu  in  Diet,  Biograpk.);  but  when  Jus- 
tiaisB  strore  to  gire  scientific  form  to  Ids  juris- 
pndesee  he  found  that  completeness  could  no 
waj  be  attained  except  by  connecting  it  with 
the  old  framework ;  and,  as  we  haye  seen.  Gibbon 
kiBfldf  felt  a  similar  necessity  for  the  minor 
inrpooe  of  explanation. 

Oar  plan  here  will  therefore  be  to  use  the 
great  vork  of  Justinian  as  our  skeleton,  and 
clatlie  it  with  the  bands  and  sinews  of  the 
Church.  We  gain  two  advantages:  his  incom- 
pinUe  method ;  and  a  stand-point  at  an  era  of 
sTitenatie  endeaTour  to  unify  Church  and  State. 
For  Uiii  endeavoor  see  NooeU.  131,  c  1,  held  by 
ooBiists  to  accept  all  received  by  Chalcedon, 
as.  1  (eomprehending  much  on  our  subject),  and 
SateB.  83,  extending  the  powers  of  bishops  on 
eededastical  ofiences.  His  example  was  afber- 
vards  followed  by  the  acceptance  of  Trull,  can.  2, 
aUiiig  lai^ly  to  the  list  of  constitutions  upon 
adalterj ;  cf.  PhoHi  Nomocanoiu,  tit.  i.  cap.  2,  with 
Sehoiis,  and  for  the  difficulties  Bey.  Pand,  Can, 
Frokg.  TvL,  ix.  For  harmonies  of  spiritual 
aod  dvil  law  as  respects  breaches  of  the  7th 
GoauBSBdmeat  see  Aniio(Aeni  NomoCy  tits,  xli, 
aad  xliL,  and  Pkotii  Nomoc,  tit.  ix.  29,  and  tit. 
niL  3  and  6.     Both  are  in  Jtuielhta,  vol.  ii. 

liter  A.D.  305  the  Church  was  so  frequently 
ogaged  in  devising  means  for  upholding  the 
aaactitf  of  the  marriage  tie  that  every  step  in 
the  reception  of  canons  concerning  it  forms  a 
kadmark  of  moral  change.  Such  an  era  was 
the  reign  of  Justinian ;  it  was  an  age  of  great 
code  makers— of  Dionysius  Exiguus  and  Joannes 
Aitiochenua.  Numbers  of  local  constitutions 
becaaie  transformed  into  world-wide  laws;  the 
ftA,  therefore,  never  to  be  overlooked  respecting 
caaoBs  on  adultery,  is  the  extent  of  their  final 

We  now  come  to  Division  II.,  and  must  con- 
nder  at  some  length  the  definition  of  adultery 
itnctlj  ao  called.  On  this  point  a  revolution 
Unik  place  of  no  slight  significance  in  the  great 
antithesis  between  luist  and  West.  Details  are 
therefore  necessary. 

IL  yatwe  atvd  Classification  of  the  Crime. — 
K^lecting  an  occasional  employment  of  the  words 
ptrvmiacae  (on  which  see  first  of  following  refer- 
nccsX  we  find  (Dig.  48,  tit.  5,  s  .6,  §  1,  Papinian), 
''Adalterium  in  nupta  committitur  stuprum 
vero  in  virginem  viduamve."  Cf.  same  tit.,  34, 
Modatinus,  and  Dig.  1,  tit.  12,  s.  1,  §  5,  Ulpian; 
see  Diet,  Autiq,^  and  Drissomus  de  Verb.  Signif, 
1,  s.  V.  for  distinctions  and  Greek  equivalents. 

The  offending  wife  is  thus  regarded  as  the  real 
erisiinal;  and  her  paramour,  whether  married 
«r  aamarried,  as  the  mere  accomplice  of  her 
oime.  She  is  essentially  the  aduttera,  and  he, 
becaose  of  his  complicity  with  a  married  woman, 
beeooies  an  adnlter.  If  the  woman  is  unmanned, 
the  condition  of  the  man  makes  no  difTerence — 
the  offence  is  not  adulterium. 

This  was  also  the  position  of  the  Mosaic  code 
*-oee  Lev.  xx.  10,  compared  with  Dent.  xxii.  22. 
It  ii  not  easy  to  perceive  how  the  law  could 

stand  otherwise  when  polygamy  was  permitted ; 
cf.  Diet,  of  Bible^  in  verbo.  Espousal  by  both  codes 
(Roman  and  Jewish)  is  protected  as  qitasi  wedlock 
(Dig.  48,  tit.  5,  s.  13,  §  3,  Deut.  xxii.  23,  24). 
So  likewise  by  Christian  canons,  e.g.  Trull.  98. 
'*  He  who  marries  a  woman  betrothed  to  a  man 
still  living  is  an  adulter."    Cf.  Basil,  can.  37. 

Both  in  Scripture  language  and  in  ordinary 
Roman  life  the  legal  acceptation  of  the  crime  is 
the  current  meaning  of  the  word.  Hosea  (iv. 
13,  14)  distinguishes  between  the  sins  of  Jewish 
daughters  and  wive^ ;  and  the  distinction  ib  kept 
in  the  LXX  and  Vulgate  versions.  A  like  dis- 
tinction forms  the  point  of  Horace's  **  Matronam 
nuUam  ego  tango;  cf.  Sueton.  Oct.  67  ''adnl- 
terare  matronas."  Instances  are  sulliciently  com- 
mon, but,  since  (for  reasons  which  will  soon 
appear)  it  is  necessary  to  have  an  absolutely 
clear  understanding  of  the  sense  attached  to  the 
word  adulterium  {=:fjLoiXfla)  during  the  early 
Christian  period,  we  note  a  few  decisive  re- 
ferences from  common  usage.  Val.  Max.  (under 
Tiberius)  explains  (ii.  1,  3)  adulteri  as  "sub- 
sessores  alieni  matrimonii."  Quintilian  (under 
Domitian)  defines,  Instit.  Orat.  vii.  3,  "Adulte- 
rium est  cum  aliena  uxore  domi  coire."  Juvenal 
may  be  consulted  through  the  index.  Appuleius 
(under  the  Antonines),  in  the  well  known  story 
Metamorph,  ix.,  describes  the  deed,  and  refers  to 
the  law  de  Adulteriis. 

Christian  writers  seldom  explain  words  un- 
less used  out  of  their  current  sense,  and  when 
they  do  so,  the  explanation  is  of  course  inci- 
dental. We  find  an  early  example  in  Athena- 
goras,  De  Besur.  Mort.  23.  al.  17,  where  in 
treating  of  bodily  appetites  occurs  a  designed 
antithesis.  On  the  one  side  'Megitlmus  coitus 
quod  ebt  matrimonium  " — on  the  other,  "  incon- 
cessus  alienae  uxoris  appetitus  et  cum  ea  consue- 
tudo— TowTo  7<£p  itm  fioix^la,"  Another  early 
instance  is  in  the  Shepherd  of  Hennas,  Maytdat, 
iv.,  which  thus  begins:  "Mando,  ait,  tibi,  ut 
castitatem  custodias,  et  non  ascendat  tibi  cogi- 
tatio  cordis  de  alieno  matrimonio,  aut  de  forni- 
catione."  We  have  here  a  twofold  division  like 
'Papinian's  above  quoted,  but  instead  of  opposing 
stuprum  to  adulterium  (implied  in  alieno  Matri- 
monio), he  employs  **  fornicatio,"  an  ecclesiasti- 
cal expression  when  it  has  this  special  meaning. 
Origen  {Levit.  xx.,  Homil.  xi.),  in  contrasting 
the  punishment  of  adulterers  under  the  Mosaic 
and  Christian  dispensations,  assumes  the  same 
act  to  be  intended  by  the  laws  of  both.  This 
passage  has  often  been  ascribed  to  Cyril  of  Alex- 
andria, but  Delarue  (ii.  179,  180)  is  clear  for 
Origen.  Arnobius  (under  Diocletian)  writes,  lib. 
iv.  (p.  142,  Varior.  ed.), "  Adulteria  legibus  vin- 
dicant,  et  capitalibus  afficiunt  eos  poenis,  quos  in 
aliena  comprehenderint  foedera  genialis  se  lectuli 
expugnatione  jecisse.  Subsessoris  et  adulteri 
persona,"  && 

The  canonists,  Greek  and  Latin,  use  criminal 
terms  like  ordinary  authors  without  explanation, 
and  obviously  for  the  same  reason.  But  on  our 
subject  the  meaning  is  generally  made  certain 
by  (1)  an  opposition  of  words  resembling  the 
examples  before  quoted ;  (2)  by  the  case  of  un- 
married women  being  treated  in  separate  canons ; 
or  else  (3)  by  a  gradation  of  penalties  imposed 
on  the  several  kinds  of  sin. 

In  the  latter  half  of  the  4th  century  we  have 
again  exact  ecclesiastical  definitions.    They  are 



Tery  Taluable,  becaose  given  bj  two  of  the 
greatest  canonists  the  Church  ever  produced, 
and  also  because  they  were  accepted  by  can.  it. 
TrolL  QregOTj  of  Nyssa  thus  distingnishes  (ad 
Letoium,  resp.  4),  ^'Fomicatio  quidem  dicatnr 
capiditatis  cujnspiam  expletio  quae  sine  alterius 
fit  injuria.  Adulterium  vero,  insidiae  et  injuria 
quae  alteri  affertur."  This  antithesis  is  substan- 
Ually  the  same  with  that  in  the  Digest,  but 
Gregory  so  states  it  because  (as  his  canon  tells 
us)  he  is  replying  to  certain  somewhat  subtle 
reasoners  who  argued  that  these  acts  of  inconti- 
nence are  in  essence  identical— a  theory  which 
would  equalize  the  offences,  and,  by  consequence, 
their  punishments.  The  arguments  are  such  as 
we  should  call  verbal,  e^,  what  the  law  does 
not  permit,  it  forbids — ^the  rwn  proprium  must  be 
alienum.  He  answers  by  giving  the  specific  di- 
vision nuule  by  the  Fathers  (as  above),  and  main- 
tains (1)  its  adaptation  to  human  infirmity,  (2) 
the  double  sin  of  adultery,  and  (3)  the  propriety 
of  a  double  penitence.  With  Gregory,  therefore, 
the  canonist  prevails  over  the  theologian  —  he 
refuses  to  treat  the  crime  merely  as  a  sin. 

In  Basil's  canon  ad  Amphihch,  18 — which  is 
concerned  with  lapsed  virgins — who  had  been 
treated  as  digamists,  and  whom  Basil  would 
punish  as  adulterous,  we  find  an  incidental  defi- 
nition :  "  eum,  qui  cum  aliena  muliere  oohabitat, 
adulterum  nominamus." 

Basil's  important  21st  canon  is  summed  by 
Aristenus :  *^  Yirum,  qui  fomicatus  est,  uxor  pro- 
pria recipiet.  Inquinatam  vero  adulterio  uxorem 
vir  dimittet.  Fornicator,  enim,  non  adulter  est, 
qui  uxori  junctus  cum  solnta"  (an  unmarried 
woman)  '*rem  habuerit."  Here,  again,  is  the 
old  opposition  (as  in  stuprum  and  adulterium) 
the  logical  essence  of  the  crime  turning  upon 
the  state  of  the  woman,  whether  married  or  sole. 
But  a  clause  of  great  value  to  us  is  omitted  by 
Aristenus.  Basil  considers  the  fornicatio  of  a 
married  man  heinous  and  aggravated ;  he  says, 
'*  eum  poenis  amplius  gravamus,"  yet  adds  ex- 
pressly, '^  Canouem  t;imen  non  habemus  qui  eum 
adulterii  crimini  subjiciat  si  in  solutam  a  Matri- 
monio  peccatum  commissum  sit."  This  clear 
assertion  from  a  canonist  so  learned  and  vera- 
cious as  Basil  must  be  allowed  to  settle  the 
matter  of  fact,  that  up  to  his  time  Church  law 
defined  adultery  exactly  in  the  same  manner  as 
the  civil  law. 

It  is  to  be  remarked,  too,  that  Basil's  answer 
addresses  itself  to  another  kind  of  difficulty 
from  Gregory's,  that,  namely,  of  injustice  in  the 
different  treatment  of  unchaste  men  and  women. 
No  objection  was  of  older  standing.  We  almost 
start  to  hear  Jerome  (Epitaph,  FcAiolae)  echoing, 
as  it  were,  the  verses  of  Plautusj  cf.  the  passage 
{Mercator^  iv.  5) — 

"  Ecastor  \egfi  dura  yivont  roallerei^ 
Maltoque  Inlqaiore  miserae.  qiuun  virl  .... 
....  Utlnam  lex  esaeteadem,  quae  uxori  est  viro." 

Yet  no  writer  tells  more  pointedly  than  Plautus 
the  remedy  which  Roman  matrons  had  adopted 
i^Amphitr,  iiu  2) — 

"  Valeaa :  tibl  habeas  res  taas,  reddas  meas." 

As  to  the  legal  process  by  which  women  com- 
passed this  object,  it  was  probably  similar  to 
their  way  of  enlarging  their  powers  respecting 
property  and  other  such  matters,  on  which  see 
Mommsen,  book  iii.  13. 


We  now  note  among  divines  a  desire  to  im- 
press upon  the  public  mind  the  other,  ix,  the 
purely  theological  idea  that  all  incontinent 
persons  stand  equally  condemned.  They  appear 
to  reason  under  a  mixture  of  influences — 1.  A 
feeling  of  the  absolute  unity  of  a  married  couple, 
a  healthy  bequest  from  the  first  age ;  2.  Indig- 
nation at  marital  license;  3.  Desire  to  find  t 
remedy  for  woman's  wrong;  4.  The  wish  to 
recommend  celibacy  by  contrast  with  the  '*  aer^ 
vitude  **  of  marriage. 

Lactantius  (as  might  be  expected  from  his 
date)  fixes  upon  points  1  and  2.  He  finds  fault 
with  the  Imperial  law  in  two  respects — ^that 
adultery  could  not  be  committed  with  any  but  a 
free  woman,  and  that  by  its  inequality  it  tended 
to  excuse  the  severance  of  the  one  married  body. 
Tnstit,  vi..  23.  ^  Non  enim,  sicnt  jnria  publid 
ratio  est ;  sola  mulier  adultera  est,  quae  habet 
alium  ;  maritus  autem,  etiamsi  plures  habeat,  a 
crimine  adulterii  solutus  est.  Sed  divina  lex  its 
duos  in  matrimonium,  quod  est  in  corpus  nnum, 
pari  jure  conjungit,  ut  adulter  habeatur,  quis- 
quis  compagem  corporis  in  diversa  distraxerit." 
Cf.  next  page—**  Dissociari  enim  corpus,  et  dis- 
trahi  Deus  noluit."  It  would  seem  therefore 
that  this  Father  would  really  alter  the  ordinary 
meaning  of  the  word  aduiterium^  and  explain  the 
offence  differently  from  its  civil-law  definition. 
He  would  extend  it  to  every  incontinent  act  of 
every  married  person,  on  the  ground  that  by 
such  an  act  the  marriage  unity  enforced  by  our 
Lord  is  broken.  It  is  true  that  another  view 
may  be  taken  of  the  words  of  Lactantius.  They 
may  be  considered  as  rhetoric  rather  than  logic, 
both  here  and  in  Epitome  8,  where  the  same 
line  of  thought  is  repeated ;  but  this  is  a  ques- 
tion of  constant  recurrence  in  the  Fathers,  and 
reminds  us  of  Selden's  celebrated  saying.  The 
student  will  in  each  case  form  his  own  judg- 
ment; in  this  instance  he  may  probably  think 
the  statement  too  precise  to  be  otherwise  than 

The  same  must  be  said  of  Ambrose,  whose 
dictum  has  been  made  classical  by  Gratian.  Yet 
it  should  be  observed  that  he  is  not  always  con- 
sistent with  himself,  <?.^.  (ffexaem,  v.  7)  he  lays 
it  down  that  the  married  are  both  in  spirit  and 
in  body  one,  hence  adultery  is  contrary  to  nature: 
We  expect  the  same  prefatory  explanation  « 
from  Lactantius,  but  find  the  old  view  :  **  Nolite 
quaerere,  viri,  alienum  thorum,  nolite  insidiari 
alienae  copulae.  Grave  est  adulterium  et  naturae 
injuria."  So  again,  in  Luc.  lib.  2,  sub  intf.,  he 
attaches  this  term  to  the  transgression  of  an 
espoused  woman. 

The  celebrated  passage,  one  chief  support  of  s 
distinction  which  has  affected  the  law  and  lan- 
guage of  modern  Europe  (quoted  by  Gratian, 
JDecret.  ii.  c.  32,  q.  4),  occurs  in  Ambrose's  Defence 
of  Abraham  {De  Abr.  Fatr.  i.  4).  We  give  it  as 
in  Gratian  for  the  sake  of  a  gloss :  **  Nemo  sibi 
blandiatur  de  legibus  hominum"  (gloss-— quae 
dicunt  quod  adulterium  non  committitur  cum 
soluta  sed  cum  nupta)  **  Omne  stuprum  adulte- 
rium est :  nee  viro  licet  quod  mulieri  non  licet, 
iiladem  a  viro,  quae  ab  uxore  debetur  castimonia. 
Quicquid  in  ea  quae  non  sit  legitima  uxor,  coor 
missum  fuerit,  adulterii  crimine  damnatur." 
This  extract  sounds  in  itself  distinct  and  con- 
secutive. But  when  the  Apology  is  read  as  a 
whole,  exactness  seems  to  vanish.    It  is  divided 




into  tkiet  mam  heads  or  defentkmet :  1st,  Abra- 
hiB  Jired  baferc  the  Iaw  which  forbade  adultery, 
thcreibre  he  oonhi  not  hare  committed  it.  **  Deus 
la  i^radiso  Jioet  eonjagiiun  lendaTerit,  non  adul- 
tarinm  damnaTCFat.  It  ia  hard  to  undentand 
how  fBch  a  sentence  oonld  have  been  written  in 
Uw  hm  of  Ifatt.  xiz.  4-9,  or  how  so  great  an 
authority  eoold  fbi^t  that  the  rery  idea  of  oov^ 
ptgnm  implied  the  wrong  of  adttUermm,  2ndly, 
/^lfr«iMm  vas  actuated  by  the  mere  desire  of 
oApriag ;  and  Sarah  herself  gave  him  her  hand- 
■udea.  Her  example  (with  Leah's  and  Rachel's) 
■  taned  into  a  monl  lesson  against  female 
jedomsy,  and  then  men  are  admonished — **  Nemo 
Ai  UandtatnT,**  &&,  as  above  quoted.  Srdly. 
GakL  ir.  21-4,  is  referred  to,  and  the  conclusion 
ixnrm,  **  Quod  ergo  putas  esse  peccatum,  adver- 
tis  OMO  mysterinm ; "  and  again  *'  haec  quae  in 
figirun  oontingebant,  illts  crimini  non  erant." 
▼e  have  sketched  this  chapter  of  Ambrose  be- 
etaie  of  the  great  place  assigned  him  in  the 
ciMtiofcisj  of  Western  against  £astem  Church 

Another  passage  referred  to  in  thb  Q.  "  Dicat 
iliqais,''  is  the  9th  section  of  a  sermon  on  John 
tke  fiaptiit,  formerly  numbered  65,  now  52  (^ 
BcmI  App.  p.  462)^  and  the  work  of  an  Am- 
braiastcr.  But  here  the  aduUerium  (filii  testes 
adaltcrii)  is  the  act  of  an  unmarried  man  with 
kit  aadlia  (distinguished  from  a  concubina,  De- 
cnt:  L  DiML  34^  **  OmcMtnna  autem,"  seq.),  t:^. 
s  nrt  of  Contubemium  ia  called  by  a  word 
wki^  brings  it  within  the  letter  of  the  7th 

Perhaps  Ambrose  and  his  pseudonym,  like 
BSBj  others,  saw  no  very  great  difference  be- 
tveen  the  prohilntion  of  sins  aecundvm  literam 
lad  JttfwiAin  analogiam — as,  for  example,  idola- 
try is  adultery.  It  seems  clear  that  he  did  not 
with  Lactantiaa  form  an  ideal  of  marriage  and 
tkcn  condemn  whatever  contradicted  it.  His 
laagoage  on  wedlock  in  Paradise  forbids  this 

Looking  eastwards,  there  is  a  famous  sermon 
(37,  aL  31)  preached  by  Gregory  Nazianxen,  in 
vkkh  he  blends  together  the  points  we  iiare 
■mbered  2,  3,  and  4.  He  starts  (tL)  from  the 
iaeqaality  of  Lsws.  Why  should  the  woman  be 
Tcstrsined,  the  man  left  free  to  sin  ?  The  Latin 
▼trnoa  is  incorrect ;  it  so  renders  fcarcnropf^c^ciy 
ai  to  introduce  the  kUer  notion  of  adulterium. 
Gr^iy  thinks  (more  Aesopi)  that  the  inequality 
caoie  to  pass  because  men  were  the  law-makers  ; 
Anther,  that  it  is  contrary  to  (a)  the  5th  Com- 
anadmcnt,  which  honours  the  mother  as  well  as 
thefsther;  (6)  the  equal  creation,  resurrection, 
sad  redemption  of  both  sexes ;  and  (c)  the  n^ys- 
tical  representation  of  Christ  and  His  Church. 
A  healthy  tone  is  felt  in  much  of  what  Gre- 
gory layi,  but  (ix.)  the  good  of  marriage  is  de- 
scribed by  a  definition  &t  inferior  in  life  and 
spirituality  to  that  of  the  pagan  Modestinus, 
siid  (in  X.)  naturally  follows  a  preference  for  the 
tu  higher  good  of  celibacy.  The  age  was  not  to 
be  tnuted  on  this  topic  which  formed  an  under- 
Ijiag  motive  with  most  of  the  great  divines. 

Chrysostmn  notices  the  chief  texts  in  his 
KMpotUoqf  Blomilies.  For  these  we  cannot  afford 
spoee,  sad  they  are  easily  found.  We  are  more 
esneoned  with  his  sermon  on  the  Bili  of  Divorce 
(el  Bened.iiL  198-209).  <"  It  is  commonly  called 
tdahtrj"  be  says  in  aubstanoe,  ^  when  a  man 

wrongs  a  married  woman.  I,  however,  affirm  it 
of  a  married  man  who  sins  with  the  unmarried. 
For  the  essence  of  the  crime  depends  on  the  con- 
dition of  the  injurers  as  well  as  the  injured. 
Tell  me  not  of  outward  laws.  1  will  declare  to 
thee  the  law  of  God."  Yet  we  encounter  a 
qualification :  the  offence  of  a  husband  with  the 
unmarried  is  (p.  207)  ftoix^las  ttrtpov  tUos. 
We  also  find  Uie  preacher  dwelling  with  great 
force  upon  the  lifelong  servitude  (iov\tia)  of 
marriage,  and  we  perceive  from  comparing  other 
passages  that  there  is  an  intentional  contrast 
with  the  noble  freedom  of  celibacy. 

Asterius  of  Amaseia  has  a  forcible  discourse 
(printed  by  Combefis,  and  particularly  worth 
reading)  on  the  question:  "An  lioeat  homini 
dimittere  uxorem  suam,  quacunque  ex  causa?" 
The  chief  part  of  it  belongs  to  our  next  division, 
but  towaxds  the  end,  after  disposing  of  insuffi- 
cient causes,  he  enters  on  the  nature  of  adul- 
tery. Here  (as  he  says)  the  preacher  stands  by 
the  husband.  ''  Nam  cum  duplici  fine  matrimo- 
nia  contrahuntur,  benevolentiae  ac  quaerendorum 
liberorum,  neutrum  in  adulterio  continetur.  Nee 
enim  affectui  locus,  ubi  in  alterum  animus 
inclinat ;  ac  sobolis  omne  decus  et  gratia  perit, 
quando  liberi  oonfunduntur.*'  Our  strong  Teu- 
tonic instincts  feel  the  truth  of  these  words. 
Asterius  then  insists  on  mutual  good  fiuth,  and 
passes  to  the  point  that  the  laws  of  this  world 
are  lenient  to  the  sins  of  husbands  who  excuse 
their  own  license  by  the  plea  of  privileged 
harmlessness.  He  replies  that  all  women  are 
the  daughters  or  wives  of  men.  Some  man 
must  feel  each  woman's  degradation.  He  then 
refers  to  Scripture,  and  concludes  with  precepts 
on  domestic  virtue  and  example.  The  sermon 
of  Asterius  shows  how  kindred  sins  may  be 
thoroughly  condemned  without  abolishing  esta- 
blbhed  distinctions.  But  it  also  shows  a  gene- 
ral impression  that  the  distinctions  of  the  Forum 
were  pressed  by  apologists  of  sin  into  their  own 
baser  service. 

Jerome's  celebrated  case  of  Fabiola  claims  a 
few  lines.  It  was  not  really  a  divorce  propter 
aduUerium,  but  parallel  to  the  history  told  by 
Justin  Martyr.  The  points  for  us  are  the 
antithesis  between  Paulus  noster  and  Papini- 
anus  (with  Paulus  Papiniani  understood) 
and  the  assertion  that  the  Roman  law  turned 
upon  dignity — i.^.  the  matrona  as  distinguished 
from  the  ancittvla,  Jerome  feels  most  strongly 
the  unity  of  marriage,  and  joins  with  it  the 
proposition  that  the  word  Man  contains  Woman. 
He  therefore  says  that  1  Cor.  vi.  16,  applies 
equally  to  both  sexes.  Moreover,  the  same 
tendency  appears,  as  in  Chrysostom,  to  de- 
press wedlock  in  favour  of  celibacy.  Marriage 
is  servitude,  and  the  yoke  must  be  equal,  "  Eadem 
servitus  pari  conditione  censetur."  But  the 
word  adukerium  is  employed  correctly ;  and  in 
another  place  (on  Hosea,  ii.  2)  he  expressly 
draws  the  old  distinction — "  Fomicaria  est,  quae 
cum  pluribus  copulatur.  Adultera,  quae  unum 
virum  deserens  alteri  jungitur."  * 

Augustine,  like  Lactantius,  posits  an  idea  of 
marriage(2>ff  Gtffwijix.  12[vii.J).  It  possesses  a 
Good,  consisting  of  three  thinga— /dfs,  prolee^ 

•  The  jmuipto  wbo  offends  aim  viro  otfi^ftigaio  Is  not 
bere  made  an  sdolteress ;  Jerome's  remedy  might  taav^ 
been  a  spedflc  constitution. 




aacrtmenttan,  *^  In  fide  attenditnr  ne  praeter  vin- 
culum  ooQJugale,  cum  altera  rel  altero  concnm- 
batur."  But  (Quaest.  in  JExod.  71)  he  feels  a 
difficulty  about  words — **  Item  quaeri  solet  utrnm 
moechiae  nomine  etiam  fomicatio  teneatur.  Hoc 
enim  Graecum  yerbum  est,  quo  jam  Scriptura 
utitur  pro  Latino.  Moechos  tamen  Graeci  nonnisi 
adulteros  dicunt.  Sed  utique  ista  Lex  non  soils 
viris  in  populo,  verum  etiam  feminis  data  est " 
(Jerome,  supra,  thought  of  this  point);  how 
much  more  bj  **  non  moechaberis,  uterque  sexus 
astringitur,  ....  Ac  per  hoc  si  femina 
moecha  est,  habens  virum,  concumbendo  cum 
eo  qui  vir  ejus  non  est,  etiamsi  ille  non  habeat 
uxorem ;  profecto  moechus  est  et  rir  habens 
uxorem,  concumbendo  cum  ea  qune  uxor  ejus 
non  est,  etiamsi  ilia  non  habeat  virum.'*  He 
goes  on  to  quote  Matt.  y.  32,  and  infers  ^'  omnis 
ergo  moechia  etiam  fornicatio  in  Scripturis 
dicitur  —  sed  utrum  etiam  omnis  fornicatio 
moechia  did  {HMwit,  in  eisdem  Scripturis  non 
mihi  interim  occurrit  locutionis  exemplum." 
His  final  conclusion  is  that  the  greater  sin  im- 
plies the  less — a  part  the  whole. 

Augustine's  sermon  (ix.  al.  96)  De  decern 
Chordis  is  an  expansion  of  the  above  topics.  In 
3  (ill.)  occurs  the  clause  quoted  Decrei.  ii.  32,  q. 
6.  (a  quaestio  wholly  from  Augustine^— "  Non 
moechaberis:  id  est,  non  ibis  ad  aliquam  aliam 
praeter  uxorem  tuam."  He  adds  some  particulars 
I'eminding  us  of  Asterius.  On  the  7th  Com- 
mandment, which  Augustine  calls  his  5th  string, 
he  says,  11  (ix.),  "  In  ilia  video  jacere  totum  pene 
genus  humanum;*'  and  mentions  that  false 
witness  and  fraud  were  held  in  hon*or,  but  (12) 
'*si  quis  volutatur  cum  andllis  suis,  amatur, 
blande  accipitur;  convertuntur  yulnera  in  joca." 

We  cannot  pass  by  two  popes  dted  by  Gra- 
tian.  One  is  Innocent  I.,  whose  4th  canon  Ad 
Exup.  stands  at  the  end  of  same  c.  82,  q.  5.  ^*-  £t 
illud  desideratum  est  sciri,  cur  communicantes 
viri  cum  adulteris  uxoribus  non  conveniant : 
cum  contra  uxores  in  consortio  adulterorum 
virorum  manere  videantur.'*  The  gloss  explains 
'*  communicantes "  of  husbands  who  commit  a 
like  sin  with  their  wives.  But  this  may  or  may 
not  mean  that  they  sinned  cum  conjugatls,  and 
the  woi*ds  **  pari  ratione,"  which  follow,  to  be- 
come decisive  must  be  read  with  special  emphasis. 
The  other  is  the  great  Gregory,  quoted  earlier 
in  same  q.  5.  The  passage  is  from  Gr^.  Mag, 
Moralivm,  lib.  21,  in  cap.  Jobi  xxxi.  9;  and  as 
it  is  truncated  in  quotation,  we  give  the  main 
line  of  thought,  omitting  parentheses :  "  Quam- 
vis  nonnunquam  a  reatu  adulterii  nequaquam 
discrepet  culpa  fornicatlonis  (Miitt.  v.  28,  quoted 
and  expounded).  Tamen  plerumque  ex  loco  vel 
ordine  concupiscentis  discernitur  (instance).  In 
personis  tamen  non  dissimilibus  idem  luxuriae 
distinguitur  reatus  in  quibus  fomicationis  culpa, 
quia  ab  adulterii  reatu  discernitur,  pinedicatoris 
egregii  lingua  testatur  (1  Cor.  vi.  9)."  The  dif- 
ference between  the  two  sins  is  next  confirmed 
from  Job.  It  is  easy  to  see  that  the  old  juridical 
sense  of  adulteriwn  is  not  taken  away  by  these 
expository  distinctions. 

We  now  come  to  the  event  which  gives  signi- 
ficance and  living  interest  to  our  redtal  of 
opinions.  The  canon  law  of  Rome  took  ground 
which  allied  it  on  this  as  on  other  questions 
with  what  appeared  to  be  the  rights  of  women. 
Ita  treatment  of  cases  arising  out  of  the  7th 

Commandment  widened  the  separation  of  Eati 
and  West,  and  left  a  mark  on  those  barbarian 
nations  which  owed  their  civilization  or  their 
faith  to  pontifical  Rome.  Our  business  here  ii 
only  with  a  definition,  but  canonists  followed 
civilians  in  working  their  doctrine  out  to  its 
more  remote  consequences,  and  some  of  these 
would  form  a  curious  chapter  in  history. 

The  essence  of  the  pontifical  definition  is  not 
that  a  wife  is  the  adultera,  and  her  paramour 
the  adulter,  but  that  the  offence  be  committed 
"cum  persona  conjugata,"  whether  male  or 
female.  Hence  it  comprehends  two  distinct 
degrees  of  criminality.  It  is  called  simplex  in 
two  cases,  "  cum  solutus  concumbit  cum  conju- 
gata,  vel  conjugatus  cum  soluta."  It  is  called 
duplex  *^cum  conjugatus  concumbit  cum  conju- 
gata."  These  distinctions  are  taken  from  F.  L 
Ferraris,  Frompta  Bibliotheca{ed.  1781),  in  verbo. 
They  rest  upon  the  Decretum  as  referred  to  by 
Ferraris,  part  2,  cause  32,  quaest.  4.  But  the 
extracts  we  gave  from  qs.  5  and  6  should  not  be 

The  Decretum,  according  to  C.  Butler  (^Horae 
Juridicae  Subsecitxie,  p.  168),  is  made  up  from 
(1)  decrees  of  councils,  (2)  letters  of  pontiffs, 
(3)  writings  of  doctors.  But  on  our  subject  the 
last-named  is  the  real  source — e.g.  q.  4  is  from 
the  moral  and  doctrinal  writings  of  Augustine, 
Ambrose,  Jerome,  and  Gregory  I. ;  q.  6  wholly 
from  Augustine.  This  is  a  very  noteworthy 
fact,  since  it  tends  to  confirm  a  conclusion  that 
canonists  had  previously  agreed  with  the  dvil 
law  so  far  as  concerns  its  definition  of  the  crime. 
Gratian  would  never  have  contented  himself  with 
quoting  theologians  if  he  could  have  found 
councils,  or  canonical  writings  accepted  by  coun- 
cils, to  support  his  own  decisions. 

Such,  then,  is  one  not  unimportant  antithesis  in 
the  wide  divergence  between  East  and  West.  It 
would  foim  an  interesting  line  of  inquiry  (but 
beyond  our  province)  to  use  this  antithesis  as  a 
clue  in  those  mixed  or  doubtful  cases  of  descent 
where  the  main  life  of  national  codes  and  cus- 
toms is  by  some  held  homesprung,  by  others 
given  to  old  Rome,  and  by  a  third  party  derived 
from  Latin  Christianity. 

Through  all  inquiry  on  this  subject  the  stu- 
dent must  bear  in  mind  that  a  confusion  of 
thought  has  followed  the  change  in  law;  e.g. 
Duc4\nge,  Glossar.,  s.  v.,  commences  his  article 
with  a  short  quotation  from  Gregory  of  Nyssa's 
4th  can.  ad  Let.  (explained  above),  but  the  sen- 
tence cited  contains  the  opinion,  not  of  the 
saint,  but, of  the  objector  whom  he  is  answering. 
Ducange  proceeds  to  trace  the  same  idea  through 
various  codes  without  a  suspicion  that  he  has 
begun  by  applying  to  one  age  the  tenets  of  an- 
other. The  difficulty  of  avoiding  similar  mis- 
takes is  greater  than  at  first  sight  might  have 
been  anticipated.  In  the  Dictionnaires  of  Tre^ 
voux,  Fui-etifere,  Richelet,  and  Danet,  atxmtrie 
or  adultere  is  explained  from  papal  law  or  Thorn. 
Aquin.,  while  the  citations  mostly  give  the  older 
sense.  In  Chaucer's  Persone's  Tale  we  find  the 
same  word  {avoutrie)  defined  af^er  the  dvilians, 
but  soon  after  he  mentions  "  mo  spices  "  (more 
species)  taken  from  the  other  acceptation.  John- 
son gives  to  adultery  the  papal  meaning,  but  his 
sole  example  is  from  pagan  Rome,  and  most 
modern  English  dictionary  makers  are  glad  td 
copy  Johnson.     A  still  more  striking  instancf 




if  wtAiaM  explanations  occurs  in  a  remark - 
■Uc  dialofne  between  the  doctor  and  his  friend, 
?oL  iiL  4«,  of  Croker's  BosweU, 

The  nataral  inference  is  that  the  aboTe-men- 
tkaed  aatbors  were  not  conyersant  with  the 
|ittt  chuge  of  definition  undergone  bj  the  word 
Llsltery  and  its  equivalents.  Bat  when  those 
vko  write  on  the  specialties  of  church  history 
aed  latiqiiities  quote  Fathers,  councils,  jurists, 
aed  decretals,  they  ought  in  reason  to  note  how 
ht  the  conunoD  terms  which  their  catenae  link 
toj;ctber  are  or  are  not  used  in  the  same  sense 
tliroQgkont.  This  precaution  has  been  generally 
aeflecta]  as  regards  the  subject  of  this  article, 
-4i<ace  endless  confusion. 

Immediately  upon  the  nature  of  the  crime  (as 
legally  defin«l)  followed  its  Classification.  By 
LexJvUa,  48  I>ii^^  i.  1,  it  was  placed  among 
poblie  wrongs.  But  a  public  wrong  does  not 
aaccaarily  infer  a  public  right  of  prosecution ; 
tee  Gothofred's  note  on  Cod.  Theod.  9,  tit.  7,  s.  2. 
— ''Aliod  est  publicum  crimen;  aliud  publica 
seeantio.''  For  Publica  Judida,  cf.  Dig.  as 
abore  and  Insiitia.  Justin,  4,  18,  sub  init. 

Usder  Augustus  the  husband  was  preferred  as 
fnaecntor,  next  the  wife's  father.  The  bus- 
had  was  in  danger  of  incurring  the  guilt  of 
procoration  {lenodnhan)  if  he  failed  to  prose- 
c«U  (48,  LHg.  ▼.  2,  §  2,  and  29,  sub  imt. ;  also 
9,  Cod.  Just.  9,  2).  He  must  open  proceedings  by 
Mkding  a  divorce  to  his  wife  (48,  Dig.  t.  2,  §  2 ; 
II,  $  10;  and  29,  tmt.>  Thus  dlTorce  was  made 
aa  eaectttial  penalty,  though  tar  from  being  the 
viioie  panishment.  By  NoreU.  117,  c.  8,  pro- 
eesdiogs  might  commence  before  the  divorce. 
Sech  pTMecntion  had  60  days  allowed  for  it, 
aid  these  must  be  dies  vtUes.  The  husband's 
choice  of  days  was  large,  as  his  libellus  might 
Wpreiented  ''de  piano,  t>.,  the  judge  not  sit- 
tag  «" pro  tribunali "  (48,  Dig.  v.  11,  §  6;  and 
14,  {  2).  The  husband  might  also  accuse  for  4 
moaths  farther,  but  not  "jure  mariti,"  only  '*  ut 
qairis  extraneus"  (Goth,  on  11,  §  6).  For  ex- 
ample, see  Tacit.  Ann.  ii.  85;  Labeo  called 
ts  aeomnt  by  the  praetor  (cf.  Orell.  note), 
fer  not  having  accused  his  wife,  pleads  that  his 
60  days  had  not  elapsed.  After  this  time  an 
extiaaeos  might  intervene  for  4  months  of  avail- 
aUe  days  (tit.  of  Dig.  last  quoted,  4,  §  1). 
if  the  divorced  wife  married  before  accusation, 
it  was  necessary  to  begin  with  the  adulterer  (2, 
•■L;  39,  §  3).  The  wife  might  then  escape 
tiiroagb  fiulure  of  the  plaint  against  him  (17, 
§  S).  Ht  was  liable  for  five  continuous  years 
rren  though  she  were  dead  (11,  §  4;  39,  §  2), 
and  his  death  did  not  shield  her  (19,  init.\  but 
that  period  barred  all  accusation  against  both 
«tfndcn(29,  §  5 ;  and  31 ;  also  9,  Cod.  J.  9,  5). 
CndcrConstantine,  A.D.  326  (9,  Cod.  Theod.  7,  2, 
and  9,  Cbd  y.  9,  30),  the  right  of  public  prose- 
cation  was  taken  away.  The  prosecutors  were 
Ihns  arranged :  husband ;  wife's  relations,  t>. 
Ather,  brother,  father's  brother,  mother's  brother. 
Thii  order  remained  unaltered  (see  Balsam.  Schoi. 
»  Bcvcreg.  Pandect,  i.  408,  and  Blistaris  Synr 
<*J«a,  p.  185). 

The  Mosaic  law,  like  the  Roman,  made  this 
a  public  wrong,  and  apparently  also  a 
for  public  prosecution;  compare  Deut. 

ii.  21  with  John  viii.  3  and  10.    As  long  as 
tW  penalty  of  death  was  enforced,  the  husband 
aet  condone.     But  in  later  times  he  might 

content  himself  with  acting  under  Deat.  xxiv.  1- 
4.  See  Matt,  i.,  19.  [Espousals  count  as  matri- 
mony under  Jewish  law  even  more  strongly  than 
under  Roman ;  compare  Deut.  xxii.  23,  seq.,  with 
48,  Dig.  V,  13,  §  3].  See  also  Hosea,  ii.  2,  iii.  I, 
and  parallel  passages. 

By  canon  law  all  known  sins  are  scandals,  and 
as  such  public  wrongs ;  cf.  Gothofr.  marg.  annot. 
on  Dig.  48,  tit.  1,  s.  1 ;  Gi*at.  Decret.  ii.  c.  6,  9,  1 ; 
J.  Clarud,  Sent,  Rec,  v.  1,  6;  and  on  Adultery^ 
Blackstone,  iii.  8,  1,  and  iv.  4,  11.  This  offence 
became  known  to  Church  authorities  in  various 
ways ;  see  Basil  34 ;  Innocent  ad  Exup,  4 ;  and 
Elib.  76,  78,  Greg.  Nyss.  4,  where  confesKion 
mitigates  punishment.  A  similar  allowance  for 
self-accusation  is  found  in  regard  of  other  crimes, 
e,g,  Greg.  Thaum.  cans.  8  and  9. 

The  Church  agreed  with  the  State  in  not 
allowing  a  husband  to  condone  (Basil,  9  and 
21),  and  on  clerks  especially  (Neocaesarea,  8). 
Divines  who  were  not  canonists  differed  consi- 
derably. Hermas's  Pastor  (Mandat.  iv.)  allowed 
and  urged  one  reconciliation  to  a  penitent  wife. 
Augustine  changed  his  mind ;  compare  De  Adul' 
terin.  Conjug,  lib.  ii.  8  (ix.)  with  Eitractat,  lib. 
i.  xix.  6.  In  the  first  of  these  places  he  hesitates 
between  condonation  and  divorce ;  opposes  for- 
giveness ^*  per  claves  regni  caelorum  "  to  the  pro- 
hibitions of  law  "  secundum  terrenae  civitatis 
modum,"  and  concludes  by  advising  continence, 
which  no  law  forbids.  In  the  latter  passage  he 
speaks  of  divorce  as  not  only  allowed  but  com- 
manded. *'  £t  ubi  dixi  hoc  permissum  esse,  non 
jussum  ;  non  attend!  aliam  Script uram  dicentem  ; 
Qui  tenet  adulteram  stultus  et  impius  est " 
(Prov.  xviii.  22  ;  Ixx.), 

A  public  wrong  implied  civil  rights  ;  therefore 
this  offence  was  the  crime  of  free  persons  (Dig. 
48,  tit.  5,  s.  6  init.).  **  Inter  liberas  tantum  per- 
sonas  adulterium  stuprumve  passas  Lex  Julia 
locum  habet."  Cf.  Cod.  J.  9,  tit.  9,  s.  23  init.  A 
slave  was  capable  only  of  Contubemium  (see  Ser^ 
Tus  and  Matrimonium  in  Diet.  Antiq.").  Servitude 
annulled  marriage  (Dig.  24,  tit.  2,  s.  1),  or  rather 
made  it  null  from  the  first  (^Novell.  Just.  22.  8,  9, 
10).  *'Ancillam  a  toro  abjicere"  is  laudable  ac- 
cording to  Pope  Leo  I.  {Ad  Rustic.  6).  That 
Christian  princes  attempted  to  benefit  slaves 
rather  by  manumission  than  by  ameliorating  the 
servile  condition,  we  see  from  the  above-quoted 
Novell,  and  from  Harmenop.  Proch.  i.  14 ;  the 
slave  (sec  1)  is  competent  to  no  civil  relation^t, 
and  (sec.  6)  his  state  is  a  quasi-death. 

Concubinage  was  not  adultery  (Dig.  25,  tit.  7, 
s.  3,  §  1);  but  a  concubine  might  become  an  adult- 
eress, because,  though  not  an  uxor,  she  ought  to 
be  a  matrona,  and  could  therefore,  if  unfaithful,  be 
accused,  not  jure  mariti,  but  jure  extranci.  For 
legal  conditions,  see  Cod.  J.  5,  tit.  26  and  27,  Jtid. 
Novell.  18,  c  5  ;  also  74  and  89.  Leo  (Nov.  91) 
abolished  concubinage  on  Christian  grounds.  For 
the  way  in  which  the  Church  regarded  it,  cf. 
Bals.,  on  Basilj  26,  and  Cone.  Tblet.  i.  17 ;  also 
August.  Quaest.  in  Genesim,  90,  Ve  Fid.  et  Op, 
35  (xix.),  and  Serm.  392,  2.  Pope  Leo  I.  (Ad 
Bustic.  4,  cf.  6,  as  given  by  Mansi)  seems  to  make 
the  legal  concubine  a  mere  ancilla ;  cf.  Grat. 
Decret.  I.  Dist.  34  (ut  supra)  and  Diet.  Antiq.  s.  v. 

We  now  come  to  much  the  gravest  conse- 
quence of  a  classification  under  public  wrongs — 
Its  effect  on  woman's  remedy.  By  Lex  Julia,  the 
wife  has  no  power  of  x^laint  against  the  husband 




for  adultery  m  a  public  wrong  {Cod.  J,  9. 
tit.  9,  8. 1.).  This  evidently  flows  from  the  de- 
finition of  the  crime,  but  the  glossators'  reasons 
are  curious.  She  cannot  complain  jure  mariti 
because  she  is  aot  a  husband,  nor  jture  extranet 
because  she  is  a  woman. 

The  magistrate  was  bound  by  law  to  inquire 
into  the  morals  of  any  husband  accusing  his  wife 
(Dig.  48,  tit.  5, 8. 13  §  5).  This  section  is  from  an 
Antonine  rescript  quoted  at  greater  length  from 
the  Cod,  Gregorian,  by  Augustine,  J)e  Conjug, 
Adutterin.  lib.  ii.  7  (viii.).  The  husband's  guilt 
did  not  act  as  a  compenaatU)  criminis.  In  Eng- 
land the  contrary  holds,  and  a  guilty  accuser 
shall  not  prevail  in  his  suit  (see  Burns,  Eccl. 
Law,  art.  "Marriage.").  But  the  wife's  real 
remedy  lay  in  the  use  of  dirorce  which  during 
the  two  last  centuries  of  the  Bepublic  became 
the  common  resource  of  women  under  grierances 
real  or  fancied,  and  for  purposes  of  the  worst 
kind.  There  is  a  graphic  picture  of  this  side 
of  Roman  life  in  Boissier's  Cic^hm  et  see  Amis ; 
and  for  the  literature  and  laws,  see  "  Divor- 
tium"  in  Smith's  Did.  of  Antiquities.  Bris- 
sonius  de  Formulia  gives  a  collection  of  the 
phrases  used  in  diyordng. 

Constantine  allowed  only  three  causes  on 
either  side  —  on  the  woman's  these  were  her 
husband's  being  a  homicide,  poisoner,  or  violator 
of  sepulchres  {Cod.  Theod.  3,  tit.  16,  s.  1 ;  cf.  Edict. 
Theodor.  54).  This  law  was  too  strict  to  be 
maintained ;  the  variations  of  Christian  princes 
may  be  seen  in  Cod.  J.  5.  tit.  17.  Theodos.  and 
Valentin.  1.  8,  added  to  other  causes  the  hus- 
band's aggravated  incontinency.  Anastasius,  1. 
9,  permitted  divorce  by  common  consent;  this 
again  "  nisi  castitatis  concupiscentia  "  was  taken 
away  by  Justinian  in  his  Novell.  117,  which  (cap. 
9)  allowed  amongst  other  causes  the  husband's 
gross  unchastity.  Justin  restored  divorce  by 
common  consent. 

The  Church  viewed  the  general  liberty  to  re- 
pudiate under  the  civil  law,  with  jealousy ;  cf. 
Greg.  Noziauz.  Epp.  144,  9  (al.  176,  181),  and 
Victor  Antiochen.  on  Mark  z.  4-12.  But  it  was 
f^lt  that  women  must  have  some  remedy  for 
extreme  and  continued  wrongs,  and  this  lay  in 
their  using  their  legal  powers,  and  submitting 
the  reasonableness  of  their  motives  to  the  judg- 
ment of  the  Church.  Basil's  Can.  35  recognizes 
such  a  process ;  see  under  our  Div.  III.  Spiritual 
jPenaltie8f  No.  2.  Still  from  what  has  been  said, 
it  is  plain  that  divorce  might  become  a  frequent 
oocasion  of  adultery,  since  the  Church  held  that 
a  married  person  separated  from  insufficient 
oatues  really  continued  in  wedlock.  Re-marriage 
was  therefore  always  a  serious,  sometimes  a  cri- 
minal step.    [DivoBCE.1 

Marriage  after  a  wife  s  death  was  also  viewed 
with  suspicion.  Old  Rome  highly  valued  conti- 
nence under  such  circumstances ;  Val.  Max.  ii.  1, 
§  3,  gives  the  fact;  the  feeling  pervades  those 
tender  lines  which  contrast  so  strongly  with 
Catullus  V.  ad  Lesbiam — 

**  Ooddit  mea  Lux,  meumque  Sidas; 

Sed  csram  sequar ;  arboreaqae  at  alta 

8ab  tellure  sacs  agnot  amoresi 

El  radidbas  Implicantar  Imis: 

Sic  DOS  ooDsodabttnur  sepulti, 

Et  vlvis  erinms  beatiores." 

Similar  to  Val.  Max.  is  Herm.  Mandat.  iv.  4. 
Gregory  Nazianz.  {Hem.  37,  al.  31)  says  that 

marriage  represents  Christ  and  the  Chutk, 
and  there  are  not  two  Christs ;  the  first  mar- 
riage is  law,  a  second  an  indulgence,  a  third 
swinish.  Against  marriages  beyond  two,  set 
Neocaes.  3,  Basil,  4,  and  Leo.  Nofoell.  90.  Curi- 
ously enough,  Leo  (cf.  Diet.  Biog.)  was  him- 
self excommunicated  by  the  patriarch  for  marry- 
ing a  fourth  wife.    [Digamy.] 

III.  Penalties. — ^We  are  here  at  once  met  by  t 
very  singular  circumstance.  Tribonian  attri- 
butes to  Constantine  and  to  Augustus  two  suspi- 
ciously corresponding  enactments,  both  making 
death  the  penalty  of  this  crime,  and  both  inflict- 
ing that  death  by  the  sword.  The  founder  of 
the  Empire  and  the  first  of  Christian  emperon 
are  thus  brought  into  a  closeness  of  juxtaposi- 
tion which  might  induce  the  idea  that  lawyen^ 
like  mythical  poets,  cannot  dispense  with  £po* 

The  Lex  Julia  furnishes  a  title  to  Cod.  Theod.  9, 
tit.  7 ;  Dig.  48,  tit. ;  and  Cod.  J.  9,  tit.  9 ;  but  in 
none  of  these  places  is  the  text  preserved,  and  we 
only  know  it  from  small  excerpts.  The  law  of 
Constantine  in  Cod.  Theod.  9,  tit.  7,  s.  2,  oontaios 
no  capital  penalty,  but  in  Cod.  J.  9,  tit.  9,  s.  30, 
after  fifteen  lines  upon  accusation,  six  words 
are  added — "  Sacrileges  autem  nuptiarum  gladio 
puniri  oportet."  The  word  '*sacrilegos"  used 
substantively  out  of  its  exact  meaning  is  very 
rare  (see  Facciolati).  For  the  capital  clause^ 
ascribed  to  the  Lex  Julia,  see  Instit.  iv.  18, 4 ;  bat 
this  clause  has  been  since  the  time  of  Cujadni 
rejected  by  most  critical  jurists  and  historians,  of 
whom  some  maintain  the  law  o£  Constantine, 
others  suppose  a  confusion  between  the  great  em- 
peror and  his  sons.  Those  who  charge  Tribonian 
with  emblemata  generally  believe  him  to  have 
acted  the  harmonizer  by  authority  of  Justinian. 
On  these  two  laws  there  b  a  summary  of  the  case 
in  Selden,  Uxor,  Ebr.  iii.  12,  with  foot  references. 
Another  is  the  comment  in  Gothofred's  ed.  of  OuL 
Theod.  vol.  iv.  296,  7.  Heinecdus  is  not  to  be 
blindly  trusted,  but  in  Op.  vol.  III.  his  SylL  ri.  Ik 
Secta  Triboniano-mastigum  contains  curious  mat- 
ter, and  misled  Gibbon  into  the  idea  of  a  regular 
school  of  lawyers  answering  this  description. 
The  passages  in  Chijacius  may  be  traced  through 
each  volume  by  its  index.  See  also  Hoffmann, 
Ad  Leg.  Jul.  (being  Tract  iv.  in  Fellenberg'e 
Jurisprudentia  Antiqua) ;  Lipsii  Excurs.  in  TaciL 
Arm.  iv. ;  Orelli,  on  Tacit,  Ann.  ii.  50 ;  OrtoUn, 
Explication  des  Instituts,  iii.  p.  791 ;  Sandars, 
On  the  Institutes,  p.  605  ;  Diet,  Antiq.,  "  Adult- 
erium";  and  Diet.  Biog.y  <*  Justinianus." 

The  fact  most  essential  to  us  is  that  prae- 
Christian  emperors  generally  substituted  their 
own  edicts  for  the  provisions  of  the  Lex  Julii, 
and  that  the  successors  of  Constantine  were 
equally  diligent  in  altering  his  laws.  Histo- 
rians have  frequently  assumed  the  contrary; 
Valesius'  note  on  Socrates,  v.  18,  may  serve  by 
way  of  example.  The  Church  could  not  avoid 
adapting  her  canons  to  the  varied  states  of  dfil 
legislation;  cf.  Scholia  on  Can.  Apost.  5,  and 
Irull.  87,  besides  many  other  places.  The  tme 
state  of  the  case  will  become  plainer  if  we  briefly 
mention  the  different  ways  in  which  adultery 
might  be  legally  punished. 

1.  The  Jus  Occidendiy  most  ancient  in  its  ori- 
gin ;  moderated  under  the  Empire ;  but  not  taken 
away  by  Christian  princes.  Compare  Dig.  48,  tit 
5,  s.  20  to  24,  32  and  38,  with  same  48,  tit  8, 




•L l,$  5;  Cbi.  /.  9, tit.  9,  s.  4;  and  Paoll  Reoept, 
loiilnf  VL  26u  This  right  is  oommon  to  most 
ntiiMis,  bat  the  ranarkable  point  is  that  Roman 
law  gsTt  a  graatar  prarogatire  of  homicide  to  the 
woman's  fiuher  than  to  her  hosband.  For  a 
BBiiJar  enstom  and  feeling,  see  Lane's  Modem 
EgffHan  i  297.  Tne  Jus  OccidewU  under  the 
Old  Testament  is  treated  b j  Selden,  De  Jure  Nat. 
d  G0iLjusta  Disdp,  Ebrieor,  ir.  8 ;  in  old  and 
Bodem  Fiuoe,  bj  Dncange  and  Raguean;  in 
Eaglaad,  by  BUckstone  and  Wharton«  There  is 
a  jaoTision  in  Basil's  Gan.  34  directing  that  if  a 
wonan's  adnlterv  becomes  known  tol^e  Church 
aathoriiies  either  by  her  own  confession  or  other- 
wiMysbe  shall  be  subjected  to  penitence,  but  not 
pbeed  among  the  public  penitents,  lest  her  bus- 
bead,  seeing  her  should  surmise  what  has  occurred 
aadtlay  her  on  the  spot  (cf.  Blastaris  Syntagma, 
letter  M,  cap.  14).  This  kind  of  summary  renge- 
aaoe  has  often  been  confounded  with  the  penalty 
aflicted  by  courts  of  law,  «^.  its  celebrated  as- 
iertioB  by  Oato  in  A.  Gell.  x.  23,  though  his  words 
"nw  jndicio  "  ought  to  hare  preyented  the  mis- 
take. Examples  of  it  will  be  found  Val.  If  ax. 
TL  1, 13 ;  the  chastisement  of  the  historian  Sal- 
lost  is  d«cribcd  A.  Gell.  xvii.  18 ;  many  illustra- 
tkos  are  seattered  through  the  satirists,  and 
one,  M.  Ann.  Senec^  ContrKm.  i.  4,  is  particularly 

2.  Tim  Houaekold  Tribwwl,  an  institution 
better  known  because  of  the  details  in  Dion. 
UaL  ii.  25.  The  remarks  of  Mommsen  (i.  5  and 
li)f  abonld  be  compared  with  Mr.  Hallam's  phi- 
losophical maxim  {Suppi.  to  Middle  AgeSy  art.  54) 
tbai  the  written  laws  of  free  and  barbarous 
mlioQs  are  generally  made  for  the  purpose  of 
pftrcating  the  infliction  of  arbitrary  punish- 
acats.  See  for  the  usage  Val.  Max.  ii.  9,  2,  and 
A.  GdL  X.  23,  in  which  latter  place  the  husband 
ii  sfoken  of  is  the  wife's  censor,  a  thought  which 
perrades  Origen's  remarkable  exposition  of  Matt. 
111.  8,  9,  compared  with  t.  32  (tomus  xir.  24). 
The  idea  itself  was  likely  to  be  less  alien  from 
tke  mind  of  the  CSiurch  because  of  the  patri- 
srcbal  power  which  sentenced  Tamar  to  the 
ftuaes,  and  the  apostolic  principle  that  'Hhe 
Head  of  the  Woman  is  the  Man."  It  is  plain, 
kowerer,  that  all  private  administration  of  jus- 
tice is  opposed  to  the  whole  tenour  of  Church 
legislation.  But  perhaps  the  most  pleasant  ex- 
saple  of  the  Roman  Household  Court  best  shows 
tke  strength  and  extent  of  its  jurisdiction.  Pom- 
pooia  Graedna  (Tadt.  JkMn.  xiii.  32)  was  so  tried 
SB  the  capital  charge  of  foreign  superstition, 
sad  the  noble  matron,  an  early  conrert,  as  is 
soBMtimeB  supposed,  to  Christianity,  owed  her 
lift  to  the  acquittal  of  her  husband  and  his 
htulj  assessors. 

3.  A  fiur  more  singular  penalty  on  adultery  is 
fBcntioned,Tacit.  Aim.  u.  85,  Sueton.  Tib.  35,  and 
Merirale,  t.  197.  It  consisted  in  permitting  a 
ontron  to  degrade  herself  by  tendering  her  name 
to  the  Aediles  for  insertion  in  the  register  of  pub- 
lic women.  Tacitus  speaks  of  it  as  ^  more  inter 
▼etcres  reeepto,"  and  looks  back  with  evident 
regret  upon  the  ages  when  such  shame  was  felt 
to  be  an  ample  chastisement.  His  feeling  is 
skared  by  VaL  Max.  iL  1.  A  like  custom  sub- 
nsted  before  1833  among  the  modem  Egyptians, 
(aee  Lane,  i.  176-7X  differing  only  in  the  fact  that 
tk«  degradation  was  compulsory,  a  custom  curi- 
onsJy  parallel  to  a  narrative  of  Socrates,  v.  18, 

(copied  by  Nicephorus,  xii.  22),  who  says  that 
there  remained  at  Rome,  till  abolished  bv  the 
Christian  £mperor  Theodosius  I.,  places  o^  con- 
finement called  Sistra,  where  women  who  had 
been  caught  in  breaking  the  7th  Commandment 
were  compelled  to  acts  of  inoontinency,  during 
which  the  attention  of  the  passers-by  was  at- 
tracted by  the  ringing  of  little  bells  in  order  that 
their  ignominy  might  be  known  to  every  one. 
Valesius  has  a  dubious  note  founded  chiefly  on 
a  mistake,  already  observed,  as  to  the  constancy 
of  Roman  punishments.  They  really  were  most 
variable,  and  here  again  Egypt  offers  a  parallel, 
cf.  Lane,  i.  462-3.  Niebuhr  {lectures  on  Roman 
Hid.  i.  270)  thinks  the  unfixed  nature  of  penal- 
ties for  numerous  offences  in  Greece  and  Rome  a 
better  practice  than  the  positive  enactments  of 
modem  times.     We  now  pass  to 

4.  Judicial  Punishmsnts. — ^Augustine  {Oiv.  Deiy 
iii.  5)  says  that  the  ancient  Romans  did  not  in- 
flict death  upon  adulteresses  (cf.  Liv.  i.  28,  x. 
2,  XXV.  2,  and  xxxix.  18 ;)  those  who  read  Plautus 
will  find  divorce  described  as  their  usual  chas- 
tisement. The  critics  of  Tribonian  generally  be- 
lieve that  Paulus  (Sentent.  ii.  26,  14)  gives  the 
text  of  the  Lex  Julia.  It  commences  with  the 
punishment  of  the  woman,  and  proceeds  to  that 
of  her  paramour  on  the  principle  before  noticed 
of  the  adultera  being  the  true  criminal,  and  ,the 
adulter  her  accomplice.  After  Constantine, 
though  the  civil  law  maintains  this  ancient 
position,  there  is  an  apparent  inclination  to  punish 
the  man  as  a  seducer — a  clearly  vital  alteration, 
and  due  probably  to  Christian  influences. 

Augustine  places  the  lenity  of  old  Rome  to- 
wards adulterous  women  in  contrast  with  the 
severities  exercised  on  Vestal  virgins.  His  state- 
ment is  not  necessarily  impugned  by  those  who 
rank  adultery  among  capital  crimes  (e.  g.  Cod,  J, 
9,  tit.  9,  s.  9),  since  by  some  kinds  of  banishment 
^'eximitur  caput  de  dvitate,"  and  hence  the 
phrase  '^ civil  death"  (see  Dig.  48,  tit.  1,  s.  2  ; 
tit.  19,  s.  2 ;  tit.  22,  s.  3-7).  Emperors  varied 
from  each  other,  and  from  themselves.  Augustus 
exceeded  his  own  laws  (Tacit.  Ann.  iii.  24).  Ti- 
berius was  perverse  (ibid.  iv.  42).  Appuleius, 
under  the  Antonines,  represents  the  legal  penalty 
as  actual  death,  and  seems  to  imply  that  burn- 
ing the  adulteress  alive  was  not  an  unknown 
thing  (Met.  ix.  ut  supra).  Of  Macrinus  it  is  ex- 
pressly stated  (Jul.  Capit.  12),  '*  Adulterii  reos 
semper  vivos  simul  incendit,  junctis  corporibus." 
Alexander  Severus  held  to  a  capital  penalty  (Cod. 
J.  9,  tit.  9X  as  above.  Paulus  was  of  his  council 
(cf.  Ael.  Lamprid.  25),  a  fact  favouring  the  sup- 
position that  the  section  (Recept.  Sent.  ii.  26, 14) 
which  mentions  a  punishment  not  capital  must 
represent  an  earlier  law.  Arnobius,  undei  Dio- 
cletian (see  Diet.  Biog.y^  speaks  of  adultery  as 
capital  (iv.  p.  142,  ecL  Var.).  With  the  above 
precedents  before  him,  the  reader  may  feel  in- 
clined to  distrust  the  charge  of  new  and  Mosaic 
severity  brought  against  Constantine  and  his 
successors  in  chap.  44  of  Gibbon,  vol.  v.  p.  322, 
ed.  Milman  and  Smith. 

Whether  the  disputed  penal  clause  of  Con- 
stantine be  genuine  or  not,  by  another  law  of  his 
(Cod.  J,  9,  tit.  11)  a  woman  ofiendlng  with  a 
slave  was  capitally  punished,  and  the  slave  burned. 
Constantius  and  Constans  (Cod.  Theod.  11,  tit. 
36, 8. 4)  enacted  "  pari  similique  ratione  sacrilegot 
nuptiarum,  tanquam  manifestos  parricides,  in* 




•uere  cnleo  vivos,  vel  ezurere,  jadicantem  opor- 
teat."  Compare  Diet.  Antiq.  art.  Leges  Comeliae, 
*^  Lex  PompeU  de  Parricidiis/'  and  for  burning, 
Paul!  Sentent.  Recept,  v.  24.  Baronins  (sub  fin. 
Ann.  339)  has  a  note  on  "  Sacrilegos," — a  word 
which  placed  the  male  offender  in  a  deeply  criminal 
light.  The  ezecation  of  the  sentence  was  en- 
forced bj  clear  cases  of  adultery  being  excepted 
from  appeal  {Serd,  Becepi.  ii.  26,  17),  and  after- 
wards {Cod.  Theod,  9,  tit.  38,  s.  3-8),  from  the 
Easter  indulgence,  when,  in  Imperial  phrase,  the 
Resurrection  Morning  brought  light  to  the  dark- 
ness of  the  prison,  and  broke  the  bonds  of  the 
transgressor.  Yet  we  may  ask,  Was  the  Con- 
stantian  law  really  maintained?  Just  thirty 
years  later,  Ammianus  (zxviii.  1)  gives  an  ac- 
count of  the  decapitation  of  Cethegus,  a  senator 
of  Rome ;  but  though  the  sword  was  substituted 
for  fire,  he  reckons  this  act  among  the  outrages 
of  Maximin,  prefect  of  the  city ;  and  how  easily 
a  magisti'ate  might  indulge  in  reckless  barbarity 
may  be  seen  by  the  horrible  trial  for  adulterv 
described  by  Jerome  (Ad  Innocent.),  in  which  botn 
the  accused  underwent  extreme  tortures.  Again, 
though  the  Theodosian  code  (in  force  from  ▲.D. 
439)  gave  apparent  life  to  the  Constantian  law, 
yet  by  a  rescript  of  Majorian  (a.d.  459)  it  is 
ordered  that  the  adulterer  shall  be  punished  '*  as 
under  former  emperors,"  by  banishment  from 
Italy,  with  permission  to  any  one,  if  he  return, 
to  kill  him  on  the  spot  (NoveU,  Major.  9).  That 
death  in  various  times  and  places  was  the  penalty, 
seems  clear  from  Jerome  on  Nah.  i.  9 ;  the  Vandal 
customs  in  Salvian,  7;  and  Can.  Wallici,  27. 
Fines  appear  in  later  Welsh,  as  in  Salic  and 
A.  S.  codes.  For  these  and  other  punishments 
among  Christianized  barbarians,  see  Ancient  Lavs 
of  Wales ;  Lindenbrogli  Cod.  Leg.,  Wilkins,  vol.  i., 
Olaus  Mag.  de  Gent.  Septent.  XIV. ;  and  Ducange 
8.  V.  and  under  Trotari. 

For  Justinian's  legislation  see  his  134th  Novell. 
Cap.  10  renews  the  Constantian  law  against  the 
male  offender,  extends  it  to  all  abettors,  and  in- 
flicts on  the  female  bodily  chastisement,  with 
other  penalties  short  of  death.  Cap.  12  contem- 
plates a  possible  evasion  of  justice,  and  further 
offences,  to  which  are  attached  further  severities. 
Caps.  9  and  13  contain  two  merciful  provisions. 
Leo,  in  his  32nd  Novell,  (cited  by  Harmenop.  as 
19th),  compares  adultery  with  homicide,  and 
punishes  both  man  and  woman  by  the  loss  of 
their  noses  and  other  inflictions.  For  a  final 
summary,  cf.  Harmenop.  Proch.  vi.  2,  and  on  the 
punishment  of  incontinent  married  men,  vi.  3. 

Spiritual  penalties  may  be  thus  arranged — 1. 
Against  adultery  strictly  so  called  (Can.  Apost. 
61  al.  60).  A  convicted  adulter  cannot  receive 
orders. — Ancyra,  20.  Adultera  and  adulter  (so 
Schol.,  husband  with  guilty  knowleilge,  Houth 
and  Fleury),  7  years'  penitence. — Neocnesarea,  1. 
Presbyter  so  offending  to  be  fully  excommunicated 
and  brought  to  penitence. — Neocaesarea,  8.  The 
layman  whose  wife  is  a  convicted  adultera  can- 
not receive  orders.  If  the  husband  be  already 
ordained,  he  must  put  her  away  under  penalty 
of  deprivation. — Basil,  can.  9.  An  unchaste  wife 
must  be  divorced.  An  unchaste  husband  not  so, 
even  if  adulterous ;  this  is  the  rule  of  Church 
custom.  [N.B. — We  place  Basil  here  because  ac- 
cepted by  Trull.  2.}— Basil,  58.  The  adulter  15 
yeiirs'  penitence ;  cf.  59,  which  gives  7  years  to 
simple  incontinence,  and  compare  with  both  can. 

7  and  Scholia. — Gregor.  Nyss.,  can.  4^  prescribef 
18  years  (9  only  for  simple  incontinence). — ^Basil, 
27,  and  Trull.  26,  forbid  a  presbyter  who  has 
ignorantly  contracted  an  unlawful  marriage  be* 
fore  orders  to  discharge  his  functions,  but  do  not 
degrade  him. — Basil,  39.  An  adultera  living  with 
her  paramour  is  guilty  of  continued  crime.  This 
forbids  her  marriage  with  him,  as  does  also  the 
civil  law.  Cf.  on  these  marriages  Triburiense,  40, 
49,  and  51. — On  intended  and  incipient  sin,  com- 
pare Neocaesarea,  4,  with  Basil,  70  (also  Scholia) 
and  Blastaris  Syntagma,  cap.  xvi. — The  synod  of 
£liberis,  though  held  a.d.  305,  was  not  accepted 
by  any  Universal  Council,  but  it  represents  an 
important  part  of  the  Western  Church,  and  its 
canons  on  discipline  are  strict.  The  following 
arrangement  will  be  found  useful.  Eliberis,  19. 
Sin  of  Clerisy.  (Cf.  Tarracon.  9.)— 31.  Of  young 
men. — 7.  Sin,  if  repeated. — 69.  Of  married  men 
and  women.---47.  If  habitual  and  with  relapse 
after  penitence. — 64.  Of  women  continuing  with 
their  accomplices ;  cf.  69. — 65.  Wives  of  clerks. 
— 70.  Husbands'  connivance  (F.  Mendoza  remarks 
on  the  antiquity  of  this  sin  in  Spain). — 78.  Oi 
married  men  with  Jewesses  or  Pagans. 

2.  Against  Adultery  as  under  Syiritual  but  not 
Civil  Law. — Both  canonists  and  divines  joined  with 
our  Saviour's  precepts,  Prov.  xviii.  23 ;  Jer.  iii.  1 
(both  LXX) ;  1  Cor.  vi.  16,  and  vii.  11-16  and  39. 
They  drew  two  conclusions :  (1)  Divorce,  except 
for  adultery,  is  adultery.  Under  this  fell  the 
questions  of  enforced  continence,  and  of  marriage 
after  divorce.  (2)  To  retain  an  adulterous  wife 
is  also  adultery — a  point  disputed  by  divines,  e.g. 
Augustine,  who  yielded  to  the  text  in  Proverbs 
(Retract,  i.  xix.  6).  These  divisions  should  be 
remembered  though  the  points  are  often  blended 
in  the  canons. 

Can,  Apost.  5.  Ko  one  in  higher  orders  to 
cast  out  his  wife  on  plea  of  religion.  This  is 
altered  as  regards  bishops  by  Ti-ull.  12,  but 
the  change  (opposed  to  African  feeling)  was  not 
enough  to  satisfy  Rome.  It  must  be  remem- 
bered that,  though  divorce  was  restrained  by 
Constantine,  whose  own  mother  had  thus  suf- 
fered (see  £utrop.  ix.  22),  his  law  was  relaxed 
by  Theod.  and  Valentin,  and  their  successors, 
and  it  was  common  for  a  clerk,  forced  into  conti- 
nence, to  repudiate  his  wife.  Trull.  13,  opposes 
the  then  Roman  practice  as  concerns  priests  and 
deacons,  and  so  far  maintains,  as  it  says.  Can. 
Apost.  5. — ^The  Scholia  on  these  three  canons 
should  be  read.  For  the  Roman  view  of  them 
compare  Binius  and  other  commentators  with 
Fleury,  Iltst.  Eccl.  xl.  50.  Cf.  Siricius,  Ad  Himer. 
7 ;  Innocent  I.  Ad  Exup.  1,  and  Ad  Max.  et  Set. ; 
Leo  I.  Ad  Rustic,  3,  and  Ad  Anastas.  4.  See  also 
Milman,  Lot.  Christ,  i.  97-100.  The  feeling  of 
Innocent  appeara  most  extreme  if  Jerome's  asser- 
tion (Ad  Dcmetriad.')  of  this  pope's  being  his 
predecessor's  son  is  literally  meant,  as  Milman 
and  others  believe. — Can.  Apost.  18,  al.  17. 
On  marriage  with  a  aist-out  wife;  cf.  Lerit. 
xxi.  7. — 48,  al.  47.  Against  casting  out  and 
marrying  again,  or  marrying  a  dismissed  woman. 
"Casting  out"  and  "dismissed"  are  explained 
by  the  Scholiasts  in  the  sense  of  unlawful  repu- 
diations. Sanchez  (^Dc  Matrim.  lib.  x.  de  Dicoti. 
Disp.  ii.  2)  quotes  this  canon  in  the  opposite  sense, 
and  brings  no  other  authority  to  forbid  divorce 
before  Innocent  I. ;  indeed  in  Disp.  i.  12,  he  savs, 
"  Posterior  (excusatic)  est,  indissolubilitatem 




trimmi  Don  ita  arcce  in  pnmitiyii  Ecclesia  in- 
telkctam  ene,  quia  lioeret  ex  legitima  causa, 
apod  Episoopof  prorinciales  probata,  libel  lum 
npmdh  dare."  ¥.  Hendoza  makes  a  like  reserve 
M  Eliberis,  8.  It  is  to  be  observed  that  Latin 
Rfiderings  of  Greek  law  terms  are  apt  to  be  am- 
Vifaoos;  e^.  ^'Soluta"  is  sometimes  used  of 
a  dismisMd  wife,  sometime  of  an  unmarried 
voman. — Basil,  Ad  AmphUoch,  can  9.  The  dictum 
of  our  Lord  applies  naturally  to  both  sexes,  but 
it  b  otherwise  ruled  hj  custom  [i.e.  of  th^ 
Chorch,  see  a  few  lines  further,  with  Scholia ; 
ud  on  unwritten  Church  custom  having  the 
fcite  of  law  cf.  Photli  Nomoc,  i.  3,  and  refer- 
Moes],  In  the  case  of  wives  that  dictum  is 
Aria^tl/  observed  according  to  1  Cor.  yi.  16  ; 
Jer.  iiL  1,  and  Prov.  xviii.,  latter  half  of  23 
(both  in  I .XX  and  Vulgate). — If,  however,  a  di- 
voreed  hosband  marries  again,  the  second  wife  is 
■ot  aa  adnltera,  but  the  first ;  cf.  Scholia.  [Here 
the  Latin  translator  has  mistaken  the  Greek ;  he 
naders  ovk  o78a  ct  96yarai  by  "•  nescio  an  possit," 
iBsteid  of  **  nescio  an  non  " — so  as  to  give  the  con- 
tnrr  of  Basirs  real  meaning.]  A  woman  must 
Bot  iesre  her  husband  for  blows,  waste  of  dower, 
inooBtineace,  nor  even  disbelief  (cf.  1  Cor,  vii.  16), 
SBJer  penalty  of  adultery.  Lastly,  Basil  forbids 
seooad  marriage  to  a  husband  putting  away 
his  wife,  ue,  wdawfuliy  according  to  Aristenus, 
Sddcn,  Tx.  EffT.  iii.  31,  and  Scholia  on  Trull.  87. 
Ob  like  Scripture  grounds  Can.  26  of  2nd  Synod 
attjibated  to  St.  Patrick,  commands  divorce  of 
adalteresses,  and  permits  husband  to  remarry. — 
Baai],  21,  assigns  extra  penitence  to  what  would 
Bov  be  called  simple  adultery  (then  denied  by 
Chnrch  custom  to  be  adultery),  i^.  the  incon- 
tineaey  of  a  married  man.  Divorce  is  next 
tfested  as  a  penalty — an  offending  wife  is  an 
adaltcreiB  and  must  be  divorced — ^not  so  the  hus- 
hud ;  cf.  can.  9.  Basil,  unlike  Gregory  of  Nyssa, 
dfiet  not  justify  in  reason  the  established  custom. 
~35.  AUndes  to  a  judgment  of  the  sort  men- 
tuned  by  Sanchez  and  Mendoza,  and  referred 
to  above. — Can.  48.  Separated  wife  had  better 
Bot  r»>marry. 

Carthage,  105  ap.  Bev.  (in  Cod.  Eccl.  Afric, 
102). — Divorced  persons  (t.e.  either  rightly  or 
wrongly  repudiating)  to  remain  unmarried  or 
be  reconciled,  and  an  alteration  of  Imperial  law 
ia  this  sense  to  be  petitioned  for.  This  breathes 
a  Latin  rather  than  an  Eastern  spirit,  and  is  the 
ame  with  2  Mile  vis  (Mileum),  17  (repeated  Cone, 
Afric.  69X  cf.  1  Aries,  10,  and  Innocent  I.,  Ad 
Ex%p,  6.  The  case  is  differently  determined 
aader  differing  conditions  by  Aug.  de  Fid.  et 
Oper.  2  (i.)  compared  with  35  (xix.). 

The  Scholiasta  hold  that  the  Carthaginian 
eaaoo  was  occasioned  by  fiicility  of  civil  divorce, 
but  superseded  by  Trull.  87.  Innocent  III.,  with 
a  politic  regard  for  useful  forgeries,  ordained  that 
earlier  should  prevail  over  later  canons  (cf. 
Josteil.  L  311X  but  the  Greek  canonists  (as  here) 
Biaintain  the  reverse,  which  is  likewise  ably  up- 
held and  explained  by  Augustine,  De  Bapt,  II.  4, 
(iii.X  Md  14  (ix.> 

TralL  87,  u  made  up  of  Basil's  9,  21,  35,  and 
^  The  Scholia  should  be  read — but  they  do 
Boi  Dotioe  that,  when  it  was  framed,  divorce  by 
eonsent  had  been  restored  by  Justin,  Novell.  2 
(aathent.  140).  They  are  silent  because  neither 
this  JfcKtU.  nor  all  Justinian's  117  were  inserted 
h  the  Basilica  then  used ;  his  134  alone  repre- 

sented the  law  (see  Photii  Nomoc.  XIII.  4,  Sch.  3% 
— ^Trull.  87,  is  so  worded  as  to  express  desertion, 
and  therefore  implies  a  judicial  process,  without 
which  re-marriage  must  be  held  mere  adultery 
(see  on  this  point,  Bkutaris  Syntagm. :  Oamma, 
13).  The  ^  divine  "  Basil,  here  highly  magnified, 
is  elevated  still  higher  in  Blastaria,  Caw.  Matrim. 
ap.  Leunclavii  Jus  Graeco-Roman.  p.  514. 

This  canon  closes  the  circle  of  Oecumenical 
law  upon  adultery,  and  on  divorce,  treated  partly 
as  its  penalty  and  partly  as  its  cause.  The 
points  of  agreement  with  State  law  are  plain ; 
the  divergence  is  an  effect  of  Church  restraint 
upon  divorce,  which,  if  uncanonical,  easily  led  to 
digamy,  and  foi-med  per  se  a  species  of  adultery. 
According  to  canonists  (Photii  Nomoc.  I^  2,  Schol. 
2),  Churdi  law,  having  a  twofold  sanction,  could 
not  be  resisted  by  Imperial  constitutions. 

As  the  ancient  mode  of  thinking  on  adultery 
is  alien  from  our  own,  it  seems  right  to  refer 
the  reader  to  the  vindication  of  its  morality  by 
Gregory  Nyss.  {Ad  Let.  4). — Gregory  is  by  no 
means  lenient  to  the  incontinency  of  married  or 
unmarried  men  with  single  women;  9  years  of 
penitence  with  all  its  attendant  infamy  made  up 
no  trifling  chastisement.  But  he  held  that  the 
offence  of  a  married  woman  and  her  paramour 
involves  three  additional  elements  of  immoralitv 


— the  treacherous,  the  specially  unjust,  and  the 
unnatural ;  or,  to  put  the  case  another  way,  he 
estimated  the  sin  by  the  strength  of  the  barriers 
overleaped  by  passion,  and  by  the  amount  of 
selfishness  involved  in  its  gratification.  So,  in 
modern  days,  we  often  speak  of  an  adulteress  as 
an  unnatural  mother,  and  visit  her  seducer  with 
proportionate  indignation.  Thus  viewed,  spuri- 
ousness  of  progeny  is  not  a  censure  by  rule  of 
expediency,  but  a  legal  test  of  underlying  de- 

This  section  may  usefully  close  with  examples 
showing  how  the  ancient  position  has  been  over- 
looked as  well  as  resisted.  We  saw  that  Car- 
thage, 105,  and  its  parallels  forbade  mari'iage 
after  divorce,  whether  just  or  unjust,  and  that 
the  view  of  its  being  adultery  had  gained  ground 
in  the  West.  Now,  three  earlier  Eliberitan  canons 
uphold  the  other  principle.  Can.  8.  Against  re- 
marriage of  a  woman  causelessly  repudiating. 
9.  Against  re-marriage  of  a  woman  leaving  an 
adulterous  husband.  10.  Against  marriage  with 
a  man  guilty  of  causeless  dismissal.  From  this 
last  canon,  compared  with  8  and  9,  it  appeai-s 
that  the  husband  divorcing  an  adulteress  may 
marry  again,  which  by  9  an  aggrieved  wife  can- 
not do ;  cf.  the  parallel,  Basil,  9,  supra.  Cotc- 
lerius,  note  16,  3,  to  Herm.  Pad,  Mand.  iv., 
quotes  cans.,  9  and  10  as  a  support  to  the  pseudo- 
Ambrose  on  1  Cor.  vii.  10,  11,  and  construes 
both  to  mean  that  the  man  is  favoured  above 
the  woman  under  like  conditions.  He  is  fol- 
lowed by  Bingham,  xvi.  11,  6,  as  far  as  the  so- 
called  Ambrose  is  concerned.  But  we  have  suf- 
ciently  proved  that  Church  custom  did  not  per- 
mit incontinency  to  be  held  a  like  condition 
in  husband  and  in  wife.  The  pseudo-Ambrose 
himself  misleads  his  readers — his  law  agrees 
with  the  Basilean  canon,  but  not  content  with 
laying  down  the  law,  he  goes  on  to  reason  out 
the  topic — the  man's  being  the  head  of  the 
woman,  &c.  The  Western  Canon  ascribed  to  St. 
Patrick  (jsuprd)  seems  a  remarkable  contrast  to 
the  Latin  rule.    The  fiict  is  equally  remarkable 




that  at  DO  ftu*ther  distance  from  Eliberis  than 
Aries,  and  as  early  as  a.d.  314,  it  was  enacted 
hj  Can.  10  that  joung  men  detecting  their  wives 
m  adultery  should  be  counselled  against  marry- 
ing others  during  the  lifetime  of  the  adulteresses 
(cf.  Nantes  12).  Most  curious  to  us  are  the  de- 
crees of  Pope  Leo  I.,  Ad  Nicet,  1,  2,  3,  4,  which 
allow  the  wires  of  prisoners  of  war  to  marry 
others,  but  compel  them  to  return  to  their 
husbands  under  pain  of  excommunication  should 
the  captires  be  released  and  desire  their  society. 
Such  instances  as  these  and  some  before  cited 
illustrate  the  various  modes  of  affirming  an  iron 
bond  in  marriage,  and  of  resisting  the  law  on 
adultery,  and  on  divorce  as  the  penalty  of  adul- 
tery (afterwards  received  in  Trullo),  ere  yet  the 
opposition  formed  an  article  in  the  divergence 
of  Greek  and  Latin  Christendom.  With  them 
should  be  compared  the  extracts  from  divines 
given  under  Division  11.  supra,  which  display  in 
its  best  colours  the  spirit  of  the  revolution.  For 
other  particulars,  see  Divorce. 

3.  Constncctive  Advitery, — ^The  following  are 
treated  as  guilty  of  the  actual  crime : — Trull.  98. 
A  man  marrying  a  betrothed  maiden ;  cf.  Basil, 
37,  with  Schol.,  and  Dig.  48,  tit.  5,  s.  13,  §  3; 
also  Siricius,  Ad  Him,  4. — Elib.  14.  Girls  seduced 
marrying  other  men  than  their  seducers. — Basil, 
18.  Consecrated  virgins  who  sin  and  their  para- 
mours ;  cf.  his  60.  These  supersede  Ancyra,  19, 
by  which  the  offence  was  punished  as  digamy. 
See  on  same.  Trull.  4 ;  £lib.l3 ;  Siric.  Ad  Him,  6, 
Innocent,  Ad  Victr,  12  and  13.  Cyprian,  ^dPom- 
pon.,  pronounced  it  better  they  should  marry — 
the  offender  is  "  Christi  Adultera.*'  Jerome,  Ad 
Demetriad.  sub  fin.,  perplexes  the  case  for  irre- 
vocable vows  by  declaring,  ^  Quibus  aperte  dicen- 
dum  est,  ut  aut  nubant,  si  se  non  possunt  conti- 
nerc,  aut  contineant,  si  nolunt  nuberc." — Laod. 
10  and  31,  accepted  by  Chalced.  i.  and  TruU.  2, 
forbid  giving  sons  and  daughters  in  marriage  to 
heretics.  Eliberis,  15, 16, 17,  enact  severe  penal- 
ties against  parents  who  marry  girls  to  Jews, 
heretics,  and  unbelievers,  above  all  to  heathen 
priests.  1,  Aries,  11,  has  same  prohibition,  so  too 
Agde,  67.  By  Cod,  Theod.  16,  tit.  8,  s.  6  (a.d. 
339),  Jews  must  not  take  Christian  women ;  by 
Cod,  Theod,  3,  tit.  7,  s.  2  (a.d.  388),  all  marriage 
between  Jew  and  Christian  is  to  be  treated  as 
adultery,  a  law  preserved  by  Justinian  (Cod,  J. 
1,  tit.  9,  s.  6).  Some  suppose  this  phrase  simply 
means  treated  as  a  capital  offence,  but  Klib.  15, 
mentions  the  risk  o{  adultenum  animae.  The  pas- 
sage in  Tertullian,  Ad  Ux.  [[,  3,  ''fideles  gentilium 
matrimonia  subeuntes  stupri  reos  esse  constat," 
&c.  (cf.  Division  I.  tuprd)  shows  how  early  this 
thought  took  hold  of  the  Church.  Idolatry 
from  Old  Testament  times  downward  was  adul- 
tery ;  and  divines  used  the  principle  1  Cor.  vi. 
15, 16,  and  parallel  texts,  to  prove  that  marriage 
with  an  unclean  transgressor  involved  wile  or 
husband  in  the  sinner's  guilt.  Compare  Justin 
Martyr  in  the  history  cited  Division  I.,  Cyprian, 
Testimon,  iii.  62,  and  Jerome,  Epitaph,  FoUtiolae. 
It  would  appear  therefore  that  law  was  thus 
worded  to  move  conscience,  and  how  hard  the 
task  of  law  became  may  be  gathered  fi'om  Chal- 
cedon,  14.  This  canon  (on  which  see  Schol.  and 
Routh's  note,  Opusc,  ii.  107)  concerns  the  lower 
clerisy ;  but  the  acceptance  of  Laodicea  by  Can. 
1  had  already  met  the  case  of  lay  people.  See 
fbrther  under  Marriage. 

The  Church  was  strict  against  incitementi  am] 
scandals.  Professed  virgins  must  not  lire  with 
clerks  as  sisters.  See  SuB-nrntODUCTAE.  Oa 
promiscuous  bathing.  Trull.  77,  Laod.  30 ;  the 
custom  was  strange  to  early  Rome,  but  practice 
varied  at  different  times  (see  Did,  Antiq.  Bal- 
neae).  Cn  female  adornment,  Trull.  96,  and  com- 
pare Commodian's  address  to  matrons,  Inst.  59, 
60. — Elib.  35,  forbids  women's  night  watching 
in  cemeteries,  because  sin  was  committed  under 
pretext  of  prayer.  Against  theatricals,  loose 
reading,  some  kinds  of  revels,  dances,  and  other 
prohibited  things,  see  Bingham,  xvi.  11,  10-17, 
with  the  references,  amongst  which  those  to 
Cyprian  deserve  particular  attention. 

For  the  general  literature  on  Canon  Law  see 
that  article.  Upon  civil  law  there  are  excellent 
references  under  Justinianus,  Diet,  Biogr,,  with 
additional  matt«r  in  the  notes  to  Gibbon,  chap. 
44,  ed.  Smith  and  Milman,  and  a  summary  re- 
specting the  Basilica,  vol.  vii.  pp.  44,  45.  *  We 
may  here  add  that  Mommsen  is  editing  a  text  of 
the  Corpus  Juris  Civilis ;  and  the  whole  Russian 
code  is  now  being  translated  for  English  publica- 
tion. There  is  a  series  of  manuals  by  Ortolan 
deserving  attention:  Histoire  de  la  lAgislation 
romaine,  1842 ;  Cours  de  Legislation  pSnale  com- 
pareey  1839-41 ;  Explication  des  Instittds,  1863. 
Gothofredi  Manuals  Juris,  and  Windscheid's 
Lehrbuch  d,  Pandektenrechts  (2nd  ed.)  may  be 
useful.  An  ample  collection  of  Councils  and  Ec- 
clesiastical documents  relating  to  Great  Britain 
and  Ireland  is  being  published  at  Oxford.  Re- 
ferences on  special  topics  have  been  fully  given 
above,  and  will  serve  to  indicate  the  ret^est 
sources  for  further  information.  Curious  readers 
will  find  interesting  matter  in  Saint  Edme,  Die- 
tionnaire  de  la  P€naliU;  Taylor,  On  Civil  Law; 
and  Duni,  Origine  e  Progressi  del  Cittadino  e  del 
Oovemo  civile  di  Roma,  1763-1764.      [W.  J.] 

ADVENT  {Advenius,  f^nffrcia  r&v  Xpurrov 
ytvvuv)^  is  the  season  of  preparation  for  the 
Feast  of  the  Nativity,  to  which  it  holds  the  like 
relation  as  does  Lent  to  Easter.  As  no  trace  of 
an  established  celebration  of  the  birth  of  our 
Lord  is  met  with  before  the  4th  century  [Na- 
Txyrrr],  no  earlier  origin  can  be  assigned  to  the 
ecclesiastical  institution  of  Advent;  the  state- 
ment of  Durand  (Rationale  divin.  off.  vi.  21^  which 
makes  this  an  appointment  of  St.  Peter  (unless, 
like  other  statements  of  the  same  kind,  it  means 
only  that  this  was  an  ordinance  of  the  see  of  St. 
Peter),  may  rest,  perhaps,  on  an  ancient  tradition, 
making  Christmas  an  apostolic  institution,  but 
is  contrary  to  all  historical  testimony,  and  devoid 
of  probability.  Expressions  which  have  been 
alleged  on  that  behalf  from  Tertullian,  St.  Cyprian, 
and  other  early  writers,  are  evidently  meant,  not 
of  "Advent"  as  a  Church  season,  but  of  the 
coming  of  the  Lord  in  the  fulness  of  time.  A 
passage  of  St.  Chrysostom  (Horn,  iii.  ad  Eph, 
t,  xi.  22  B),  in  which  Koiphs  ttjs  wpo<r69ov  is 
mentioned  in  connection  with  t^  *Eiri^ayla  (t.  e. 
the  ancient  Feast  of  Nativity  and  Baptism)  and 
with  the  Lenten  Quadragesima,  speaks,  as  the 
context  manifestly  shows,  not  of  the  season  of 
Advent,  but  of  the  fit  time  (or  rather  fitness  in 
general)  for  coming  to  Holy  Communion  (compw 
Menard  on  Libr,  Sacram,  S.  Gregorii ;  Opp,  t.  iiu 
col.  446).  Setting  aside  these  supposed  testi- 
monies, and  that  of  the  Sermons  de  Advmt^ 




alkfed  as  St  An^iutiDe's,  but  certainly  not  his, 
veksTv  two  homiHes  In  (or  De)  Adcentu  Domini^ 
dc  «o  qvod  dietam  est,  stent  fid^ur  cortiscans,  &c., 
ct  itdmlmt  w  lecto  uno^  hj  St.  Maximxis,  Bishop 
at  Taria,  o6l  466.     In  neither  of  these  sermons 
b  then  aaj  indication  of  Adrent  as  a  season, 
tmj  sliwion  to  Lessons,  Gospels,    &c.,  appro- 
pruted  to  such  a  season,  or  to  the  Feast  of 
XatintT  as  then  approaching.    And,  indeed,  the 
ha,  that  the  **  Sundays  in  Advent "  are  unknown 
i«  the  Sacnmentary  of  Pope  Leo  of  the  same  age 
MffideatJr  shows  that  this  season  was  not  yet 
otabiibhed  in  the  time  of  Mazimns.      Among 
Ut  HomiJies    (donbtfully)    ascribed     to    this 
bisiMiH  edited  by  Mabillon  (iftis.  ItcU.  t.  i.  pt.  2), 
cae,  horn.  tjL,  preached  on  the  Sunday  before 
CkristaMs,  simply  ezhort«  to  a  due  observance  of 
tte  fiaast,  and   contains   no   indication  of  any 
cedaBastical  rule.      Even   in  the  Sermons  de 
jiKata,  formerly  ascribed    to  St.  Augustine, 
WW  generally    acknowledged    to    have    been 
■fiittea  by  Gaesarius,  Bishop  of  Aries,  o6.  542  (S. 
Aagastini  0pp.  t.  v.  210,  Ben,  Append,  n.  115, 
116X  there  is  no  distinct  recognition  of  Advent 
as aaestablished  obeervance.  In  these,  the  faithful 
arc  exhorted  to  prepare  themselves,  several  days 
{taUe  ptures  die8%  foi  the  due  celebration  of  the 
Kaiivity,  especially  of  the  Christmas  Communion, 
hf  good  worlcs,  by  guarding  against  anger  and 
katnd,  by  modest  hospitality  to  the  poor,  by 
itnct  eontioence,  &c.     Still  there  is  no  indi> 
cation  of  the  length  of  time  so  to  be  set  apart, 
Mr  any  reference  to  Lessons,  Gospels,  or  other 
■attcn  of  Church  usage.    Tlie  preacher  urges 
nek  preparation,  not  on  the  ground  of  Church 
•Wrvaace,  but  as  matter  of  natural  fitness : 
**  Evea  as  ye  would  prepare  for  celebrating  the 
iirtk-day  of  a  great  lord  by  putting  your  houses 
la  Older,"  Jic     ^  Ideo  ab  omni  inquinamento 
sate  ejus  Natalem  multis  diebus  abstinere  de- 
ictis.    QuoHetcumqve  aut  Natalem  Domini  ctut 
rtHqmis  9oUemnitatea  celebrare  disponitis,  ebrieta- 
tem  ante  omnia  fhgite,"  &c.     And  so  in  the 
sMood  sermon :  **■  £t  ideo  (fuotiescumque  aut  dies 
Xatalift  Domini,  cent  reUffuaefestimtates  adveniunt, 
sicat  frequenter  admonui,  ante  plures  dies  non 
aolam  ab  infelici  concubinarum   consortio,  sed 
vtisB  a  propriis  uzoribus  abstinete :  ab  omni  ira- 
candia,**  ftc.    There  is  indeed  a  canon  cited  by 
Gntiatt  {Decretal,  zxxiii.  qu.  4)  as  of  the  Council 
of  Lerida,  ▲.!>.  523,  prohibiting  all  marriage /rom 
AAval  to  Epiphany.    But  this  canon  is  known 
to  be  spurious,  and  does    not  appear  in  the 
aatlwBtie  copies  (see  Brun's  Concilia^  t.  ii.  20). 
A  shnilar  canon  of  the  Council  of  Mftcon,  (a.d. 
581,  ihid.  242)  is  undisputed.     This  (can.  ix.) 
eajoiBs  that    from    the    Feast    of  St.    Martin 
(Xov.   11)  to  the   Nativity  there    be  fasting 
e«  Monday,   Wednesday,   and   Friday    of  each 
week,  and  that  the  canons  be  then  read ;  also 
that  the  aacrifices  be  offered  in  the  quadragesimal 
sHer.    (Subsequent  councils,  after  our  period, 
eijoia  the  observance  of  this  Quadragesima  S. 
Jbrtini  as  the  preparation  for  Christmas,  corre- 
^aading  to  the   Lenten  Quadragesima   before 
Easter.)    It  does  not  appear  what   were  the 
cuns  i^ipointed  to  be  read,  relating,  of  course, 
ts  the  ohservance  of  these  forty  days  before 
CSnistnus;  only,  it  may  be  inferred  that  such 
were,  or  were  supposed  to  be,  in  exist- 
of  evlier  date  than  that  of  Mftcon  (in  the 
to  which  council  it  is  said  these  enact- 

ments are  not  new :  ^  non  tarn  nova  quam  prieca 
patrum  statuta  sancientes  "  &c.).    In  the  second 
Council  of  Tours  (a.d.  567),  the  fast  of  three 
days  in  the  week  is  ordered  (can.  zvii.)  for  the 
months  of  September,  October,  and  November, 
and  from  (1)  December  to  the  Nativity,  omni 
die.    But  this  is  for  monks  only.     St.  Gregory, 
Bishop  of  Tours,  in  De  Vitis  Fatrwn,  written 
between  590  and  595,  alleges  that  Perpetuus, 
Bishop  of  Tours  (461-490),  ordered  "a  deposi- 
tione  B.  Martini  usque  ad  Nat.  Dom.  terna  in 
septimana  jejunia."     This  may  have  been  one 
of  the  prisca  atatvta  appealed  to ;  but  no  trace 
is  extant  of  any  such  canon,  either  in  the  First 
Council  of  Tours,  a.d.  460,  or  in  any  other  Latin 
council  before  that  of  M&con.     It  seems,  from  all 
that  is  certainly  known,  that  Advent  took  its  place 
among  Church  seasons  only  in  the  latter  part 
of  the  6th  century.     When  the  Nativity  had 
become  established  as  one  of  the  great  festivals, 
it  was  felt  that  its  dignity  demanded  a  season  of 
preparation.     The  number  of  days  or  weeks  to  be 
so  set  apart  was  at  first  left  to  the  discretion  of 
the  faithful :  ''ante  plures  dies,  multis  diebus,'* 
as  in  the  above-cited  exhortation  of  Caesarius. 
Later,  this  was  defined  by   rule,   and  first,  it 
seems,  in  the  Churches  of  Gaul.    Tet  not  every- 
where the  same  rule :    thus  the  oldest  Gallican 
Sacramentary  shows  three  Sundays  in  Advent, 
the  Gothic-Gallican  only  two  (Mabillon,   Jfus. 
Hal.  t.  i.  pp.  284-288 ;  and  de  Liturg.  Gallicana, 
p.  98,  eqq.).     But  the  rule  that  the  term  of  pre- 
paration should  be  a  quadragesima  (correspond- 
ing with  that  which  was  already  established  for 
Easter),   to  commence   after   the   Feast  of  St. 
Martin,  which  rule,  as  has  been  seen,  was  not 
enacted,  but  reinforced  by  the  canon  of  M&con, 
581,  implies  six  Sundays ;  and  that  this  rule  ob- 
tained in  other  Churches  appears  from  the  fact 
that  the  Ambrosian  (or  Milan)  and   Mozarabic 
(or  Spanish)  Ordo  show  six  missae,  implying  that 
number  of  Sundays ;  and  the  same  rule  was  ob- 
served (as  Martene  has  shown)  in  some  of  the 
Gallican  Churches.     The  Epistola  ad  Bibianum 
&lsely  alleged  to  be  St.  Augustine's  account  of 
^  the  ofiices  of  divine  worship  throughout  the 
year  "  in  his  diocese  of  Hippo  (see  Bened.  Ad- 
monitio  at  end  of  0pp.  S.  Augustini,  t.  ii.), 
also  attests  this  for  Churches   of  Gaul,  if,   as 
Martene  surmises,  this  was  the  work  of  some 
Gallican  writer.      It  should  be  remarked  that 
this  writer  himself  makes  the  ordo  adventtis 
Domini  begin  much   earlier,  at  the  autumnal 
equinox,   Sept.   25,  as   being  the  day   of  the 
conception  of  St.  John  the  Baptist,  and  so  the 
beginning  of  the  times  of  the  Gospel.     "Sed 
quia  sunt  nonnulli  qui  adventum  Domini  a  festi- 
vitate    B.   Martini    Turonensis    urbis    episcopi 
videntur  insipienter  excolere,  nos  eos  non  repre- 
hendamus ''  &c.     This  Quadi-agesima  S.  Martini 
seems  to  have  originated  in  Gaul,  in  the  diocese 
of  Tours,  to  which  it  was  specially  recommended 
by  the  devotion   paid   to  its   great  saint ;    an 
odditiouiil   distinction   was  conferred   upon   his 
festival  in  that  it  marked  the  beginning  of  the 
solemn  preparation  for  the  Nativity.     So  far,  we 
may  accept  Binterim's  conclusion  {Denkumrdig- 
keiten  der  chritt.-kathol.  Kirche,  vol.  v.,  pt.  i.,  p. 
166):  the  rule — ^not,as  he  says,  of  Ad  vent,  but — of 
this  Quadragesima  is  first  met  with  in  the  diocese 
of  Tours.     If,  indeed,  the  Tractatus  de  Sanctis 
tribus  QuadragesitniSf  ''undo  eas  observari  ae» 




cepimus,  quodque  qui  eas  transgrediuntur  legem 
,  violent "  (ap.  Ooteler,  Momim.  EccL  Gr,  iii.  425), 
be,  as  Care  {Hist.  LH,")  represents,  the  work  of 
that  Anastasius  Sinalta  who  was  patriarch  of 
Antioch,  561,  ob,  599 ;  this  Quadragesima,  under 
another  name  {**  Q.  S.  Philippi,"  or  "  Fast  of  the 
Nativity"),  was  already  observed  in  the  £ast. 
But  the  contents  make  it  plain  enough  that  its 
author  was  another  and  much  later  Anastasius 
s>inalta,  who  wrote  after  A.D.  787.  The  ob- 
servance of  the  "Quadragesima  Apostolorum," 
and  '^  Quadragesima  S.  Philippi"  (the  Feast  of 
St.  Philip  in  the  Greek  Calendar  is  November 
14)  is  enjoined  upon  monks  by  Nicephorus, 
Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  806.  This  fast  of 
40  days  before  Christmas  seems  to  have  been 
kept  up  chiefly  by  the  monastic  orders  in  Gaul, 
Spain,  Italy,  (Martene  De  Hit.  Ant.  EccL,  iii. 
p.  27);  it  was  observed  also  in  England  in 
the  time  of  Bede  (Hist.  iii.  27 ;  iv.  30),  and 
much  later.  It  was  not  until  the  close  of  the 
6th  century  that  the  Church  of  Rome  under 
St.  Gregory  received  the  season  of  preparation 
as  an  ecclesiastical  rule,  restricted,  in  its  proper 
sense,  to  the  four  Sundays  before  the  Nativity 
(Amalarius  De  Eccl.  Off.  ilL  40,  A.D.  812,  and 
Abbot  Bemo,  De  quibusdam  r^us  ad  Missam 
pertinentibuSf  c.  iv.  1014);  and  this  became  the 
general  rule  for  the  Western  Church  throughout 
the  8th  century,  and  later.  And,  in  fact,  four  is 
the  number  of  Sundays  in  Advent  in  the  Sacra- 
mentary  of  Gregory  {Liber  Sacrament,  de  oircuh 
anniy  ed.  Pamelius ;  and  in  the  Lectionanum  ^o- 
manumy  ed.  Thomasius).  But  other  and  older 
copies  of  the  Gregorian  Sacramentary  (ed.  Menard, 
1642,  reprinted  with  his  notes  in  the  Benedic- 
tine 0pp.  S.  Gregorii,  t.  iii.);  the  ComeSf  ascribed 
to  3t.  Jerome ;  the  Sacramentary  (jf  GelasiuSf  ob. 
496  (a  very  ancient  document,  but  largely  in- 
terpolated with  later  additions);  the  Antiquiun 
Kalend.  Sacrae  Romanae  Eccl.  ap.  Martene.  Thee, 
Anecdot.  t.  v.  (in  a  portion  added  by  a  later  hand) ; 
the  Pontifical  of  Egbert^  Archbishop  of  York,  cb. 
767  ;  a  Lectionary  written  for  Charlemagne  by 
Paul  the  Deacon  (ap.  Mabillon) ;  and  other  MSS. 
cited  by  Martene  (u.  s.  iv.  80,  ff.),  all  give  five 
Sundays.  Hence,  some  writers  have  been  led  to 
represent  that  the  practice  varied  in  different 
Churches,  some  reckoning  four,  others  five  Sundays 
in  Advent — an  erroneous  inference,  unless  it  could 
be  shown  that  the  first  of  the  five  Sundays  was 
designated  "  Dominica  Prima  Adventus  Domini." 
The  seeming  discrepancy  is  easily  explained. 
The  usual  ancient  names  of  the  four  Sundays, 
counted  backwards  from  the  Nativity,  are :  Do- 
minica i.,  ante  Nat.  Domini  (our  4th  Advent), 
Dom.  ii.,  Dom.  iii.,  Dom.  iv.  ante  Nat.  Domini. 
To  these  the  next  preceding  Sunday  was  prefixed 
under  the  style  Dom.  v.  ante  Nat.  Dom.,  not  as 
itself  a  Sunday  in  Advent,  but  as  the  preparation 
for  Advent.  So  Amalarius  and  Bemo,  u.  «., 
and  Dumndus:  *4n  quinta  igitur  hebdomada 
ante  Nat.  D.  inchoatur  praeparatio  adventus  .  .  . 
nam  ab  ilia  dominica  sunt  quinque  ofHcia  domi- 
uicalia,  quinque  epistolae  et  quinque  evangelia 
quae  adventum  Domini  aperte  praedicant."  The 
intention  is  evident  in  the  Epistle  and  Gospel 
for  this  Sunday,  which  in  the  Sarum  Missal  is 
designated  ''dominica  proxima  ante  Adventum," 
with  the  rule  (retained  by  our  own  order  from 
that  of  Sarum)^  that  these  shall  always  be  used 
for  the  last  Sunday  before  Advent  begins. 

After  the  pattern  of  the  Lenten  fitst.  Advent 
was  marked  as  a  season  of  mourning  in  the  pub- 
lic services  of  the  Church.  The  custom  of 
omitting  the  Gloria  in  Exoelsis  (replaced  by  the 
BenedioamMS  I>omino)y  and  also  the  Te  Dewn  and 
Re  missa  est,  and  of  laying  aside  the  dalmatic 
and  subdeacon's  vestment  (which  in  the  11th 
and  12th  century  appears  to  have  been  the 
established  rule,  Micrologus  De  Eccl.  O&t .  c.  46 ; 
Rupert  Abbas  Tuit.  de  Div.  Off.  iii.  c  2),  wss 
coming  into  use  during  the  eighth  century.  In 
the  Mozarabic  Missal,  a  rubric,  dating  probably 
from  the  end  of  the  6th  century  (».«.  from  the 
refashionment  of  this  ritual  by  Leander  or  Isidore 
of  Seville),  appoints :  "  In  Adventu  non  dicitnr 
Gloria  in  Excdsis  dominicis  diebus  et  feriis,  sed 
tantum  diebus  festis."  And  Amalarius,  ob.  812 
{De  Offic,  Sacr.  iii.  c.  40),  testifies  to  this  custom 
for  times  within  our  period:  ''  Vidi  tempore 
prisoo  Gloria  in  Excelsis  praetermitti  in  diebus 
adventus  Domini,  et  in  aliquibus  locis  dalmaticas": 
and  iv.  c.  30 :  "  Aliqua  de  nostro  officio  reser- 
vamus  usque  ad  praesentiam  nativitatis  Domini, 
h.  e.  Gloria  in  Excelsis  Deo,  et  clarum  vesti- 
mentum  dalmaticam ;  si  forte  nunc  ita  agitur 
ut  vidi  actitari  in  cdigtUbw  locis."  The  Bene- 
dictine monks  retained  the  Te  Deum  in  Advent  as 
in  Lent,  alleging  the  rule  of  their  founder.  The 
Alleluia  also,  and  the  Sequences,  as  also  the 
hymns,  were  omitted,  but  not  in  all  Churches. 
In  the  Gregorian  Antiphonary,  the  Alleluia  is 
marked  for  1  and  3  Advent  and  elsewhere.  In 
some  Churches,  the  Miserere  (Ps.  li.)  and  other 
mournful  Psalms  were  added  to  or  substituted 
for  the  ordinary  Psalms.  For  lessons,  Isaiah 
was  read  all  through,  beginning  on  Advent 
Sunday ;  when  that  was  finished,  the  Twelve 
Minor  Prophets,  or  readings  from  the  Fathers, 
especially  the  Epistles  of  Pope  Leo  on  the  Incar« 
nation,  and  Sermons  of  St.  Augustine,  succeeded. 
The  lesson  from  ^'  the  Prophet "  ended  with  the 
form,  *^  Haec  dicit  Dominus  Deus,  Convertimini  ad 
me,  et  salvi  eritis." 

In  the  Greek  Church,  the  observance  of  a  8e8s<A 
of  preparation  for  the  Nativity  is  of  late  intro- 
duction. No  notice  of  it  occurs  in  the  liturgical 
works  of  Theodorus  Stndites,  ob.  826,  though^ 
as  was  mentioned  above,  the  40-day8'  fast  of  St 
Philip  was  enjoined  (to  monks)  by  Nicephoros, 
▲.D.  806.  Tliis  T€ffaa.paKoyTafifitpov,  beginning 
November  14,  is  now  the  rule  of  the  Greek 
Church  (Leo  Allat.  de  Consensu  iii.  9, 3).  Codintis 
{De  Off.  Eccl.  et  Curiae  Constantinop.  c.  7,  n.  20) 
speaks  of  it  as  a  rule  which  in  his  time  (cir. 
1 350)  had  been  long  in  use.  The  piece  De  Tribtu 
Quadragesimis  above  noticed,  ascribed  to  Ana- 
stasius  Sinalta,  Patriarch  of  Antioch,  shows  that, 
except  in  monasteries,  the  rule  of  a  40-day8*  fast 
before  the  Nativity  was  contested  in  his  time 
(A.D.  1100  at  earliest).  And  Theodore  Balsarooo, 
A.D.  1200,  lays  down  the  rule  thus:— "We  ac- 
knowledge but  one  quadragesima,  that  before 
Pascha ;  the  others  (named),  as  this  Fast  of  the 
Nativity,  iEire  each  of  seven  days  only.  Those 
monks  who  fast  40  days,  viz.  from  St.  Philip 
(14  Sept.),  are  bound  to  this  by  their  rule.  So<^ 
laics  as  voluntarily  do  the  like  are  to  be  praised 
therefor."  Mespons.  ad  qu.  53  Marci  Fatriarck. 
Alex.,  and  ad  interrog.  mondchorum,  app.  to 
Photii  Nomocanon.  In  the  calendar  formed 
from  Evangelia  Eclogadia  of  9th  century  our  4 
Advent  is  marked  **  Sunday  before  the  Nativity,* 


vkilt  the  preceding  Sundays  Kn  nambered  from  ' 
Ail  SftiaU  =  our  Trinity  Sunday.     (Aflsemanni 
KalemiL  Eecl.  Umc^  t.  vi.  p.  575.)    The  term 
*^idT«Bi"  it  not  applied  to  this  season:   the 
■■yiaff^  riit  9€wr4pat  Tiapowrias  is  our  Seza- 

b  the  separated  Churches  of  the  East,  no 
tnee  aj^Man,  within  our  period,  of  an  Advent 
•eiMB ;  unless  we  except  the  existing  Nestorian 
•r  Chaldean  rule,  in  which  the  liturgical  year 
^tgiat  with  four  Sundays  of  Annunciation  (coay- 
7tAir]pi«»X  before  the  Nativity  (Assemanni  Bi' 
UUAmi  OnenL  U  iii.  pt.  2,  p.  380  s??.).  This 
btgianiag  of  the  Church  year  is  distinguished  as 
&i  jattfiUtfo,  i^,  initium  codicis,  from  the  Rish 
Aamato,  Le,  new-jeAt^s  day  in  October.  The 
AnMoian  Church,  refusing  to  accept  25th  De- 
eanber  ts  the  Feast  of  Nativity,  and  adhering  to 
the  noR  ancient  sense  of  the  Feast  of  Epiphany 
a*  iadading  the  Birth  of  Christ,  prepares  for 
this  high  fiutival  (6th  January)  by  a  &8t  of  50 
dijs,  beginning  17th  November. 

The  first  Sunday  in  Advent  was  not  always 
the  beginning  of  the  liturgical  year,  or  circulus 
tflUvs  anni.  The  Comes  and  the  Sacramentary 
ef  St.  Gregory  begin  with  IX.  Kal.  Jan.,  the 
Vigil  «f  the  Nativity.  So  does  the  most  ancient 
Leetioasriom  Gallicanum ;  but  the  beginning  of 
this  is  lost,  and  the  Vigil  is  numbered  VII.,  the 
ITstirity  VIU.  Hence  HabiUon  (Liturg.  QaUic, 
pi  98, 101)  infers  that  it  began  with  the  fast  of 
SC  Martin  (or  with  the  Sunday  after  it,  Dom. 
n.  sate  Nat.  I>om.>  One  text  of  the  Miaaale 
Ambrmaamm  begins  with  the  Vigil  of  St. 
Kartia  (ed.  1560>  The  Antiphonariw  of  St. 
Gregory  begins  1  Advent,  and  the  Liber  He- 
ifummHt  with  its  VigiL  But  the  earlier  practice 
VIS  to  begin  the  ecclesiastical  year  with  the 
■oBth  of  March,  as  being  that  in  which  our 
Loid  was  crucified  (March  25);  a  trace  of  this 
Rnains  in  the  notation  of  the  Quatuor  Tem- 
fon  as  Jejunium  primi,  quarti,  septimi,  decimi 
the  last  of  whidi  is  the  Advent  Ember 

UUrahtre, — De  CatkoUcaeEcclesiae  dUvinia  offic, 
ns,  Rome,  1590  (a  collection  of  the 
liturgical  treatises  of  St.  Isidore,  Alcuin, 
Micrologus,  Petr.  Damianus,  &c.); 
Mirtcne,  De  Ritibm  Ant,  Ecclesiae  et  Mona- 
elonm,  1699;  Binterim,  Die  vorzuglickstm 
DtnhcirdigkeiUH  der  christ.'katholischefi  Kirche, 
Mainx,  1829  (founded  on  the  work  of  Pel- 
De  Ckritt.  Eccla.  Pnmae  Mediae  et  No- 
Aetatis  PoHtia,  ^evp.  1777);  Augusti, 
aus  der  christlichen  Archdo- 
Leipug,  1818 ;  Herzog,  Real-EncyclopSdie 
fSr  pvtatatdiache  Theohgie  if.  Kirche,  s.  a.  Ad- 
veatszeit,  1853;  Rheinwald,  Kirchiiche  Archa- 
nloyie,  18:{0;  Alt,  Der  Christliche  CWHu,  Abth. 
ii  Do»  Kireheniakr,  1860.  [H.  B.] 

•sestai^  or  Defensor^  Ecclesiae  or  Monasterii ; 
lfa>usi,*Eir>ucoy :  and  ^9oea<ib=the  office,  and 
senetimes  the  fee  for  discharging  it): — an  eccle- 
■istaesl  officer,  appointed  subsequently  to  the 
neogaiticB  of  the  Church  by  the  State,  and  in 
eoMcqueaoe  (1)  of  the  Church's  need  of  pro- 
tection, (2)  of  the  disability,  both  legal  and  re- 
ligious, of  clergy  or  monks  {Can,  Apost,  xx., 
iuxi. ;  (^onstit,  Apostol,  ii.  6 ;  Justinian,  Novell, 
nxm.  6 ;  and  see  Bingham,  vi.  4)  cither  to  plead 

catisr.  AKT. 


in  a  civil  court  or  to  intermeddle  with  worldly 
business.  In  its  original  form  it  was  limited  ta 
the  duties  thus  intimated,  and  took  its  origin  as  a 
distinct  and  a  lay  office  in  Africa  {Cod,  Can,  EccL 
Afric,  c  97,  A.D.  407,  "  Defeneorea,'*  to  be  taken 
from  the  *«  Schokutici;  "  Cone,  Milemt,  ii.  c  16, 
A.D.  416  ;  Can,  Afric,  c  64,  c  a.d.  424) ;  but  re* 
oeived  very  soon  certain  privileges  of  ready  and 
speedy  access  to  the  courts  from  the  emperors 
{Cod,  Theod,  2.  tit.  4.  §  7  ;  16.  tit.  2.  §  38). 
It  became  then  a  lay  office  {defensoreSj  distin- 
guished in  the  code  from  '*  coronati "  or  tonsured 
persons),  but  had  been  previously,  it  would  seem, 
discharged  by  the  oeoonomi  (Du  Cange).  And,  aa 
it  naturally  came  to  be  reckoned  almost  a  minor 
order,  so  it  was  occasionally,  it  would  seem,  still 
held  by  clerics  (Morinus,  De  Ordin, ;  Bingham). 
The  adiaocatua  was  to  be  sometimes  asked  from 
the  emperors  (authorities  as  above), — as  judicee 
were  given  by  the  Praetors ; — ^but  sometimes  was 
elected  by  the  bishop  and  clergy  for  themselves 
{Cod,  lib.  i.  tit.  iv.  constit,  19).  The  office  is 
mentioned  by  the  Council  of  Chalcedon,  cc  2, 
25,  26,  A.D.  451,  and  is  there  distinguished  both 
from  the  clergy  and  from  the  oeconomus  ;  by  Pope 
Gelasius,  Epiat,  ix.  c  2,  A.D.  492-496 ;  and  by 
MaxentiuB  {Beep,  ad  Hormiad.)  some  score  of 
years  later.  But  it  had  assumed  a  much  more 
formal  shape  during  this  period,  both  at  Con- 
stantinople and  at  Rome.  In  the  former  place, 
as  protectors  of"  the  Church,  under  the  title  of 
*E«cicAi}0-i^ic8(ico(,  there  were  four  officers  of  the 
kind:  i.  the  vpnrikBiKos,,  who  defended  the 
clergy  in  criminal  cases ;  ii.  one  who  defended 
them  in  dvll  ones ;  iii.  b  rov  B-fiftaroSj  also  called 
the  irpvrAirairas  \  iv.  6  ri|f  *EKK\iifflas ;  increased 
by  the  time  of  Heraclius  to  ten,  and  designed  in 
general  for  the  defence  of  the  Church  against 
the  rich  and  powerful  (Justinian,  Edict,  xiii.,  and 
Novell,  Ivi.  and  lix.  c  1 ;  and  see  the  passages 
from  Codrinus,  Zonaras,  Balsamon,  &c,  in  Meur- 
sius,  Gloaa,  Oraecobarbartany  voc.  "Eicfturor,  and  in 
Suicer).  They  appear  also  to  have  acted  as 
judges  over  ecclesiastical  persons  in  trifling  cases 
(Morinus).  They  were  commonly  laymen  (so 
Cod,  Theod,  as  above) ;  but  in  one  case  certainly 
{Cone,  Conatantin,,  a.d.  536,  act.  ii.)  an  ^kkAii- 
ffi4K9ucos  is  mentioned,  who  was  also  a  pres- 
byter; and  presbyters  are  said  to  have  com- 
monly held  the  office,  while  later  still  it  was  held 
by  deacons  (Morinas).  In  Rome,  beginning  with 
Innocent  I.  (a.d.  402-417,  Epiat.  xii.  ed.  Con- 
stant) and  his  successor  Zosimos  {Epiat,  i.  c.  3), 
the  Defenaorea  became  by  the  time  of  Gregory 
the  Great  a  regular  order  of  officers  {Defenaorea 
Romanae  Ecclniae),  whose  duties  were — i.  to  da^ 
fend  Church  interests  generally ;  ii.  to  take  care 
of  alms  lefl  for  the  poor ;  iii.  to  be  sent  to  held 
applicants  from  a  distance  for  Papal  protection ; 
iv.  to  look  after  outlying  estates  belonging  to 
St.  Peter's  patrimony  (S.  Greg.  M.,  Epistt,  pas- 
sim). There  were  also  in  Rome  itself  at  that 
time  seven  officers  of  the  kind,  called  Defenaorea 
Regumarii  {Ordo  Roman.\  each  with  his  proper 
region,  and  the  first  of  the  seven  known  as  the 
PrinUceriua  Defenaorwm  or  Primua  Defensor  (St. 
Greg.  Epiatt.,  passim).  St.  Gregoiy  certainly 
marks  them  out  as  usually  laymen,  yet  in  some 
cases  clerics,  and  generally  as  holding  a  sort  of 
ecclesiastical  position.  And  the  other  Popes  who 
allude  to  them  (as  quoted  above),  are  led  to  do 
so  while  treating  the  question  of  the  steps  and 



deUfi  to  be  mad*  m  admiUmg  la jmen  to  holj 
ordciiy  and  feel  it  aeeeewry  to  nj  that  aoch  re- 
atrietioBf  applj  **  eren  "  to  Dejenaom,  See  also 
St.  OngQTj  of  Touiy  Z>»  Fiitf  Po^mm,  c  6. 

The  great  derelopmeni  of  the  office,  howerer, 
took  place  onder  Charlemagne ;  who  indeed,  and 
Pipin,  were  themeelree,  jEorr*  ^|oxir,  **  Defenaora 
EocMm  BomanaeJ*    And  the  German  emperors 
became,  teehnicallj  and  hj  title,  Advocati  et 
J>€fen$ore9  Ecclesiarum  (Chailee  V.  and  Henrj 
VIII.  being  coupled  together  long  afterwards  as 
respectirelygcc/diMtf,  t^fdei,  defenaorei).  It  was 
ih«i  established  as  a  regular  office  for  each  church 
or  abbey,  nnder  the  appellations  also  occasionally 
of  MuniSbwdi  (or  ^iiSrgt),  Pastora  Laioif  and 
sometimes  suiply  eaumdiei  or  itUorei  ;  to  be  nomi- 
nated by  the  emperor  [Leo  DL,  however,  as  Pope 
appointed  (Dn  Ciuige)jj  but  then  probably  for  a 
particolar  emergency  only  (Oar.  A  CapU,  r.  31, 
Tii.  808);  and  nsnally  as  an  office  for  life,  to 
which  the  bishops  and  abbats  were  themselves 
to  elect  (fiono.  Mogwd,  c,  50,  A.D.  813,-~-all 
bishops,  abbats,  and  clergy,  to  choose  ''rioedo- 
minos,  praepodtoe,  adrocatos,  sire  defensores;" 
Cbnc.  Rem,  U.  c  24,  a.d.  813, — "  Ut  praepositi  et 
Ticedomini  secnndum  regnlas  vel  canones  con- 
stitnantnr;"  and  see  alM  Cone,  Moman.  oc.  19, 
20,  A.D.  826,  and  Cone,  Duziac,  ii.  P.  iii.  c  5. 
A.D.  87 IX  bat  "  in  praesentia  comitmn  "  (Legg, 
Lonaobard,  lib.  ii.  tit.  xlrii.  §  1, 2, 4, 7^  and  from 
the  landowners  in  their  own  neighbourhood  (cap. 
sir.  ex  Lege  SaUca,  Sonuma,  et  OttmlxUa, — **  £t 
ipei  [advocati]  habeant  in  illo  oomitatu  propriam 
haereditatem;"  and  in  a  capitular  of  A.D.  742, 
we  find  mention  of  a  ^  Qraphio"  i,  e.  count,  ^  qui 
est  defensor,"  Morinus,  De  Ordin.,  P.  III.  p.  307) ; 
and  this,  not  only  to  plead  in  court  or  take  oath 
there  (sometimes  two  advocati^  one  to  plead,  the 
other  to  swear,  Legg,  Zongobard,  ii.  zlviL  §  8), 
but  in  course  of  time  to  hold  courts  (placita  or 
media)  as  judges  in  their  own  district  0^  Cange, 
but  A.D.  1020  is  the  earliest  date  among  his 
authorities),  and  generally  to  protect  the  secular 
interests  of  their  own  church  or  abbey.    The 
Advocaitu  was  at  this  time  distinguished  from 
the  VicedommUf  sometimes  called  Major  Domua, 
who  ruled  the  lay  dependents  of  the  Church ; 
from  the  Praepoeiius,  who  ruled  its  clerical  de- 
pendents ;  and  from  the  Oeconomus,  who  (being 
also  commonly  a  cleric)  managed  the  interior 
economy  of  its  secular  affiiirs ;  although  all  these 
titles  are  occasionally  used  interchangeably.    He 
was  also  distinct  from  the  Cancettaritu,  whether 
in  the  older  sense  of  that  term  when  it  meant 
an  inferior  officer  of  the  court,  or  in  the  later 
when  it  meant  a  judge  (Bingh.  III.  zi.  6,  7). 
Two  circumstances  however  gradually  changed 
both  the  relative  position  of  the  Advocattu  to 
his  ecclesiastical  clients,  and  the  nature  of  his 
functions;  the  one  arising  from  the  mode   in 
which  he  was  remunerated,  the  other  from  the 
mode  of  his  nomination.      1.  He  was  paid  in 
the  first  instance  at  this  period  by  sometimes  an 
annual  salary,  with  certain  small  privileges  of 
entertainment  and  the  like ;  also,  by  the  third 
part  of  the  profits  of  his  judicial  office  (Tertia 
pars  hannontnif  emendanimy  legum,  compositionwny 
sc.  "  placitorum  ad  quae  ab  abbate  vocatus  fue- 
rit,"  Chron,  Sen,  lib.  ii.  o.  5,  in  D'Ach.  Spicil,  ii. 
C13,  ed.  1723 ;  tertifu  dencuriua)  ;  but  commonly 
and  fio.Hlly  by  lands  held  from  the  church  or 
abbey,  a  third  of  their  value  belonging  to  himself 


as  his  portioB.    And  the  growth  of  the  feudal 
tenure,  in  addition  to  other  obvious  inflooioes, 
gTadnally  converted  him  through  this  last  cir- 
eomstance  from  a  dependent  into  a  superior, 
from  a  law  offieer  into  a  military  one,  and  from 
a  beneficiary  into  an  owner,  and  sometimes  into 
an  usurper  outright.    In  the  Ordo  Bomaam^  b 
an  Ordo  ad  armanium  Ecclemae  Dtfeneorem  vei 
alimn  MQitem^  beginning  with  a  beniUctiovexUli^ 
lanceaef  entis  (p.  178  Hittorp.,  about  the  time  of 
Charlemagne).    His  tMbadnadmSy  let  us  add  (the 
number  ef  whom  was  limited  by  various  enact- 
ments), was  to  be  paid  in  one  instance  by  the 
receipt,  from  each  vill  of  the  ecclesiastical  pro- 
perty, of  one  penny,  one  oock,  and  one  eexiarim 
of  oats.    2.  The  nomination  to  the  office,  resting 
originally  with  the  Church  itself  or  with  the  ent- 
peror,  was  usurped  gradually  by  the  founder, 
and  as  an  hereditary  appanage  of  his  own  estate ; 
whence  followed  first  an  usurpation  of  the  Church 
property  by  the  lay  AdfoocatuSf  and  next  an  usurpa- 
tion by  the  same  officer  of  the  right  of  nomi- 
nating to  the  church  or  abbey.    And  from  the 
latter  of  these  has  arisen  the  modem  use  of  the 
word  advotceonj  which  now  means  exclusively 
and  precisely  that  right  which  the  original  advo- 
caiue  did  not  possess;   the  jm  patronabte  no 
doubt  being  attached  to  the  founder  of  a  church 
from  the  time  of  the  Council  of  Orange  (c  10) 
A.D.  441,  and  of  Justinian  (Novell,  IviL  c  2,  cxxiii. 
c.  18),  A.D.  541,  555 ;  but  the  combination  of 
foundership  with  the  office  of  advooatva  being  an 
accidental  although  natural  combination,  belong- 
ing to  the  ninth  and  following  centuries.    The 
earliest  charter  quoted  by  Du  Cange,  in  which 
mention  is  made  of  an  election  (in  this  case  of  an 
abbat)  '^  assensu  et  coiisilio  advocati,"  is  a  "  pri- 
vilegium  Rudolphi  Episc  Halberstad.,"  A.z>.  1147. 
But  in  Scotland,  Wales,  and  Ireland,  the  officer 
analogous  to  the  lay  advocattu  had  usurped  the 
position  and  the  very  name  of  abbat  long  pre- 
vious to  the  12th  century  [see  Abbat].    And 
instances  of  similar  usurpation  abroad  may  no 
doubt  be  found  of  a  like  earlier  date  (see  Robert- 
son's Early  Scotland),  The  advooatio  of  a  bishopric 
seems  to  have  included,  at  least  in  England,  the 
cuitodia  (t.  e,  the  profits)  of  the  property  of  the 
see,  9ede  vaccmte ;  but  was  a  distinct  right  from 
that  of  nomination  to  the  office,  the  ^dignitta 
crodae  '*  (as  e,  g,  in  the  case  between  the  Welsh 
Lords  Marchers  and  the  English  Crown,  the  former 
claiming  the  cuatodia  but  not  the  nomination): 
although  the  two  became  in  England  combined ' 
in  the  Crown.    There  does  not,  however,  appear 
to  be  evidence,  that  this  particular  usurpation 
was  laid  to  the  charge  of  advocati  abroad  during 
the  Carlovingian  period ;  although  the  system  of 
lay  abbats,  commendataries,  &c.,  and  the  usurpa- 
tion of  such  offices  by  kings  and  nobles,  led  to 
the  same  general  result  of  usurpation,   there 
also,   by  the  lay,  over  the  ecclesiastical,  func- 
tionary.   Coundls  in  England  put  restrictions  on 
these  usurpations  of  lay  dominie  advoasti,  &c,  as 
early  as  the  Council  of  Beccanceld,  A.D.  696  X  716 
and  of  Clovesho,  a.d.  803  (Councib  UI.  338, 
Haddan  and  Stubbs ;  Wilk.  i.  56,  167).    Abroad, 
the  first  canon  on  the  subject  is  that  of  Rheims 
(c.  6),  A.D.  1148,   followed  among  others  by 
the  Councils  of  Salzburg  (c  24),  A.D.  1274  and 
(c.  12),  A.D.  1281.    But  a  check   upon  them 
was  attempted  as  early  as  the  10th  century  hj 
the  Capetian  dynasty  in  France. 




lb  OUc  of  FUei  Dpfmnor^  atUehed  to  tlie 
Ckwra  9i  EngUadf  and  m  strangely  inverted  ftv>ni 
Um  ipedal  intent  of  ite  original  Papal  donor,  may 
ka  taken  ee  the  last  existing  trace  of  the  ancient 
Afemrfw  or  XVfmsor  JSb^MMM.  Unless  (with 
Sphnaa)  we  are  to  giro  an  ancient  pedigree  to 
ckirehwardena»  and  find  the  old  office  still  in 
IkcB.  (Bingham;  Da  Cange;  Mearsixu,  Ghn, 
Gneoobarhor.  s  Iforinns,  JM  Ordinat.;  Tho- 
■Mm.)  [A.  W.  H.] 


— 'Afliongit  the  laws  which  imposed  restraints 
■pan  the  dergj  was  one  which  forbad  them, 
oecpt  m  certain  specified  cases,  to  act  as  advo- 
Sitcs  before  dril  tribunals;  since  it  was  con- 
■fcied  that  any  such  interference  with  worldly 
■stten  would  be  inconsistent  with  the  words 
•f  St.  Psnl  (2  Tim.,  iL  4  **  No  man  that  war- 
ffth  {mSUans  Deo]  entangleth  himself  with  the 
sfths  of  this  life:"  see  St.  Ambrose,  De  Off. 
ifiBHt  1,  36;  and  Gelasii  Papae  Epp,  17,  sec 
15).  For  this  reason  the  3rd  Council  of  Gar- 
th^ (AJ).  397)  in  its  15th  canon  prohibits  all 
slois  from  becoming  agents  or  procurators. 
The  prohibition  is  repeated  in  the  3rd  canon  of 
tiieOecnmrnieal  Council  of  Chalcedon  (▲.D.  451), 
Bot  with  the  proviso  that  secular  business  may 
\t  ndertaken  by  the  clergy  when  the  bishop 
iirecti  it  for  the  protection  of  Church  property, 
«r  of  orphans  and  widows  who  are  without  any 
«ne  to  defend  them.  This  exception  was  in  later 
extended  to  the  poor  and  all  others  who 
the  designation  of  '' miserabiles 
So  likewise  were  monks  forbidden  by 
the  11th  canon  of  the  Council  of  Tarragona 
(uk.  516)  to  undertake  any  legal  business  ex- 
eqvt  for  the  benefit  of  the  monastery  and  at  the 
«— maiMJ  of  the  abbot. 

la  Fraaee  the  abore-dted  proTisions  of  the 
Goaadl  of  Chalcedon  were  repeated  by  the  16th 
cnoa  of  the  Council  of  Yemeuil  (A.D.  755)  and  the 
14th  canon  of  the  Council  of  Mayence  (A.D.  813). 

There  are  many  other  canons  which  prohibit  the 
dergy  from  mixing  themselTes  up  with  worldly 
■stten,  and  which  therefore  forbid,  though 
Mt  m  express  terms,  their  acting  as  advocates. 

There  are  also  several  imperial  constitutions 
to  the  Hune  effect,  as,  for  instance,  one  of  Theodo- 
siai  IL  (A.D.  416)  which  he  afterwards  repeated 
iathe  Oodex  Theodoskmus,  A.D.  438  (16.  tit.  2. 
4SX  sad  which  was  also  inserted  in  the  Ist  book 
(titls.  17)  ofihe  Oodex  BepdUMPraelectumis 
ef  Jwtiaian  (a.d.  534> 

Similar  provisions  are  to  be  found  in  the  34th 
title  of  the  LAer  ntndlanm  of  Valentian  III. 
(aji.  452),  and  in  the  6th  chapter  of  the  123rd 
neeeflL  of  Justinian  (A.D.  541). 

(ThMnaasinus,  Vehu  et  nova  Ecdesiae  Disci- 
IiNm,  Ik  Beneficus,  Pars  III.  Lib.  3,  cap.  17-19  ; 
Boflix,  Tradahu  de  JmUcOs  Ecclesiadicis,  Pars 
L,  3, 4^).  [I.  B.] 


AEGATES,  Saint,  commemorated  Oct.  24 

AETTHALAS.  (1)  Deacon  and  martyr,  com- 
Bcmorsted  Nov.  3  (CW.  Byzant). 
(I)  Nartyr,  commemorated  Sept.  1  (/&.).  [C] 

AFlfTTJANUa  (1)  Saint  in  Armenia,  com- 

MBwated  Feb.  8  (lf<tf^ro^  Bom.  Vet^  Hieron,). 

(S)  CoBftMor  i»  Africa,  Dec.  6  (Mart.  B.  F.). 

(1)  Confessor,  Jan.  8  (OaL  Bygomt,), 

(4)  Bishop  of  Cyzicum,  Confossor,  Aug.  8 
(i&.).  [C] 

AEMTLIUS.  (1)  Martyr  in  Africa,  comme- 
morated May  22  {Martyrol,  Bom,  Vet,). 

(5)  Of  Sardinia,  May  28  (A.). 

(8)  Commemorated  June  18  (Mcart,  Hieron,), 


AEB.    [Veil.] 

AEBA.    [Eba.] 

AFBA,  martyr  in  Rhaetia,  commemorated 
Aug.  6  (Martyrol,  Bom,  Vet,)\  Aug.  6  (M. 
Hieron,),  [C] 

AFFIDATIO  (afflanoey  Spenser;  Fr.  fian- 
gatlle8)f  betrothal,  ft  appears  doubtful  whether 
this  term  came  into  use  within  the  first  nine  cen- 
turies of  the  Christian  era.  It  seems  rather  to 
belong  to  the  period  of  fully  developed  feudalism. 
The  earliest  example  quoted  by  I>u  Cange,  from 
the  synodal  statutes  of  the  Church  of  Li^ge  in 
Mart^e's  Thesaurtu  Nome  Anecdotorum,  is  in- 
deed of  the  year  1287.  The  forms  given  in 
Mart^ne's  work,  De  Antiquie  eooleeiae  Bitibua 
(see  vol.  ii.  pp.  136,  137^  in  which  the  word 
occurs,  from  the  ritnak  of  Limoges  and  of 
Rheims,  are  palpably  more  modem  vet,  to  judge 
from  the  passages  in  French  which  are  inter- 
mixed in  them.  [J.  M.  L.] 

AFFINITY  iadfinit€u%  a  relationship  by 
marriage.  The  husband  and  wife  being  legally 
considered  as  one  person,  those  who  are  related 
to  the  one  by  blood  are  related  to  the  other  in 
the  same  degree  bv  affinity.  This  relationship 
being  the  result  of  a  lawfril  marriage,  the  per- 
sons between  whom  it  exists  are  said  to  be  related 
tfi  law  ;  the  father  or  brother  of  a  man's  wife 
being  called  his  fatfter-inrlaw  or  brother-in'law. 
The  distinction  between  affinity  and  consanguinitv 
is  derived  from  the  Roman  law.  The  kinsfolk 
(pognati)  of  the  husband  and  wife  become  re- 
spectively the  adfines  of  the  wife  and  husband. 
We  have  borrowed  the  words  affinity  and  con- 
sanguinity from  the  Roman  law,  but  we  have  no 
term  corresponding  to  adfines.  The  Romans  did 
not  reckon  degrees  of  adfinitas  as  they  did  of 
consanguinity  (pognatio)  ;  but  they  had  terms  to 
express  the  various  kinds  of  adfinitas^  as  soctfr, 
fiither-in-law ;  socrus,  mother-in-law. 

It  has  resulted  from  the  Christian  doctrine  of 
marriage  that  persons  related  by  affinity  have 
been  always  forbidden  by  the  Church  to  marry 
within  the  same  degrees  as  those  who  are  related 
by  blood.  The  Council  of  Agde  (506)  particu- 
larises the  forbidden  degrees  as  follows  (Can.  61) : 
— ^**A  man  may  not  marry  his  brother's  widow, 
his  own  sister,  his  step-mother  or  father's  wife, 
his  cousin-german,  any  one  nearly  allied  to  him 
by  consanguinity,  or  one  whom  his  near  kinsman 
had  married  before,  the  relict  or  daughter  of  his 
uncle  by  the  mother's  side,  or  the  £iughter  of 
his  uncle  by  the  father's  side,  or  his  daughter- 
in-law,  •>.  hia  wife's  daughter  by  a  former 

This  canon  is  repeated  almost  verbatim  in  the 
Council  of  Epone,  and  again  in  the  second  Council 
of  Tours  (566).  The  same  prohibitions  are  also 
specified  in  the  Council  of  Auxerre  (578). 

Certain  spiritual  relations  have  been  also  in- 
cluded within  the  prohibited  degrees.  This  re- 
striction,   however,    was   first    introduced    by 

D  2 



Justinian,  who  made  a  law  {Cod.  Jtut,  lib.  5, 
tit.  4,'  d€  NupUis,  leg.  26)  forbidding  anj  man 
to  marrj  a  woinan  for  whom  he  had  been  god- 
lather  in  baptism,  on  the  ground  that  nothing 
induces  «  more,  paternal  affection,  and,  therefore, 
a  jttster  prohibition  of  marriage,  than  this  tie, 
bj  which  their  souls  are  in  a  divine  manner 
united  together. 

The  Council  of  TruUo  (Can.  53)  extends  the 
prohibition  to  the  mother  of  the  godchild  :  and, 
bj  the  Canon  law  afterwards,  these  spiritual 
relations  were  carried  still  farther,  so  as  to 
exclude  from  marrying  together  even  the  bap- 
tiser  and  the  baptised,  the  catechist  and  cate- 
chumen, and  various  other  degrees  of  supposed 
spiritual  affinity.  Such  restrictions,  however,  of 
course,  could  not  be  maintained  in  practice,  and 
the  dispensing  power  of  the  Pope  was  accordingly 
extended  to  meet  the  necessity.  (Bingham ;  Gib- 
son's Codex;  Thorndike;  Wheatly^  On  Common 
Prayer.)  [D.  B.] 

AFFUSION.    [Baptism.] 

AFRICAN  CODE.    [African  Coxtnciia] 

AFRICAN  COUNCILS.  Under  this  head 
we  must  include  whatever  Councils  were  held  in 
Africa — ^no  matter  at  what  places,  only  distinct 
from  Egypt — for  this  simple  reason ;  that  so  many 
of  their  canons  were  so  soon  thrown  together  in- 
discriminately and  made  one  code,  which,  as 
such,  afterwards  formed  part  of  the  code  received 
in  the  East  and  West.  On  this  African  code  a 
good  deal  has  been  written  by  Jnstellus  {Cod.  Eccl. 
AfriCf  Paris,  1614, 8vo.),  who  was  the  first  to  pub- 
lish it  separately,  Bishop  Beveridge  {Synod,  vol. 
ii.  p.  202,  et  seq.),  ]>e  Marca  {Diss,  de  Vet.  Coll. 
Can.  c.  iv.-xi.),  and  the  Ballerini  in  their  learned 
Appendix  to  the  works  of  St.  Leo  (tom.  iii.  De 
Antiq.  Col.  Diss.,  pars  I.  c.  3,  21-9),  but  a  good 
deal  also  remains  unsolved,  and  perhaps  insoluble. 
Several  of  the  canons  contained  in  it  have  been 
assigned  to  more  Councils  than  one,  and  several 
of  the  Councils  differently  dated  or  numbered  by 
different  editors  or  collectors.  Perhaps  the  best 
edition  of  it  is  that  published  in  Greelc  and  Latin 
by  Mansi  (tom.  iii.  pp.  699-^43).  Not  that  it 
was  originally  promulgated  in  both  languages, 
though,  as  Beveridge  suggests,  the  probability  is 
that  it  had  been  translated  into  Greek  before  the 
Trullan  Council  of  a.d.  683«  by  the  second  canon 
of  which  it  became  part  of  the  code  of  the  Eastern 
Church.  As  it  stands  in  Mansi,  then,  it  compre- 
hends, first,  the  deliberations  of  the  Council  of 
(/srthage,  A.D.  419  ;  then  the  canons  of  the  same 
Synod  to  the  number  of  33 ;  then  '*  canones  di- 
versorum  oonciliorum  ecclesiae  Africanae" — in 
the  words  of  their  heading,  the  first  of  which  is 
numbered  34,  in  continuous  series  with  the  pre- 
ceding, and  the  last  138.  However,  in  reality, 
the  canons  proper  ought  to  be  said  to  end  with 
the  one  numbered  133,  at  which  point  Aurelius, 
Bishop  of  Carthage,  who  presided,  calls  upon  the 
Council  to  subscribe  to  all  that  had  gone  before, 
which  is  accordingly  done ;  he  signing  first,  the 
primate  of  Numidia  second,  the  legate  from 
Rome,  Faustinus,  Bishop  of  Potenza,  third,  St. 
Augustine,  Bishop  of  Hippo,  fourth ;  and  the  other 
bishops — ^217  or  229,  according  to  the  reading 
selected — in  order ;  and  after  them  all  the  two 
presbyter-legates  from  Romev  who  sign  last. 

This  done,  the  day  following,  a  letter  in  the 
name  of  the  whole  Synod  was  addressed  to  Boni- 


face,  bishop  of  Rome,  to  be  despatched  by  the  ihrea 
legates.  This  is  given  at  length,  and  numbered 
134.  It  acquaints  him  with  their  objections  te 
the  ^  commonitorium  **  or  instructions  received 
by  the  legates  from  the  late  Pope  Zosimus,  par- 
ticularly to  that  part  of  it  bearing  upon  appeals 
to  Rome  in  conformity  with  some  supposed  canons 
of  Nicaea,  which  they  had  not  been  able  to  find  in 
any  Greek  or  Latin  copy  of  the  acts  of  that 
Council  in  their  possession,  and  therefore  beg  him 
to  send  for  authentic  copies  of  them  at  once  from 
the  Churches  of  Antioch,  Alexandria,  and  Con- 
stantinople. This  course  they  had  already  taken 
themselves,  while  recommending  it  to  him ;  and 
what  follows  as  canon  135  proves  to  be  a  letter 
fVom  St.  Cyril  of  Alexandria  to  the  same  bishopii 
telling  them  that  in  conformity  with  their  re- 
quest he  has  bent  them,  by  his  presbyter  Inno- 
cent, faithful  copies  of  the  authentic  Synod  of 
Nicaea,  which  they  would  also  find,  if  they  looked 
for  them.  In  the  ecclesiastical  history :  he  does 
not  say  by  whom. 

In  the  same  way  canon  186  is  a  letter  from 
Atticus,  patriarch  of  Constantinople,  telling  them 
that  he  too  sends  them  the  canons  as  defined  by 
Nicene  Fathers  pure  and  entire,  by  their  mes- 
senger Maroellus  the  sub-deacon,  as  they  had  re- 
quested. We  can  hardly  suppose  the  Synod  to 
have  been  sitting  all  the  time  that  it  must  have 
taken  these  messengers  to  go  and  return.  Next 
a  copy  of  the  Nicene  Creed  fbllows,  and  is  num- 
bered 137.  It  had  been  already  recited  and  ac- 
cepted, together  with  the  Nicene  canons,  in  the 
previous  deliberations  of  the  Council,  befbre  the 
resolution  to  send  for  authentic  copies  of  both 
had  been  carried  out.  Caecilian,  who  was  Bishop 
of  Carthage  at  the  time  of  the  Council  of  Nicaes, 
and  had  attended  it,  had  brought  back  with  him 
copies  of  its  creed  and  canons  in  Latin,  which  had 
been  preserved  with  great  care  by  his  Churdi 
ever  since.  What  follows  in  the  last  place,  and 
is  numbered  138,  cannot  have  been  written 
earlier  than  a.d.  422,  it  being  a  letter  addressed 
to  Celestine,  the  successor  of  Boniface,  who  died  in 
that  year,  ^'  our  beloved  lord  (ScmrifiT;)  and  most 
honoured  brother,"  as  he  is  styled,  in  the  nam« 
of  Aurelius  and  others  whose  names  are  given 
(St.  Augustine's  is  not  one)  and  the  rest  of  those 
present  in  the  universal  Council  of  Africa,  in 
which  they  tell  him  that  the  canons  of  which  his 
predecessor  had  spoken  were  nowhere  to  be  found 
in  the  authentic  copies  of  the  Nicene  decrees  jnsi 
received  from  the  East ;  and,  farther,  that  in  no 
Council  of  the  Fathers  could  they  find  it  defined 
that  "  any  should  be  despatched  as  it  were  from 
the  side  of  his  Holiness,"  as  had  been  attempted  in 
this  instance.  If  the  last,  or  20th  Council,  as  it  is 
called,  under  Aurelius,  therefore,  has  been  rightlj 
assigned  to  A.D.  421, — and  Aurelius  opens  its  pro- 
ceedings by  saying  that,  for  reasons  well  known 
to  his  audience,  it  had  been  suspended  for  the 
space  of  two  years,  thus  connecting  it  with  th« 
Council  of  A.D.  419, — either  it  must  have  sat  the 
year  following  as  well,  or  there  must  have  been 
a  21st  Council  under  Aurelius  the  year  following 
to  indite  this  epii»^ie,  which,  as  has  been  obserred, 
could  not  have  been  done  till  the  accession  of 
Celestine  had  become  known  in  Africa,  that  is, 
till  towards  the  end  of  A.D.  422.  And  with  it  thii 
collection  of  the  canons  of  the  African  Church  it 
brought  to  a  close.  Dionysius  Exiguus,  in  hit 
edition,  heads  them  appropriately  **  Uie  Synod  of 




Ike  Afticus  at  Cui^ge  that  enacted  138 
eaaoBi^"  meaning  of  oaurae  the  Synods  of  A.D. 
41^22  eonsidered  as  one,  where  they  were 
iwased  or  eonfirmed  (Migne*s  Patrol.,  torn.  67, 
pw  161  H  S07.).  Not  but  there  are  other  ooUeo 
tions  extant  containing  fewer  or  more  canons 
thu  are  incloded  in  this.  For  instance,  the 
Spaaiih  and  Isidorian  Collections  begin  with  the 
Synod  of  Carthage  under  Gratus,  a.d.  348,  and 
cad  with  the  Synod  of  Mileyis,  ▲.D.  402,  making 
c^t  Synods  in  all,  one  of  Milevis  and  seven  of 
Carthage  (Migne'a  Patrol^  torn.  84,  pp.  179-236). 
h  fiereridge  (Synodic,  L  p.  365-72)  the  synodi- 
cd  letter  of  a  (Council  of  Carthage  as  far  back  as 
JLA.  258  (or  256  according  to  others)  under  St. 
Cyprian,  is  printed  in  the  form  of  a  canon,  and 
pboed,  together  with  the  speeches  made  there  by 
kirn  end  others,  immediately  before  the  Ancyran 
aaoas,  as  thongh  it  had  been  one  of  the  provin- 
cial Cooncib  whose  canons  had  been  accepted  by 
the  whole  Church,  which  it  was  not.  Earlier  far 
tiaa  either  of  them  is  Uie  oompendimn  of  eccle- 
s»tioal  canons,  African  mainly,  232  in  all,  by 
Folgentins  Ferrandus,  deacon  of  the  Chnrch  of 
(^jthage,  seemingly  drawn  from  independent 
•onrccs  (Migne*s  PatroLj  tom.  67,  p.  949-62). 
Thea  earlier  still  than  his  were  the  two  books 
prodsced  by  Boniface,  Bishop  of  Carthage,  at  the 
Synod  held  there  by  him  A.D.  525,  as  having 
been  discovered  in  the  archives  of  that  church, 
sne  volume  containing  the  Nicene  canons  in  part, 
end  those  which  had  been  passed  in  Africa 
before  the  time  of  AureliiiB ;  the  other  volume 
called  **  the  book  of  the  canons  of  the  time  of 
Airelios,"  in  which,  according  to  the  Ballerini, 
Biae  of  the  Synods  of  Carthage  under  Aurelius, 
9ad  same  others  of  Milevis  and  Hippo,  were  con- 
talaed  (Mansi,  viiL  p.  635-56).  Finally,  there 
ii   a    "Breviarium     canonum    Hipponensium " 

E'sted  in  Mansi,  with  the  comments  of  the 
llerini  npon  them,  supposed  to  have  been 
fM«cd  in  the  Synod  held  there  A.D.  393,  at 
vkich  St.  Augustine  was  present,  but  as  a 
priest ;  and  afterwards  inserted  in  the  Council  of 
Carthage,  held  four  years  afterwards  under 
Anreliafi,  amongst  its  own,  and  evidently  con- 
firmed by  the  34th  canon  of  the  Sjrnod  of  A.D. 
419,  as  proposed  hj  one  of  the  bishops  named 

IHie  argument  drawn  by  the  Ballerini,  after 
daborately  comparing  these  collections,  is  unfa- 
Tonrable  to  the  title  given  by  Justellus  to  the 
138  CMOom  above  mentioned  of  the  African  code  : 
still  as  designating  those  canons  alone  which 
hare  been  received  generally  by  the  East  and 
West,  it  cannot  be  called  meaningless ;  and  this 
&ct  having  been  made  patent  by  his  publication 
of  them,  it  remains  as  a  matter  of  antiquarian 
iaiereit  solely  to  determine  what  canons  belong 
to  wbat  councils.  The  general  account  seems  to 
l«  that  there  are  sixteen  Councils  of  Carthage, 
one  of  Milevis,  and  one  of  Hippo,  whose  canons 
were  receiTed  and  confirmed  by  the  Council  of 
A.a  419  besides  its  own  (Johnson's  Vade  Mecum, 
VL  171);  but  it  is  beset  with  difficulties.  The 
two  canons  interdicting  appeals  beyond  the  sea — 
28  sad  125  according  to  the  Latin  numbering, 
and  doubtless  23  and  39  were  passed  with  the 
>UBe  object — have  been  attributed  to  a  Synod  of 
Hippo  by  some;  but  the  22nd  canon  of  the 
ieooad  Synod  of  Milevis,  A.D.  416,  to  which  both 
Aiirelios  and  St.   Augustine  subscribed,  reads 

identical  with  one  of  them,  and  the  34th  canon 
of  a  Council  of  C^thage  two  years  later  with  the 
other.  It  is  of  more  practical  importance  to 
ascertain  whether  they  steer  clear  of  the  Sardican 
canons,  as  some  maintain;  or  were  framed  in 
antagonism  to  them,  as  others.  The  Sardican 
canons,  it  has  been  said,  allowed  bishops  to  appeal 
to  Rome ;  the  African  canons  forbade  priests  and 
all  below  priests  to  appeal  to  Rome.  The  African 
tathers  carefully  abstained  from  laying  the  same 
embargo  upon  bishops :  nay,  they  undertook  to 
observe  the  canons  cited  by  Zosimus  as  Nicene, 
till  authentic  copies  of  the  Nicene  canons  had 
been  obtained  from  the  East.  There  can  be  no 
doubt  whatever  that  all  this  is  delusive.  In  the 
discussion  that  took  place  on  the  canons  cited  in 
the  '*  Commonitorium,"  some  were  for  observing 
them,  pending  the  inquiry ;  St.  Augustine  among 
the  number.  But  when  Aurelius  called  upon  the 
Council  to  say  definitively  what  it  would  do,  the 
collective  reply  was :  **  All  things  that  were  en- 
acted in  the  Nicene  Council  are  acceptable  to  ns 
all."  And  to  no  more  could  they  be  induced  to 
pledge  themselves.  Then  as  to  the  canons,  which 
if  they  did  not  frame,  they  confirmed  subse- 
quently ;  the  28th,  according  to  the  Latin  num- 
bering, is :  "It  wss  likewise  agreed  that  presby- 
ters, deacons,  or  any  of  the  inferior  clergy  with 
causes  to  try,  should  they  have  reason  to  com- 
plain of  the  judgment  of  their  bishops,  might  be 
heard  by  the  neighbouring  bishops  with  consent 
of  their  own;  and  such  bishops  might  decide 
between  them ;  but  should  they  think  they  ought 
to  appeal  from  them  likewise,  let  them  not  ap- 
peal to  transmarine  tribunals,  but  to  the  primates 
of  their  provinces,  as  has  also  been  frequently  en- 
acUd  in  regard  oflMops,  But  in  case  any  should 
think  he  ought  to  appeal  to  places  beyond  the 
sea,  let  him  be  received  to  communion  by  nobody 
within  AfHca,*'  The  words  "  sicut  et  de  episcopis 
saepe  constitutum  est,"  are  found  in  all  manu- 
scripts of  this  canon,  as  it  stands  here.  They  are 
wanting  in.  the  125th.  And  the  meaning  is 
clearly,  that  there  had  been  earlier  canons  in 
abuncUtnce  passed  for  regulating  episcopal  ap- 
peals ;  for  instance,  the  6th  canon  of  the  Council 
of  Constantinople,  where  it  is  said  that  bishops 
should  be  brought  before  the  greater  Synod  of 
the  diocese,  in  case  the  provincial  Synod  should 
be  unable  to  decide  their  case.  And  nothing  had 
occurred  to  induce  them  to  legislate  further  for 
bishops.  The  present  controversy  had  onginated 
with  a  simple  priest,  Apiarius.  Accordingly  their 
canons  were  directed  to  prevent  priests  and  all 
below  priests  in  future  from  doing  as  he  had 
done,  in  short,  they  told  Celestine  that  *'  the 
canons  of  the  Nicene  Council  left  all,  whether 
inferior  clergy  or  bishops  themselves,  to  their 
own  metropolitan;  it  having  been  wisely  and 
justly  considered  there  that,  whatever  questions 
might  arise,  they  ought  to  be  terminated  in  their 
own  localities."  Which  was  in  effect  as  much  as 
telling  him  that  the  genuine  Nicene  canons  were 
in  flat  contradiction  upon  each  point  to  those  so 
designated  by  his  predecessor.  Canon  125  is 
identical  with  the  preceding,  except  that  it  omits 
the  clause  *'  sicut  et  de  episcopis,"  &c.,  and  men- 
tions the  African  Councils  as  another  legitimate 
tribunal  of  appeal  besides  the  primates.  Canon 
23,  that  ^*  bishops  should  not  go  beyond  the  sea 
without  leave  from  their  primate,"  reads  very 
like  another  outpouring  of  their  sentiments  on 



the  same  sabject ;  and  canon  39,  that  "  no  pn- 
maie  should  be  called  a  prince  of  priests,  or  pon- 
tiff/' seems  almost  borrowed  fh>m  the  well- 
known  invective  of  St.  Cyprian  against  Stephen. 
Such,  then,  is  the  language  of  some  of  the  canons 
of  the  African  code,  fairlv  construed,  to  which 
the  assent  of  Rome  as  well  as  Constantinople  has 
been  pledged.  And  ^  it  was  of  very  great  autho- 
rity,*' says  Mr.  Johnson  (^Vade  Mgcum,  ii.  p.  171) 
m  the  old  English  Churches;  for  many  of  the 
^  excerptions  "  of  Egbert  were  transcribed  from 

It  only  remains  to  set  down  the  different 
African  Councils  in  the  order  in  which  they  are 
generally  supposed  to  have  occurred,  with  a  run- 
ning summary  of  what  was  transacted  in  each ; 
referring  generally  for  all  further  information  to 
Mansi,  Cave,  Beveridge,  Johnson,  ]>e  Marca,  the 
Art  de  vSrifier  Us  dates,  and  the  Ballerini.  Num- 
bering them  would  only  serve  to  mislead,  at  least 
if  attempted  in  any  consecutive  series.  Cave,  for 
instance,  reckons  9  African  between  AJ>.  401  and 
603,  and  as  many  as  35  Carthaginian  between 
A.D.  215  and  533 ;  but  among  the  latter  are  in- 
cluded 6  (between  a.o.  401  and  410),  which  he 
had  already  reckoned  among  the  9  African. 

Carthage,  a.d.  200,217 — Supposed  to  be  one 
and  the  same,  under  Agrippinus,  in  favour 
of  rebaptizing  heretics. 

— ^  A.D.  251 — ^Under  St.  Cyprian;  decreed 
that  the  lapsed  should  be  received  to  com- 
munion, but  not  till  they  had  performed 
their  full  penance. 

-^—  A.D.  252 — ^Against  Novatian,  who  denied 
that  the  lapsed  were  ever  to  be  received  to 
communion  again ;  and  Felicissimus,  who  af- 
firmed they  were,  even  before  they  had 
performed  their  penance. 

—  A.D.  254,  255— Doubtful  in  which  year ; 
under  St.  Cyprian,  in  favour  of  in£uit  bap- 

-^—  A.D.  256 — ^Under  St,  Cyprian,  approving 
the  consecration'  by  the  Spanish  bishops  of 
Felix  and  Sabinus  in  place  of  Basil  and 
Martial, — ^two  bishops  who  had  purchased 
certificates,  or  "  libels,"  of  having  sacrificed 
to  idols,  and  declaring  that  Stephen,  Bishop 
of  Rome,  had  interjrased  in  favour  of  the 
latter  unreasonably,  from  having  been 
duped  by  them. 

i—  A.D.  256 — ^Another  held  in  the  same  year 
—or  there  may  have  been  several — in  fa- 
vour of  rebaptizing  all  who  had  received 
heretical  baptism,  when  St.  Cyprian  uttered 
his  celebrated  invective  against  Stephen. 
The  question  was  finally  ruled  in  the  7th 
of  the  Constantinopolitan  canons.  This  is 
the  Council  whose  synodical  letter  is 
printed  by  Beveridge  in  the  form  of  a 
canon,  immediately  before  those  of  Ancjrra. 
It  is  given  in  Mansi,  L  922-6;  but  the 
speeches  belonging  to  it  follow  951-92, 
under  the  head  of  **Concil.  Carthag.  iii. 
sub  Cypriano  episcopo ;"  what  purports  to 
have  been  the  second  being  given  p.  925, 
and  all  three  supposed  to  have  been  held 
A.D.  256. 

CiRTA,  A.D.  305— To  elect  a  new  bishop  in 
place  of  one  who  had  been  a  "  traditor ;" 
that  is,  had  surrendered  copies  of  the  Scrip- 
tures to  the  Pagan  authorities,  to  which  all 


present,  when  they  came  to  be  asked,  how- 
ever, pleaded  eqntdlv  guilty. 

Cabthaoe,  a.d.  312 — Of  70  Donatist  bishops 
against  Caecilian,  bishop  of  that  see. 

— — —  A.D.  333 — ^under  Donatus,  author  of  the 
schism ;  favourable  to  the  *'  traditores." 

A.D.   348 — under  Gratus;   its  acts  are 

comprised  in  fourteen  chapters,  of  which 
the  first  is  against  rebaptizing  any  that 
have  been  baptized  with  water  in  the  name 
of  the  Trinity.  This  is  probably  the  Council 
whose  canons  are  invoked  in  canon  12  of 
the  AfVican  code. 

Theveste,  A.D.  362— Of  Donatists  quarrelling 
amongst  themselves. 

African,  a.d.  380 — Of  Donatists,  in  condem- 
nation of  Tichonius,  a  Donatist  bishop. 

Carthage,  a.d.  386— Confirmatory  of  the 
synodical  letter  of  Siricius,  Bishop  of  Rome. 

Leftes,  A.D.  386 — Passed  canons  on  disci- 

Carthage,  a.d.  390 — Formerly  regarded  ai 
two  separate  Councils,  under  Genethlius, 
Bishop  of  Carthage;  made  13  canons,  by 
the  second  of  which  bishops,  priests,  and 
deacons  are  required  to  abstain  from  their 
wives  and  observe  continence.  Mansi  prints 
what  used  to  be  regarded  as  a  second 
Council  of  this  year  twice,  iii.  pp.  691-8 
and  867-76. 

A.D.    393  — Of  Maximian's    (Donatist 

bishop  of  Carthage)  supporters  against 
Primian  (another  Donatist  bishop  of  Car- 

Hippo,  a.d.  393— At  which  St.  Augustine  dis- 
puted ^de  fide  et  symbolo"  as  a  pres- 

Cararubsi  and  of  the  Caternb,  a.d.  394—^ 
the  same  on  the  same  subject. 

Bagaib,  A.D.  394 — Of  Primian's  supporters, 
against  Mazimian. 

-  A.D.  396 — One  canon  only  preserved; 
against  translations  of  bishops  and  priests. 

BrzATiuif,  A.D.  397 — Confirming  all  that  had 
been  decreed  in  393  at  Hippo. 

Carthage,  a.ix  397 — Called  the  3rd,  either 
reckoning  that  under  Gratus  as  first,  and 
that  under  Genethlius  as  2nd;  or  else 
supposing  two  to  have  been  held  under 
Aurelius  previously  in  394  ana  397,  and 
making  this  the  3rd  under  him ;  passed  50 
canons,  among  whicn  the  ^'Breviariom 
canonum  Hipponensium "  is  said  to  have 
been  inserted  (Mansi,  ilL  875,  and  the 

Carthage,  a.d.  400 — Called  the  5th  under 
Aurelius;  of  72  bishops;  passed  15  canons 
on  discipline  (Pagi,  quoted  by  Mansi,  iii. 
p.  972).  Yet,  p.  979,  Mansi  reckons  a  first 
African  Council  in  399,  and  a  2nd  and  3rd 
in  401,  which  he  calls  4th,  5th,  and  6tk 
Councils  xmder  Aurelius,  in  the  pontificate 
of  Anastasius. 

MiLEYiB,  A.D.  402 — ^To  decide  several  points 
affecting  bishops. 

Carthage,  a.d.  403,  404,  405— Mansi  makes 
3  African  Coxmcib  of  these ;  a  1st,  2nd, 
and  3rd,  in  the  Pontificate  of  Innocent, 
or  8th,  9th,  and  10th  under  Aurelius,  for 
bringing  back  the  Donatists  to  the  Chnrch 
(ui.  pp.  1155  and  1159). 

A.D.  407,  408,  409— Called  by  Mansi 




4tfc,  Mb,  6th,  and  7th  AfKcaa  Oonncik  in 
tke  pontificate  of  Innooent,  the  5tb  and 
6th  being  regarded  bj  him  aa  one,  or  the 
nth,  IsSi,  and  13th  Coandlfl  under  Aore- 
Ini»— ell  incorporated  into    the    African 

code  Ctii.  P-  1168> 
Garhaos,  ajd.  410— Against  the  Donatists— 
probeblr  the  14th  niuler  Anrelins. 

—  XJK  411 — Great  conference  between  the 
Oatkolics  and  the  Donatists ;  Anrelins  and 
St  AngosUne  both  taking  part  on  behalf 
of  the  former ;  286  bishops  said  to  have 
been  present  on  the  Catholic  side,  and  279 
on  the  Donatist,  yet  313  names  are  given 
oo  the  latter  skle.  There  were  three  dif- 
ferent stages  in  the  proceedings,  (Mansi, 
ir.  pp.  269  and  276.) 

—  AJk  412 — ^In  which  Celestins  was  ac- 
aued  of  Pelagianism  and  appealed  to  the 
Pope,  probably  the  15th  nnder  Anrelins. 

Cdti,  AJ>.412 — ^In  the  matter  of  the  Donatists 
— pnhlished  a  synodical  letter  in  the  name 
of  Anrelins,  St.  Angnstine  and  others.  Sil- 
vsans,  primate  of  Nnmidia,  heads  it. 

AmcA5,  A^.  414— Of  Donatists. 

CAmuoB,  AJK  416— or  the  2nd  against  the 
Pefaigiaas :  probably  the  16th  nnder  An- 
relins:  composed  of  67  bishops:  addressed 
a  synodical  letter  to  Innocent  of  Rome, 
condemning  both  Pelagius  and  Celestins. 

HiLEvn,  AJD.  416— Called  the  2nd  of  MileTis 
against  Pelagius  and  Celestins— <»mposed 
of  60  bishops — ^pnblished  27  canons  on 
discipline— addreued  a  synodical  letter  to 
Innocent  of  Borne,  to  which  was  sppended 
another  in  a  more  familiar  tone  from 
Anrelius,  St.  Augustine  and  three  more. 

TlDKA,  AJK  417 — Passed  canons  on  disci- 

CiSiiiAaB,  A.D.  417,  418 — ^Against  the  Pela- 
gians—Regarded as  one,  probably  the  17th 
under  Anrelins. 


PsMed  canons  on  discipline  preserred  by 
Fmaadns  (Mansi,  ir.  439). 

IkKSEi^  AJ>.  418 — ^Published  nine  canons  on 

tAKTHAOK,  A.l».  419 — ^Attended  by  229,  or, 
socording  to  other  accounts,  217  bishops ; 
and  by  f  anstinus,  Bishop  of  Potenza,  and 
two  presbyters  as  legates  flrom  Rome.  Its 
proceedings  haTS  been  anticipated  in  what 
was  laid  on  the  African  code.  It  would 
•eem  as  if  it  really  conmienced  in  418, 
and  extended  through  419.  Pagi  supposes 
33  canons  to  have  been  pasMd  in  the 
fonner  year,  and  but  6  in  the  latter 
(Hansi,  ir.  419) ;  and  Mansi  seems  even  to 
make  two  synods  of  it,  calling  one  a  5th 
or  6th,  and  the  other  a  7th  Council  of 
Carthage  (against  the  Pelagians,  he  pro- 
bably meansX  and  yet  evidently  reckoning 
both  together  as  the  18th  nnder  Anrelius. 
From  419  it  seems  to  have  been  adjourned 
to  421,  and  then  lasted  into  422  at  least, 
ai  has  been  shown  above ;  this  adjourned 
eoondl  was  therefore  in  reality  the  20th 
under  Aurelian,  Chough  sometimes  headed 
the  18th,  as  being  one  with  the  council  of 
which  it  was  but  the  adjournment.  Then 
the  19th  nnder  Anrelius  is  the  title  given 
hi  Mansi  (ir,  443)  to  one  held  in  the 

mterim,  a.d.  420,  to  determine  oertain 
questions  of  precedence  amongst  bishops, 
possibly  the  missing  6th  against  Pela- 

NuHiDiA,  A.D.  423 — ^In  which  Antonius,  a 
bishop  of  that  province,  was  condemned. 

CARTHAaE,  AJ).  426— At  which  Leporius,  a 
French  presbyter,  cleared  himself  from 

Hippo,  a.d.  426 — At  which  Heraclius  was 
elected  successor  to  St.  Augustine  at  his 

A.D.  427 — Said  to  have  passed  canons 

29  and  30,  in  the  Latin  numbering  of  the 
African  code  (Mansi,  iv.  539). 

African,  a.d.  484 — ^To  render  account  of  their 
'  faith  to  King  Hunneric,  when  it  appeared 
that  of  475  sees,  14  were  then  vacant :  88 
had  been  deprived  of  their  bishops  by 
death,  and  most  of  those  who  survived 
were  in  exile  (Mansi,  viL  pp.  1156-64 
and  the  notes). 

BrzATiuic,  A.D.  507 — ^To  appoint  new  bishops 
in  place  of  those  who  had  died  or  been 

JUNCA,  A.D.  523 — under  Liberatus:  to  con- 
demn a  bishop  of  the  province  of  Tripoli 
who  had  usurped  a  church  not  in  his 
diocese  :  St.  Fulgentius,  Bishop  of  Rnspe, 
being  one  of  those  present. 

CABTHAas,  A.D.  525 — ^under  Boniface ;  when 
two  volumes  of  the  canons  were  found,  as 
already  described  (Mansi,  viii.  635-56). 

African,  a.d.  533— Sent  a  synodical  letter  to 
John  II.  of  Rome  by  Liberatus,  deacon  of 
the  church  of  Carthage,  so  well  known  for 
his  writings. 

BrzATiUH,  A.D.  541 — Sent  a  deputation  to 
Justinian,  and  legislated  on  discipline. 

African,  a.d.  550 — ^Excommunicated  Yigilius 
for  condemning  the  three  chapters. 

SuFFETULA,  A.D.  570 — ^Passed  canons  on  dis- 
cipline, some  of  which  are  preserved. 

African,  aj>.  594 — Against  the  Donatists, 
probably  for  the  last  time. 

Btzatium,  A.D.  602 — ^To  examine  certain 
charges  made  against  Clement  the  pri* 

KuiODiA,  A.D.  603— To  examine  the  case  of 
Donadeus,  a  deacon,  who  had  appealed 
from  his  bishop  to  Rome. 

Btzatium,  Kumidia,  Mauritania,  Car- 
thage, A.D.  633 — Against  Cyrus,  Pyrrhus, 
and  SergiuB,  the  Monothelite  leaders. 

Btzatium,  Kumidia,  Mauritania,  Car* 
thaqe,  646 — ^Against  the  Monothelites : 
the  councib  of  Byzatium,  Nnmidia,  and 
Mauritania  addressed  a  joint  synodical 
letter:  and  the  Bishop  of  Carthage  a 
letter  in  his  own  name  to  Theodore, 
Bishop  of  Rome :  all  preserved  in  the  acts 
of  the  Lateran  Council  under  Martin  I., 
A.D.  649.  [E.  S.  F.] 

AGABUS,  the  prophet  (Acts  xxi.  10),  com- 
memorated Feb.  13  {Martyrol,  Bom.  Fet.) ;  April 
8  {Cat.  Byxant.).  [C.] 

AGAPAE. — ^The  custom  which  prevailed  in 
the  Apostolic  Church  of  meeting  at  fixed  times 
for  ^  common  meal,  of  which  dl  alike  partook 
as  brothers,  has  been  touched  on  in  the  Did.  of 
the  Bible  [Lord's  Supper.]    It  had  a  precedent 



in  the  habits  of  the  Esmdo  communities  in 
Judaea  (Joseph.  BeU,  Jud.  ii.  8),  And  in  the  tpayot 
of  Greek  ^uUds  or  associations ;  in  the  Charidie9 
of  Roman  life  (Ovid,  Fasti,  ii.  616),  in  the 
trwrtrlria  of  Crete,  in  the  ^ciSfria  of  Sparta. 
The  name  apparently  was  attached  to  the  meals 
towards  the  close  of  the  Apostolic  age.  The 
absence  of  any  reference  to  it  in  1  Cor.  zi.  or 
ziii.,  where  reference  would  have  been  so  natural, 
had  it  been  in  use,  may  fidrly  be  taken  as  nega- 
tive evidence  that  it  was  not  then  current.  The 
balance  of  textual  authoritv  inclines  in  favour  of 
kydftaiSy  rather  than  &ir«mur,  in  Jude  v.  12, 
and  perhaps  also,  though  less  decidedly,  in  2  Pet. 
J.  13,  and  we  may  fairly  assume  (without  enter- 
ing on  the  discussion  of  the  authorship  and  date 
of  those  epistles)  that  they  represent  the  termi- 
nology of  the  Church  in  the  period  from  a.d.  60 
to  A.D.  80.  The  true  reading  of  1  Pet.  v.  14 
(^i'  ^lA^/xori  h.yi.'wris)  cannot  be  disjoined  from 
the  fact  that  there  was  a  feast  known  then  or 
very  soon  afterwards  by  that  name,  at  which 
such  a  salutation  was  part  of  the  accustomed 
ceremonials.  Soon  the  name  spread  widely  both 
in  the  East  and  West.  Ignatius  (ad  Smym.  c.  8),* 
for  the  Asiatic  and  Syrian  Churches,  Clement 
for  Alexandria  (Paedag.  ii.  p.  142),  Tertullian  for 
Western  Africa  {Apol,  c  39),  are  witnesses  for 
its  wide-spread  use. 

It  is  obvious  that  a  meeting  of  this  character 
must  have  been  a  very  prominent  feature  in  the 
life  of  any  community  adopting  it.  The  Christians 
of  a  given  town  or  district  came  on  a  fixed 
day,  probably  the  first  day  of  the  week  (the 
'*  stato  die  **  of  Pliny's  letter  to  Trajan,  Ej^,  x. 
96),  in  some  large  room  hired  for  the  purpose, 
or  placed  at  their  disposal  by  some  wealthy  con- 
verts. The  materials  of  the  meal  varied  ac- 
cording to  the  feeling  or  wealth  of  the  society. 
Bread  and  wine  were,  of  course,  indispensable, 
both  as  connected  with  the  more  solemn  com- 
memorative act  which  came  at  some  period  or 
ether  in  the  service,  and  as  the  staple  articles  of 
food.  Meat,  poultry,  cheese,  milk,  and  honey, 
were  probably  used  with  them  (August.,  c. 
Faust,  XX.  20).  Early  paintings  in  the  cata- 
combs of  Rome  seem  to  show  that  fish  also 
was  used  (Aringhi,  Roma  SubUrran,  ii.  pp.  77, 
83,  119,  123,  185,  199,  267).  Both  the  fact  of 
its  being  so  largely  the  common  diet  of  the  poor 
in  Syria  (Matt.  vii.  9,  xiv.  17,  xvi.  34),  and 
the  associations  of  Luke  xxiv.  42,  John  xxi. 
9  (to  say  nothing  of  the  mystical  significance 
attached  to  the  word  Ix^hs  as  early  as  Tertul- 
lian), would  naturally  lead  Christians  to  use  it 
at  their  ^*  feasts  of  love."  The  cost  of  the  meal 
fell  practically  on  the  richer  members  of  the 
Church,  whether  it  was  provided  out  of  the 
common  funds,  or  made  up  of  actual  contribu- 
tions in  kind,  meat  or  fruit  sent  for  the  purpose, 
or  brought  at  the  time.  At  the  appointed  hour 
they  came,  waited  for  each  other  (1  Cor.  xi.  33), 

*  There  is  a  snggestive  difference,  Indicating  a  change 
In  language  and  practice,  between  the  shorter  and  longer 
teztA  of  the  Ignation  Epistles  In  this  itassage.  In  the 
former  the  writer  claims  for  the  bishop  the  sole  prero- 
gative of  baptizing,  or  dydin^v  voMtf.  In  the  latter  the 
word  irpotr^^ctr  ii  interpolated  between  them.  The 
Agap^  Is  dlstingolBbed.  i.  e.  fhnn  the  '*SDpper  of  the 
Lord,"  with  which  it  had  before  been  identified ;  and  the 
latter,  thns  separated,  is  associated  with  a  more  sacrificial 
terminology,  and  placed  before  the  social  fea^t 


men  and  women  seated  at  different  tables,  pe^ 
haps  on  opposite  sides  of  the  room,  till  the  bishoj* 
or  presbyter  of  the  Church  pronounced  the 
blessing  (jshKoyla).  Then  they  ate  and  dranl^. 
Originally,  at  some  time  before  or  after  ^  the 
rest  of  the  meal,  one  loaf  was  specially  blessed 
and  broken,  one  cup  passed  round  specially  as 
"  the  cup  of  blessing."  When  the  meal  was  over, 
water  was  brought  and  they  washed  their  hands. 
Then,  if  not  before,  according  to  the  season  of  the 
year,  lamps  were  placed  (as  in  the  upper  room  st 
Troas,  Acts  xx.  8)  on  their  stands,  and  the  more 
devotional  part  of  the  evening  began.  Those 
who  had  special  gifts  were  called  on  to  expound 
Scripture,  or  to  speak  a  word  of  exhortation,  or  to 
sing  a  hymn  to  God,  or  to  "  Christ  as  to  a  God" 
(Plin.  1.  c).  It  was  the  natural  time  for  intel- 
ligence to  be  communicated  from  other  Churches, 
for  epistles  from  them  or  their  bishops  to  be 
read,  for  strangers  who  had  come  with  iwior6XQi 
awrrarucaX  to  be  received.  Collections  were 
made  for  the  relief  of  distressed  churches  at  a 
distance,  or  for  the  poor  of  the  district  (1  Cor. 
xvi.  1 ;  Justin.  M.  Ap<^  ii. ;  Tertullian.  Apol.  c. 
39).  Then  came  the  salutation,  the  kiss  of  lore 
(1  Pet.  V.  14),  the  "  holy  kiss"  «  (Rom.  xvi.  16), 
which  told  of  brotherhood,  the  final  prayer,  the 
quiet  and  orderly  dispersion.  In  the  ideal  Agapae, 
the  eating  and  drinking  never  passed  beyond  the 
bounds  of  temperance.  In  practice,  as  at 
Corinth,  the  boundary  line  may  sometimes  have 
been  transgressed,  but  the  testimony  of  Pliny  in 
his  letter  to  Trajan  (1.  c.),  as  well  as  the  state- 
ments of  the  Apologists,  must  be  allowed  as. 
proving  that  their  general  character  at  first  ws« 
that  of  a  pure  simplicity.  The  monstrous 
slanders  of  ^'  Thyestean  banquets  "  and  ^  shame- 
less impurity"  were  but  the  prurient  inventioos 
of  depraved  minds,  who  inferred  that  all  secret 
meetings  must  be  like  those  of  the  Bacchanalian 
orgies  which  had  at  various  periods  alarmed  the 
Roman  Senate  with  their  infinite  debasement 
(Liv.  xxxix.  13,  14).  At  Alexandria,  indeed,  ss 
was  natural  in  a  wealthy  and  luxurious  city, 
there  seems  to  have  been  a  tendency  to  make 
the  Agape  too  much  of  a  sumptuous  fesst, 
like  the  entertainments  of  the  rich,  and  to  give 
the  name  to  banquets  to  which  only  the  rich 
were  invited.  Clement  protests  with  a  natural 
indignation  against  such  a  misapplication  of  it 
by  those  who  sought  to  *'  purchase  the  promise 
of  God  with  such  feasts"  (Paedag.  ii.  1,  §  4,  p.  61). 
It  seems  probable  from  his  protest  against  the 
use  of  fiutes  at  Christian  feasts  {Paedag,  ii.  4,  p. 
71)  that  instrumental  music  of  a  secular  and 
meretricious  character  had  come  to  be  used  instesd 
of  the  *'  psalms  and  hymns  and  spiritual  songs*' 
(Eph.  V.  19,  Col.  iii.  16)  which  had  been  in  use, 
without  accompaniment,  at  the  criginal  Agapae. 
Clement,  however,  permits  the  employment  of 
the  harp  or  lyre. 

At  first  the  practice  would  naturally  serve  as  a 

^  Chrysostom  (Horn.  27  and  54,  on  1  Cor.  zl.),  followed 
by  Theodoret  and  TheophyUct  tn  loc,  and  moot  liturgical 
writers,  say  *  before^"  but  obvionslj  nnder  the  Inflneiioe 
of  later  practice,  and  the  belief  that  the  Eadiarlfi  ooold 
not  have  been  received  otherwise  than  fasting  In  the  time 
of  the  Apostles. 

«  We  may  probably  think  of  some  order  like  that  which 
attends  tbe  use  of  a  "  graoe-cnp"  In  coUege  or  dvic  frast; 
each  man  kissed  by  his  neighbour  on  one  side,  sod  kisring 
in  turn  him  who  sat  on  the  other.. 




I  and  bond  of  the  brotherhood  of  Chrbtians.  i 
fikb  aad  poor,  eTen  master  and  slave,  met  together 
ea  the  same  footing.    What  took  place  but  once 
B  jcar  ia  the  Roman  saturnalia  was  repeated  in 
the  Christian  sodetj  onoe*  a  week.    But  in  pro- 
portion as  the  society  became  larger,  and  the 
Kflie  of  brotherhood  leas  living,  the  old  social 
dbtinctioos  would  tend  to  reassert  themselves. 
Tke  Agapae  would  become  either  mere  social 
eaterUiaments  for  the  wealthy,  as  at  Alexan- 
dria, or  a  mere    dole  of    food  for  the  poor, 
a*  ia  Western  Africa  (Angustin.    c.  Faustum 
u.  20),  and  in    either  case    would  lose  their 
or^ioal  significance.     Other  causes  tended  also 
to  tkrow  them   into  the  back-ground.      When 
Qirii^tiaBS  came   to  have  special  buildings  set 
apazt  fin-  worship,  and  to  look  on  them  with 
SMDcthiag  of  the  same  local  reverence  that  the 
Jews  had  had  for  the  Temple,  they  shrank  from 
nttiag  down  in  them  to  a  common  meal  as  an 
act  of  profanation.     The  Agapae,  therefore,  were 
gradully  forbidden  to  be  held  in  churches,  as 
bjtbe  Council  of  Laodicea  (c.  27),  and  that  of  3rd 
Guthage  A.D.  391  (c  30),  and  that  in  TruUo 
nock  later  <  (^.D.  692).     This,  of  course,  to- 
gether with  the  rule  of  the  3rd  Council  of  Carthage 
(e.29),  that  the  Eucharist  should  be  received 
6stiag,  snd  the  probable  transfer,  in  consequence 
«f  tkat  mle,  of  the  time  of  its  *' celebration  **  from 
tke  erening  to  the  morning,  left  the  '*  feast  of 
fere "  without  the  higher  companionship  with 
i^ich  it  had  been  at  first  associated,  and  left  it 
to  take  more  and  more  the  character  of  a  pauper 
laeaL    Even  the  growing  tendency  to  asceticism 
lid  men  who  aimed  at  a  devout  life  to  turn  aside 
fitttidioQsly   from  sitting  down  with  men  and 
vwBcn  of  all   classes,  as  a  religious  act.     So 
Tertuilian,  who  in  his  Apofogy  had   given  so 
beavtiiul  a  description  of  them,  after  he  became 
a  MoBtanJst,  reproaches  the  Church  at  large 
vitk  the  luxury  of  its  Agapae,  and  is  not  ashamed 
to  repeat  the  heathen  slander  as  to  the  preva- 
lence in  them  even  of  incestuous  licence  (/>« 
J^wi.  e.  xriL).    One  effort  was  made,  as  by  the 
GoBBcil  of  Gangra,  to  restore  them  to  their  old 
position.      Those  who  despised  and  refused  to 
come  to  them  were  solemnly  anathematised  (c. 
11).    But  the  current  set  in  strongly,  and  the 
practice  gradually  died  out.     Their  close  con- 
nexion with  the  annual  commemoration  of  the 
deaths  of  martyrs,  and  the  choice  of  the  graves 
•f  nartyrs  as  the  place  near  which  to  hold  them, 
was,  perhaps,  an  attempt  to  raise  them  out  of 
the  disrepute  into  which  they  had  fidlen.    And 
fat  a  time  the  attempt  succeeded.      Augustine 
descnbes  his  mother  Monica  as  having  been  in 
tke  habit  of  going  with  a  basket  full  of  provi- 
■ons  to  these  Agapae,  which  she  just  tasted  her- 
self^ and  then  distributed  {Confess,  vi.  2).    And 
this  shows  the  prevalence  of  the  practice  in 
Western  Africa.     In  Northern  Italy,  however, 
Ambrose  had  suppressed  them  on  account  of  the 
diiorders  which  were  inseparable,  and  their  re- 
semblance to  the  old  heathen  Parentalia,  and 
Angnstine,  when  he  returned  to  Africa,  urged 
Anrdios,  Bishop   of  Cuthage,  to    follow    the 
example  (£^/»M.  xxii).    The  name,  indeed,  still 
lingered  as  given  to  the  annual  dedication  feasts 

'  The  (rigniflcaace  of  the  revenal  of  the  prohibition 
rt  w  liteadate.  Is  that  it  shews  that  the  pracUoe  sUll 

of  churches  at  Rome  in  the  sixth  century  (Greg. 
M.,  Epp,  ii.  76X  and  the  practice  left  traces  of 
itself,  in  the  bread,  blest  as  distinct  from  conse- 
crated, which,  under  the  title  of  EtTLOOiA,  was 
distributed  in  churches,  or  taken  from  them  to 
absent  members  of  the  congregation,  (2)  in  the 
practice,  prohibited  by  the  Apostolic  canons  (c. 
3),  and  by  the  Council  in  Trullo  (c.  28,  57,  99) 
of  bringing  to  the  altar  honey,  milk,  grapes, 
poultry,  joints  of  meat,  that  the  priest  might 
bhiss  them  there  before  they  were  eaten  at  a 
common  table.    The  grapes  appear,  indeed,  to 
have  been  actually  distributed  with  the  &7ia,  or 
consecrated  elements,  while  the  joints  of  meat 
are   mentioned   as    a  special  enormity  of  the 
Armenian  Church.     (3)  Traces  of  the  Agapae 
are  to  be  found  lastly  in  the  practice  which 
prevailed  in  Egypt,  from  the  neighbourhood  of 
Alexandria  to  the  Thebaid,  in  the  5th  century, 
of  meeting  on  the  evening  of  Saturday  for  a 
common  meal,  generally  fall  and  varied  in  its 
materials,  after  which  those  who  were  present 
partook    of   the    "mysteries"  (Sozom.   ff.  E, 
viL  19 ;  Socrates,  H.  E.  v.  22).    The  practice, 
then,  noticed  as  an   exception  to  the  practice 
of  all  other  Churches  (comp.  Augustin.  Epist, 
ad  Jan,  i.  5)  was  probably  a  relic  of  the  primi- 
tive Church,  both  as  to  time  and  manner,  when 
the  Lord's  Supper  had  been,  like  other  suppers, 
eaten  in  the  evening,  when  an  evening  meeting 
on  *'  the  first  day  of  the  week"  meant,  accoi*ding 
to  the  Jewish  mode  of  speech,  the  evening  of 
Saturday,  when  the  thought  that  "  fasting"  was 
a  necessary  condition  of  partaking  of  the  Supper 
of  the  Lord  was  not  only  not  present  to  men's 
minds,   but  was    absolutely    excluded    by    the 
Apostle's  rule,  that  men  who  could  not  wait 
patiently  when  the  members  of  the  Church  met^ 
should  satisfy  their  hunger  beforehand  in  theii 
own  houses  (1  Cor.  xi.  34). 

The  classification  of  Agapae,  according  to  the 
occasion  on  which  they  were  held,  as  (1)  con- 
nected with  the  anniversaries  of  martyrdoms 
[comp.  Natalitia],  (2)  as  Connubiales  [comn. 
Marriage],  (3)  as  accompanying  funerals 
[Burial],  (4)  as  at  the  dedication  festivals  of 
churches  [Dedications],  must  be  looked  on  as 
an  after-growth  of  the  primitive  practice  of 
weekly  meetings.  Details  will  be  found  under 
the  respective  headings. 

We  have  lastly  to  notice  the  probable  use  at  the 
Agapae  of  cups  and  plates  with  sacred  emblems 
and  inscriptions,  of  which  so  many  have  been 
found  in  the  Catacombs  [Glass,  Christian],  and 
which  almost  suggest  the  idea  of  toasts  to  the  me- 
mory of  the  martyrs  whose  Natalities  were  cele- 
brated. **  Victor  Vivas  in  Nomine  Laureti  " 
(Buonarrott.  Plate  xix.  fig.  2), "  Semper  Refri- 
oeris  in  Nomiite  Dei"  (/6m/.  xx.  2),  "IIIE 
VAS, BIBAS  (for  Vivas)  IN  PACE,"  are  ex- 
amples of  the  inscriptions  thus  found.  In  tho 
judgment  of  the  archaeologist  just  refeiTed  to, 
they  go  back  to  the  third,  or  even  to  the  second 
centurv.  The  mottoes  were  probably  determined 
by  the  kind  of  Agape  for  which  they  were  intended 
(comp.  Martigny,  art.  Fonds  de  Coupe,),   [E.H.P.] 

AGAPE.  (1)  Virgin  of  Antioch,  commemo- 
rated  Feb.  15  and  March  10  (Mart,  Hieron,). 

(8)  Virgin  of  Thessalonica,  commemorated  April 
3  (Marti/rol.  Bom,  Vet,), 


(8)  Martyr,  April  16  (Cb/.  Byzant.). 

(4)  Daughter  of  Sophia,  Sept.  17  (/6.). 

(6)  Virgin,  oommemorated  at  Rome  Aug.  8 

(6)  Virgin,  commemorated  at  Heraclea,  Nov. 
20  {M.  Hicron,).  [C] 

AGAPETI,  and  AGAPETAE,  respectively, 
men  who  dwelt  in  the  same  house  with  dea- 
conesses, and  virgins  who  dwelt  in  the  same 
house  with  monks,  under  a  profession  of  merely 
spiritaal  lore;  the  latter  of  the  two  akin  to 
(rvyc/trcucroc,  and  also  ciilled  &8cA^ :  denounced 
by  St.  Greg.  Naz.  {Carm,  III.),  by  St.  Jerome 
(Ad  Etutoch,  and  Ad  Oceaniun, — **  Agapetarum 
pestis "),  by  St.  Chrysostom  (Pallad.  in  V.  8. 
Chrys.  p.  45),  by  Epiphanius  {Haer,  Ixiii.,  Izxix.), 
and  by  Theodoret  {In  Epist,  ad  Fhilem.  y.  2) ; 
and  forbidden  by  Justinian  {Novell,  vi.  c.  6),  and 
others  (see  Photius  in  Nomoooan,  tit.  yiii.  c.  xiy. 
p.  99).  (Du  Cange,  Meursius  in  Olossar.,  Suicer.) 
The  Irish  Rules  and  Penitentials  severely  con- 
demn a  like  practice :  see  e.  g.  Reg.  Columban. 
ii.  13.  And  the  "second  oHer  of  saints,"  in 
Ireland  itself  (according  to  the  well-known 
document  published  by  Ussher),  "  abnegabant 
muliernm  administrationem,  separantes  eas  a 
monasteriis,"  owing  apparently  to  the  abuse 
arising  from  the  practice  when  permitted  by 
"  the  firet  order."  See  Todd,  Life  of  St.  Patrick, 
pp.  90-92.    (See  trwtlffaicToi,)  [A  W.  H.] 

AGAPETU8  or  AGAPITUa  1.  Comme- 
morated March  24  {Mart.  JSieron.,  Bedae). 

{%)  Of  Asia,  April  12  {Mart.  Bieron.). 

(8)  The  deacon,  martyr  at  Rome,  commemo- 
rated with  Felicissimus,  Aug.  6  {Mart,  Bom, 
Vet.,  Hieron,,  Bedae).  Proper  office  in  Gregorian 
Sacramentary,  p.  118,  and  Antiphon  in  Lib, 
Antiph.,  p.  705. 

(4)  Martyr  at  Praeneste,  commemorated  Aug. 
18  {Mart,  Bom,  Vet,,  Hieron.,  Bedae),  Proper 
office  in  Gregorian  Sacramentary,  p.  123,  and 
Antiphon  in  Lib.  Andph.  p.  707.  [C] 

AGAPIUS.  (1)  The  bishop,  martyr  in  Nu- 
midia,  commemorated  April  29  {Mart.  Bom,  Vet.). 

(2)  And  companions,  martyrs  at  Gaza,  March 
15  {Cal.  Byzant.),  [C] 

AGATHA  or  AGATHE.  (1)  The  virgin, 
martyr  at  Catana,  passion  oommemorated  Feb.  5 
{Mart  Bom.  Vet.,  Hieron.,  Bedae,  Cal.  Byzant), 
Another  commemoration,  July  12  (if.  Bieron.), 
One  of  the  saints  of  the  Gregorian  Canon.  Proper 
office  for  her  Natalie  in  Gregorian  Sacramentary, 
p.  25,  and  Antiphon  in  Lib.  Antiph.  p.  665. 

(8)  Commemorated  April  2  {Mart  Bieron.), 


AGATHANGELUS,  martyr,  commemorated 
Jan.  23  {Cal.  Byzant),  [C] 


AGATHO.    (1)  Martyr  at  Alexandria,  oom- 
memorated Dec.  7  {Mart.  Bom.  Vet.). 
(2)  Deacon,  April  4  {Mart  Bedae), 
(8)  CommemoratedJuly5(i^.  et£ri(9royi.).  [C] 

AGATHONICA  of  Fergamua,  oommemo- 
rated April  13  {Mart  Bom.  Vet.).  [C] 

AGATHONICUS,  martyr,  commemorated 
Aug.  22  {Cal.  Byzant,).  [C] 

AGATHUS,  commemorated  May  8  {Mart, 
Bieron.),  [C] 

AGAUNE,   COUNCIL   OF   (Aoaunensb 


CoNcnjDM),  April  30,  A.D.  515,  5ie,  or  523;  d 
sixty  bisliope  and  sixty  nobles,  nndei  Sigismiuid, 
King  of  the  Burgundians ;  established  the  *^  Laos 
Perennis"  in  the  monastery  of  Agaune  (or  St. 
Maurice  in  the  Valais),  then  also  endowed  with 
lands  and  privileges.  Maximus,  Bishop  of  Geneva, 
heads  the  signatures;  but  Avitns,  Archbishop 
of  Vienne,  is  supposed  to  have  been  also  present 
(Mansi,  viiL  531-538).  [A  W.  H.] 

AGDE,  COUNCIL  OP  (Aoathense  Conci- 
UUU),  in  Narbonne,  a.d.  506,  Sept.  10  or  11; 
of  35  bishops  from  the  South  of  France ;  in  the 
22nd  year  of  Alaric,  (Arian)  King  of  the  Goths ; 
enacted  73  canons  in  matters  of  discipline; 
among  other  things,  forbidding  **bigami"  to 
be  ordained;  commanding  married  priests  and 
deacons  to  abstain  from  their  wives ;  fixing  25 
as  the  age  of  a  deacon,  30  as  that  of  a  priest  or 
bishop,  &c  It  was  assembled  ''ex  permissu 
domini  nostri  gloriosissimi  magnificentissimique 
regis,"  9C,  Alaric;  without  any  mention  of  the 
pope  (Symmachus),  save  as  mentioning  his  year 
in  the  title  (Mansi,  viU.  319-346).    [A  W.  fa.] 

AGE,  CANONICAL.  The  age  required  by 
the  canons  for  ordination.  In  the  case  of  bishops 
it  appears  to  have  been  the  rule  of  the  Church 
from  early  times  that  they  should  be  thirty 
years  old  at  the  time  of  their  ordination.  This 
rule,  however,  was  frequently  dispensed  with, 
either  in  cases  of  necessity  or  in  order  to  pro- 
mote persons  of  extraordinary  worth  and  singular 
qualifications.  It  may  be  questioned  whether 
Uiis  rule  was  observed  from  the  days  of  the 
Apostles,  as  it  is  nowhere  enjoined  in  St.  PauFs 
Pastoral  Epistles  or  elsewhere  in  the  New  Testa^ 
ment.  And  in  the  so-called  Apostolical  Consti- 
tutions, which  may  be  taken  as  expressing  the 
system  of  the  Eastern  Church  as  it  was  es- 
tablished about  the  end  of  the  third  century, 
fifty  is  the  age  required  of  a  bishop  at  his  ordi- 
nation, except  he  be  a  man  of  singular  merit, 
which  may  compensate  for  the  want  of  years. 

The  age  of  thirty  is  required  by  implication 
by  the  Council  of  Keocaesarea,  a.d.  314,  which 
forbids  to  admit  any  one,  however  well  qualified, 
to  the  priesthood,  under  thirty  years  of  age, 
because  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  at  that  age  be- 
gan His  ministry.  The  Council  of  Agde  (Con- 
cilium Agathense)  forbids  the  ordination  of 
bishops  or  priests  under  thirty  years  of  age. 

By  this  rule,  as  enacted  by  the  above-named 
councils,  the  ordinary  practice  of  the  Church 
has  been  regulated.  The  deviations,  howerer, 
in  special  cases  have  been  numerous,  and  for 
these  a  warrant  may  be  found  in  the  case  of 
Timothy,  whose  early  ordination  as  Bishop  of 
Ephesus  is  inferred  from  the  Apostle's  admo- 
nition,— **Let  no  man  despise  thy  youth"  (1 
Tim.  iv.  12).  We  learn  from  Eusebius,  that 
Gregory  Thaumaturgus  and  his  brother  Atheno- 
dorus  were  both  ordained  bishops  very  young ; 
Iri  y4ovs  ifjL^,  It  is  probable  that  Athanaaius 
was  ordained  to  the  see  of  Alexandria  before  he 
was  thirty.  Remigius,  Bishop  of  Rheims,  as  all 
authors  agree,  was  ordained  at  the  age  of  twenty- 
two,  A.D.  471. 

In  later  times,  boys  of  eleven  or  twelve  years 
of  age  have  been  ordained  to  the  episcopate  by 
papal  dispensation ;  but  this  abuse  was  unlcnown 
to  the  ancient  Church. 

Presbyters,  like  bishops,  might  not  be  ordaued 



Mn  tb*  ■(•  of  thirt;.  Jutinlu,  indMd, 
mUd  Iktt  IMW  iboold  bi  m  pr«abyt«r  bafore 
■kirtj-En;  tat  the  Sixth  Qenenl  Coondl  of  Con- 
I  nuli»|ila  radocad  it  to  tha  old  period,  ippointing 
tUrtf  br  X  primt  aod  tweutj-fiTS  Tor  m  deaoin. 
Wkicb  ipa  wen  d»  lettled  in  the  SaioQ  Cborch, 
a  fftm  bj  Egbart'e  Callwtton  of  the  Cauoiu 


Tht  csiudl*  of  Agde,  506,  of  Cuiluge,  397, 
•f  Trallo,  692,  of  Toledo,  633,  all  prescribe 
twittf-Gn  u  the  miniinam  of  age  for  ■  deecan  ; 
nd,  >eeerdiBg  to  Biaghua,  thii  rule  wu  wry 
tiai)  •Wrnid,  lo  that  we  uaroe  meet  with  on 
atuate  of  uj  one  that  «u  ordsiDed  before  thii 
^billthehiitorj  of  the  Church.  Forthii  the 
Cwnl  of  Toledo  citea  the  Leritiail  precsdect. 

Ii  tk<  Greek  Chorch  the  age  of  thirty  is  itill 
fntcntied  fiir  a  prieat,  and  twenty-fire  for  a 
l/Mnt.  In  oar  own  Choreh,  the  firrt  Prajer- 
hak  ef  Edward  VI.  pracribed  twenty-one  for 
tow,  tventf-fbiir  for  prteati.  The  preaent 
rubric  b  a  proTiakm  of  Caooa  34. 

(Biugkai,  I.  I.  a.  20  ;  Leadon'i  ifontlaJ  of 
dmalt ;  Combei^i  Conhpanion ;  Frayerbooi  in- 
tiWawi.)  [D.  &] 

AGENDA  (from  agtn  in  the  ipecial  aeuM  of 
pHfmBiBg  (  tacred  act).  A  word  tued  to  deiig- 
■atc  hMh  the  HUM  and  other  portions  of  DiTine 

L  UOtplmrtU.—TiM  wcond  Conadl  of  Car- 
tkip  (3M)  ipeak*  of  preahfter*  who  committed 
•  hndi  of  diacipline,  in  that  "  agant  agenda  "  in 
ptinle  hoBiea,  withoat  the  anthoritf  of  the 
liA^  (Cbhb  9).  Innocent  I.  {EpitMa  ad  Dt- 
mtim\  {  3,  p.  552,  Higne)  apeaka  of  cele- 
kntiag  etiwr  agenda,  in  contrast  with  the  con- 
D  of  Uw  mnteriea. 

UK.  Per  iaatance,  SI  Benedict  in  hii  Rule, 
n(|L291Xipeaking  of  the  morning  and  erenii 
•fiei,nn,  "Agenda  matatina  et  xeipcrtina  non 

3.  The  word  "agenda"  it  not  onfreqaentlf 
Ml  ahnlntelj  to  denote  the  office  for  the  dead. 
Tks  Bay  Bot  improhablr  be  the  caie  in  the 
CUM  qaot«d  abora  bj  the  IL  Coac  Carthage ; 
nd  it  ia  certainly  uied  in  thii  letue  b;  Venerable 
iMe,  when,  ipeaking  of  local  commemorationi  of 
UK  itai,  he  aayi,  "  Per  omne  iabbstom  a  preeby- 
IB*  lad  illitti  Agendae  earum  tollenniter  cala- 
biwtar"  (  Vita  St,  Aagvstini,  in  Dncange  a.  r.)i 
Cmpare  Uenard*!  note  in  hia  edition  eiOrtgttrjfi 
Suramiitary,  f.  482.  (Dncanga'a  Glotmry,  a.  t. 
■">  [C.J 

A0ME8,  or  AGME  (iyrh)-  (X)  The  vii^in, 
Bulyr  at  Bom*.  Her  Satida,  which  ia  an  an- 
ost  and  hlghly'hODanred  featiral,  ia  celebrated 
Jib.  31  (Jforl  £oa.  Fri.,  funM.,  £stae} ;  Octal 
Ju.  28  (».).  PTot«r  office  for  the  Salalii 
tki  Ongotian  SaerxBnenlary,  f,  S3,  and  Antiphon 
ia  Ul  Ami^  p.  664.  By  Theodoma  Lector 
(filya  ii.)  Uie  depoeition  of'^her  relica  i*  joined 
■ilh  the  dcpoaition  of  tbote  of  Stephen  and 
Inrace  (aee  Greg.  Sacrtm.  p.  304,  ed.  Mdiard). 
be  it  «Be  of  the  aainle  of  the  Gngoiian  Canon, 
vben  her  name  appears  in  the  form  Agne. 

TilUnwt  (J&bL  £M.  It.  345)  conjectarei 
that  the  seeood  featiral  on  Jan.  2S  commemorates 
the  ippuition  of  St.  AgMa  to  het  parenti  eight 
^  after  bD  deatlk. 

'  remains  are  aaid  to  hare  been  bnritd  in  a 
praedialtan  belonging  to  her  ftmily  on  the  Via 
" — -.ntana.  The  crypt  dug  to  reoeiTe  them  be- 
the  nncleua  of  the  tamona  cemetery  of  St, 
Agnes.  Two  churches  at  Rome  ara  dedicated  to 
St.  Agnei,  one  of  which  is  said  to  be  that  built 
by  Conatantine  at  the  request  of  his  daughter 
Constantia,  and  ia  certainly  one  of  the  most  nu- 
'  int  basilicas  in  Rome.  In  early  times,  it  waa 
Btomary  for  the  Pope  to  be  present  at  the  fts- 
ti»al  of  St.  Agnes  in  this  chorch,  in  which 
Gregory  the  Great  deliversd  several  of  his  homi- 
Uca  (e.g.  In  Matt,  c  liii.,  Som.  2);  and  in  this 
chuicb  atill,  on  Jan.  21,  the  lambs  are  blessed, 
from  the  wool  of  which  the  PaLLu  destined  Air 
archbiahopa  are  to  be  made. 

In  the  illustration,  taken  from  an  ancient 
glass  yeasel,  the  doves  on  each  side  bear  the  two 
crowns  of  Chantity  and  of  Martyrdom.  Thi» 
representation  illustrates  the  verse  of  Prudentiui 

(Periiteph.  I 


Representationa  of  St.  Agnes  are  foond  very  (re- 
lently  on  glass  vessels  in  the  catacombi ;  only 
_  i.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  are  foond  mure  often  so 
represented.  When  alone,  she  is  generally  placed 
between  tiro  tress ;  sometimes  she  is  at  the  aide 
of  the  Virgin  Mary ;  sometimes  between  the 
Lord  and  St.  Laurence;  between  St.  Vincent 
and  St.  Hippolytus ;  between  St.  Peter  and  St. 

(2)  There  is  another  festival  of  St.  Agnes  on 
Oct.  18  (ifart.  iTfcron.).  Tiliemont  (1.  c)  con- 
jeotoree  that  this  was  inatituled  in  commemora- 
tion of  the  dedication  of  some  church  in  her 
honour.  (Hartigay,  Did.  del  Antiq,  <ArA.  p. 
22  ff. ;  the  Abb«  Martigny  has  also  written  a 
monograph,  Notice  hietoriqiie,  litnrgiitie,  ct  arclufa- 
logipit  nir  le  Cvita  de  Ste.  AgnO.  Paris  et 
Lyons,  1847.)  [C] 

AGMirnS,  commemorated  Aug.  16  (Jfarl. 
BiertM.y  [C] 

AQNTJBDEI.  The  veraicle  "Agnus  Dei, qui 
tollia  peccata  mnndi.  Miserere  nobis,  is  generalljr 
apoken  of  as  the  "  Agnus  Dei." 

1.  A  reference  to  the  "  Lamb  of  God,  which 
taketh  away  the  sin  of  the  world,"  was  Intro- 
duced (as  waa  natural)  into  some  of  the  litnrgiaa 
at  an  early  period.  Thos  in  the  Liturgy  of  St. 
Chrysostom,  doring  the  breakicg  of  the  bread, 
the  priest  saya,   HtAt^evw  «el   SHU't^fftTOi   t 




d/ivbs  TO?  ecou  (Neale's  Teiralogia,  176) ;  and  in 
that  of  St.  James,  after  breaking  and  signing 
with  the  cross,  the  priest  says,  *l8i  6  kfu^hs  rod 
8cov,  6  Tibs  rov  HarphSf  6  vHptiv  r^v  Ofuunlay 
Tov  K6fffioVt  ffifMKyuurOtls  ^Ip  rris  rov  Kwr/iov 
C»ris  Koi  awrnplas  {lb,  179).  And  in  the  ancient 
^  Morning  Hymn "  [Gloria  in  Exoeuis] 
adopted  l^th  in  Eastern  and  Western  Liturgies, 
the  deprecation  is  found:  'O  i/ivbs  rod  Oeov, 
'O  Tihs  rov  HarphSf  6  vHpw  rh.s  a^Mfnlas  rov 
K6<rfioVt  'EKeriffotf  ^fuis, 

2.  At  the  Trullan  Council  (692)  it  was  decreed, 
among  other  matters^  that  the  Lord  should  no 
longer  be  pictui*ed  in  churches  under  the  form  of  a 
lamb,  but  in  human  form  (Canon  82).    The  then 
Pope,  however,  Sergius  I.,  rejected  the  decrees  of 
this  Council  (though  its  conclusions  had  been 
subscribed  by  the  Papal  legates),  and  Anastasius 
the  Librarian  (in  Baron.,  an.  701,  vol.  xii.  179)  tells 
us  that  this  Pope  first  ordered  that,  at  the  time 
of  the  breaking  of  the  Lord's  body,  the  '*  Agnus 
Dei"  should  be  chanted  by  clerks  and  people. 
Some  think  that  Sergius  ordered  it  to  be  said 
thrice,  where  it  had  previously  been  said  only 
once ;  others,  as  Krazer  {De  iiturgiis,  p.  545), 
that  he  ordered  it  to  be  said  by  the  whole  body 
of  the  clergy  and  people,  as  being  a  prayer  for 
all ;  not,  as  previously,  by  the  choir  only.  How- 
ever this  may  be,  the  evidence  of  the  Ordines 
Roman!  I.,  II.,  and  III.  (Mabillon,  Museum  Itali- 
cuiriy  ii.  pp.  29,  50,  59),  and  of  Amalarius  of 
Metz,  shows  that  in  the  beginning  of  the  9th  cen- 
tury the  choir  alone,  and  not  the  priest  at  the 
altar,  chanted  the  "Agnus  Dei;"  and  this  was 
the  case  also  when  Innocent  III.  wrote  his  trea- 
tise on  the  "  Mystery  of  the  Altar."  The  Ordines 
Romani  do  not  define  the  number  of  repetitions  of 
the  versicle ;  but  Martene  (^De  Ritihus  Ecclesiae, 
lib.  i.,  c  4,  art.  9)  proves  from  ancient  documents 
that  the  threefold  repetition  was  expressly  en- 
joined in  some  churches — as  in  that  of  Tours — 
before  the  year  1000 ;  and  in  the  12th  century 
this  custom  prevailed  in  most  churches.     Subse- 
quently, probably  from  about  the  14th  century, 
the  *'  Agnus  Dei  "  came  to  be  said  in  a  low  voice 
by  the  priest  with  his  deacon  and  subdeacon.   In 
later  times,  says  Innocent  III.  (^De  aacro  Altaris 
MysteriOy  i.  4,  p.  910,  Migne),  as  trouble  and  ad- 
versity fell  upon  the  Church,  the  response  at  the 
third  repetition  was  changed  into  "  Dona  nobis 
pacem ;"   in  the   church   of  St.  John   Lateran 
only    was    the    older    form     retained.      When 
the    substitution     of    '*  Dona    nobis    pacem " 
was    made    is    uncertain;    it    is   found  in  no 
MS.   older  than  the  year   1000.     The  reason 
which  Innocent  gives  for  the  introduction  of  the 
prayer  for  peace  may  perhaps  be  the  real  one ; 
but  it  is  not  an  unreasonable  conjecture  that  it 
had  reference  to  the  ^'pax,"  or  kiss  of  peace, 
which  was  to  follow. 

3.  Gerbert  {De  Musicd  Sacrd,  i.  p.  458)  men- 
tions among  ancient  customs  the  chanting  of  the 
"Agnus  Dei"  by  the  choir  during  the  time  that 
the  people  communicated,  before  the  antiphon 
called  "  Communio "  (Daniel,  Codex  LUurgicus, 
i.  148). 

4.  The  "  Agnus  Dei "  was  sometimes  interpo- 
lated with  "  tropes ;"  for  instance,  the  following 
form  is  quoted  by  Cardinal  Bona  from  an  ancient 
missal,  the  date  of  which  he  does  not  mention : 
"Agnus  Dei,  qui  tollis  peccatji  mundi,  crimina 
toiiiSf  aspera  moilis,  Agnus  hotioriSf  Miserere  nobis. 

Agnus  Dei,  qui  tollis  peccata  mundi,  vtAitra 
tanas,  ardua  pianos,  Agnus  amoris.  Miserere  nobis. 
Agnus  Dei,  qui  tollis  pecoata  mundi,  sordida 
mundas,  cuncta  foecundas,  Agnus  odoris,  Doaa 
nobis  pacem  "  (De  B^nts  Intwgicis,  lib.  ii.  c  16, 
p.  473).  And  Rupert  of  Deutz  has  the  addition, 
"  Qui  sedes  ad  dextram  Patris,  Miserere  nobis" 
(Daniel,  Codex  Lit  i.  142). 

5.  In  the  Ambrosian  rite  the  "Agnus  Dei" 
occurs  only  in  masses  for  the  dead  ;  where,  after 
"  Dona  nobis  pacem,"  the  words  are  added,  "  Re- 
quiem sempitemam,  et  locum  indulgentiae  cum 
Sanctis  tuis  in  gloria"  (Krazer,  De  LiturgOt, 
p.  637). 

6.  A  legend  preserved  by  Robert  of  Mount  St 
Michael  (in  Bona,  Be  Reb.  Lit.  lib.  ii.  c.  16)  tells 
how,  in  the  year  1183,  the  Holy  Virgin  appeared 
to  a  woodman  at  work  in  a  forest,  and  gave  him 
a  medal  bearing  her  own  image  and  that  of  her 
Son,  with  the  legend  "  Agnus  Dei,  qui  tollis  pec- 
cata mundi.  Dona  nobis  pacem."  This  she.  bade 
him  bear  to  the  bishop,  and  tell  him  that  all  who 
wished  the  peace  of  the  Church  should  make 
such  medals  as  these,  and  wear  them  in  token  of 
peace.  [C] 

AGNUS  DEI.  A  medallion  of  wax,  bearing 
the  figure  of  a  lamb.  It  was  an  ancient  custom 
to  distribute  to  the  worshippers,  on  the  fint 
Sunday  after  Easter,  particles  of  wax  taken  from 
the  Pasdial  taper,  which  had  been  solemnly 
blessed  on  the  Easter  Eve  of  the  previous  year. 
These  particles  were  bui'ued  in  houses,  fields,  or 
vineyards,  to  secure  them  against  evil  influences 
or  thunder-strokes. 

In  Rome  itself,  however,  instead  of  a  Paschal 
taper,  the  archdeacon  was  accustomed  to  pro- 
nounce a  benediction  over  a  mixture  of  oil  and 
wax,  from  which  small  medallions  bearing  the 
figure  of  a  lamb  were  made,  to  be  distributed  to 
the  people  on  the  first  Sunday  after  Easter,  espe- 
cially to  the  newly  baptised.  {Ordo  Bomanus  L 
pp.  25,  31;  Amalarius  de  Ecci,  Off,  i.  17,  p. 
1033;  Pseudo-Alcuin,  de  Div,  Off,  c  19,  p.  482.) 

In  modem  times  this  benediction  of  the  Agnus 
Dei  is  reserved  to  the  Pope  himself,  and  takes 
place  in  the  first  year  of  each  pontificate,  and 
every  seventh  year  following. 

The  Paschal  taper  was  anciently  thought  to 
symbolise  the  pillar  of  fire  which  guided  the 
Israelites,  and  the  Agnus  Dei  the  Passover  Lamb 
(Amalarius,  u.  s.  c  18 ;  compare  the  Gregorian 
Sacramentary,  p.  71;  "Deus,  cujus  antiqna 
miracula  in  praesenti  quoque  saeculo  coruscare 

A  waxen  Agnus  Dei  is  said  to  have  been  among 
the  presents  made  by  Gregory  the  Great  to 
Tlfeodelinda,  queen  of  the  Lombards  (Frisi, 
Memorie  di  Monza,  i.  34) ;  but  nothing  of  the 
kind  is  mentioned  by  the  saint  himself  in  the 
letter  (JEpist,  xiv.  12,  p.  1270)  in  which  he  gives 
a  list  of  his  presents.  One  was  found  in  1725  in 
the  church  of  San  Clemente  on  the  Coelian  Hill 
at  Rome,  in  a  tomb  supposed  to  be  that  of 
Flavius  Clemens  a  martyr.  This  Agnus  is  sup- 
posed, by  De  Yitry  (in  Calogiei-a's  JRcKXoita, 
xxxiii.  280),  to  have  been  placed  in  the  tomb  at 
the  translation  of  the  relics  which  he  thinks  took 
place  in  the  7  th  century. 

An  Agnus  was  frequently  enclosed  m  a  case  or 
reliquary ;  and  some  existing  examples  of  suck 
cases  ai-e  thought  to  be  of  the  8th  or  9th  con* 




Ivf.  A  Tery  remarkable  one,  said  to  hare 
Moi^^  to  Charlemagne,  is  among  the  treasures 
ef  Aii-la-Chapelle ;  but  the  style  appears  to  be 
of  t  nach  later  age  than  that  of  Charlemagne 
(CUUer  and  Martin,  Milangea  <fAroh^>logie, 
TeLi.pL  xiz.  fig.  D.).  [C] 

AQRICIUS,  Bishop  of  Tr^ree  and  confessor, 
dcpasitioB  Jan.  13  {Mori.  Bedae\  [C] 

A6BI00LA.    (1)  In  Africa,  martyr,  com- 

memorsted  Xor.  3  (Jtfl  Hierotu). 
(8)  Martyr  at  Bologna,  commemorated  Nov. 

'27  ^Jfarl  Bom,  Vet^y. 
^)  Saint,  Naiale  Dee.  3  ( Jf.  Bedae), 
(i)  In  Anrergne,  Dec.  9  (Jf.  Hieron,}, 
(f)  At  Rarenna,  Dec  16  (Jf.  JJwron.).    [C] 

AGBIPPINA,  martyr  at  Rome,  commemo- 
nted  Jane  23  (Oi/.  Bytant.),  [C] 



AGRIPPIN1T8,  of  Alexandria,  oommemo- 
lated  Jnlr  15  (^MarL  HieroiL)\  Jakatit  5  =  Jan. 


AISLE.    [Chubch.] 

(iQinsoBAKEiisiA  Concilia): — ^i.  a.d.  789;  a 
■ixed  synod  held  under  CSiarlemagne  in  his 
fslMX,  which  enacted  82  capitulars  respecting 
the  Qiarch,  16  ad  monachoBj  21  on  matters  of  a 
mixed  kind  (Balnx.,  CapU.  i.  209).->-ii.  A.D.  797 ; 
abo  under  Charlemagne,  and  consisting  of  bishops, 
iUmUs,  and  counts ;  at  which  11  capitulars  were 
inde  req>ecting  matters  ecclesiastical  and  civil, 
ad  S3  **  de  partibns  Saxoniae."  The  canons  (46) 
flfTheodnlph,  Bishop  of  Orleans,  ''ad  parochiae 
siae  saeerdotes,"  are  appended  to  this  oonndi 
(Balaz.,  Capa.  i.  250 ;  Mansi,  xiii.  994-1022).— 
is.  A.O.  799;  also  under  Charlemagne,  and  in 
his  pabee,  of  bishope,  abbats,  and  monks,  where 
Felix  of  Urgel  was  induced  by  Alcuin  to  re- 
HMinoe  the  heresy  of  Adoptianism  (Mansi,  xiii. 
1033-1040,  from  Alcuin,  ad  Elipand,  i.,  and  the 
Vita  JievM.). — ir.  A.D.  802,  October ;  also  under 
Charlemagne,  of  bishops,  priests,  and  deacons, 
who  then  took  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  him 
(Haasi,  xiiL  1102> — v.  A.D.  809,  November; 
also  nnder  Charlemagne,  upon  the  question  of 
the  ftUoqne ;  which  sent  messengers  to  Pope 
Leo  UL,  and  was  instructed  by  him  to  omit  the 
wnds  from  the  Creed,  although  the  doctrine 
Itself  mtde/ide  (Mansi,  xiv.  17-28).  The  later 
Cevadb  of  Aix  are  beyond  the  period  assigned 
to  this  work.  [A.  W.  H.] 

ALB  (oAo,  tunica  alba,  tunica  talaris,  podcris, 
Ami,  mfpanUj  subucuh,  camitia ;  see  also  Sti- 

\  1.  Tkt  word  and  Us  deritfotion. — ^The  Latin 
word  albOf  the  Ailler  expression  for  which  is 
twUca  alba,  first  appears,  as  the  technical  de- 
signttion  o(  a  white  tunic,  m  a  passage  of  Vopis- 
CBS,  who  speaks  of  an  oRa  sdhserica,  or  tunic 
■ade  of  silk  interwoven  with  some  other  mate- 
mi  sent  as  a  present,  circ.  265,  A.D.,  from  Gal- 
lieaos  to  Claudius  (^iM.  Attgust,  Script,  Tre- 
beliitts  i»  CUmdio,  p.  208).  The  same  expression, 
jAa  nbieriea,  occurs  more  than  once  in  a  letter 
if  the  Emperor  Valerian.  The  word  survives  in 
the  Pr,  *•  aube,"  as  in  our  own  **  alb."    The  cor- 

respondmg  Italian  word  ^'camioe"  iu  derived 
from  **  camisia  "  (see  below,  §  3). 

§  2.  Ecclesiastical  use  of  the  word,  and  of  the 
vestment. — ^There  are  two  uses  of  the  term  in 
ancient  writers,  between  which  it  is  not  always 
easy  to  distinguish.  When  used  in  the  singulai 
it  has  generally  the  technical  meaning  above  no- 
ticed, that  of  a  white  tunic.  But  in  the  plural 
the  phrase  in  albis,  and  the  like,  may  either 
mean  "  in  albs,"  or,  more  vaguely  and  compre- 
hensively, "in  white  garments."  Context  only 
can  determine  which  is  meant. 

The  first  recorded  instance  of  the  technical 
use  of  the  term,  as  a  designation  of  a  vestment 
of  Christian  ministry,  occurs  in  a  canon  of  the 
African  church  (jConcU.  Carthag,  iv.  can.  41), 
dating  from  the  close  of  the  4th  century.  That 
canon  prescribes  that  deacons  shall  not  wear  the 
alb  except  when  engaged  in  Divine  service.  "  Ut 
diaconus  tempore  oblationis  tantum,  vel  lectionis, 
alba  utatur."  This  probably  implies  that  bishops 
and  presbyters,  but  not  deacons,  were  allowed 
to  wear  in  ordinary  life  a  long  white  tunic,  re- 
sembling that  worn  in  divine  service.  Other 
early  canons,  on  the  subject  of  ecclesiastical 
habits,  show,  as  does  that  last  quoted,  that  there 
was  a  general  tendency  on  the  part  of  the  dea- 
cons, and  other  yet  inferior  orders,  to  assume  the 
insignia  which  properly  belonged  to  the  higher 
grades  of  the  ministry.  **  Human  nature  "  had 
found  its  expression  in  such  and  the  like  ways  in 
the  early  church  as  in  later  times. 

This  conjecture  as  to  an  alb  being  worn  by 
bishops  and  presbyters  even  in  ordinary  life 
(from  the  time  of  the  "  Peace  of  the  Church " 
under  Constantine),  at  least  on  occasions  when 
'*  full  dress "  was  required,  is  confirmed  by  the 
remarkable  mosaics  in  the  church  of  St.  George 
at  Thessalonica.  These  date  in  all  probability 
from  the  4th  century.  Among  the  personages 
represented,  all  of  them  in  the  more  stately  dress 
of  ordinary  life,  there  are  two  only  who  are 
'ecclesiastics,  Philip  Bishop  of  Heraclea,  and  the 
Presbyter  Romanus ;  and  the  dress  of  each  is  so 
arranged  as  to  show  the  white  chiton  (or  tunic), 
though  an  outer  tunic  of  darker  colour  is  also 
worn.  In  this  respect  their  dress  differs  from 
that  of  the  other  figures,  which  are  those  of  lay- 
men. These  mosaics  are  figured  in  the  Byzantine 
Architecture  of  Texier  and  PuUan  (Lond.,  1864). 
That  an  alb  was  so  worn,  more  or  less  generally, 
by  presbyters,  at  least  in  some  parts  of  the  West 
in  later  centuries,  appears  clearly  from  such  a 
direction  as  that  of  Leo  IV.  in  his  Cura  Pastor^ 
alisz  "Nullus  in  alba  qua  in  suo  usu  utitur 
praesumat  missas  cantare."  This  direction  is 
repeated  almost  verbatim  in  the  Capitula  of 
Hincmar  of  Rheims  (t882),  and  in  the  Disciplina 
Ecclesiastica  of  Regino,  abbot  of  Prume,  in  the 
following  century. 

§  3.  Primitive  forms  of  the  Alb. — In  the  early 
ages  of  the  church  the  alb  of  Christian  ministry 
was  of  frill  and  flowing  shape,  and  distinguished 
in  this  respect  from  the  closely-fitted  txmic  of 
Levitical  priesthood.  St.  Jerome  (Epist.  ad  Fa- 
bioktm)  follows  Josephus  {Antiq.  Jud,  iii.  7)  in 
dwelling  particularly  on  this  distinctive  charac- 
teristic of  the  Levitical  tunic ;  and  in  order  to 
convey  to  his  readers  an  idea  of  its  general  ap« 
pearance,  he  is  obliged  to  refer  them  to  the  linen 
shirts,  called  camisiae,  worn  by  soldiers  when  on 
service.    More  than  four  centunes  later,  Amala« 

4A  ALB 

rina  ofHeti  qnatM  thli  puuga  sf  St.  Jnome, 
ia  hii  treatiM  Dt  EccbaiaMcit  Offidit  (lib.  iL 
cap.  IB) ;  and  aiprsaglj  notlcea  tha  tvA  that  the 
ClirutiaD  alb  diiTgrcd  from  the  podtrit,  or  iiill- 
laagUi  tDnia  of  L«vltic4l  miolBtrr,  in  thit,  while 
thii  lut  vat  ttrtctum,  cloulj  fitted  to  tbo  bodj, 
that  of  the  charch  was  largim,  fall  ind  flowlag. 
With  thi>  Btatement  the  earliest  moDiiDieiits  of 
miniAteniig  veatmeot<  quit«  oownL  The  albe 
(if  the;  be  not  nther  dalmatia)  worn  by 
Archbitbop  MiiimiiQ  and  hii  stteadaat  clergi 
in  the  Ravenna  mouia  (lee  rcifioriuni  C/irit- 
tianum,  PI.  iiriil. ;  and  under  TESTMENTS),  and 
in  a  leu  degree,  Uiat  asiigned  to  the  deacon  in 
the  froco  repreteuting  Ordiafttion  in  tbe 
cemetery  of  St.  Hermes  at  Rome  (Xrin([hi,  Boma 
^kM.  tom.  ii.  p.  3S9);  and  again  thou  worn 
under  a  planeta  bj'  Pope  Cornelini  of  Rome  and 
St.  Cyprian  of  Carthage  in  t^escoe*  of  (probably) 
the  8tb  centniT  (De  Ko«>l,  Soma  Soil.  vol.  i.  pp. 
298-304)  all  agree  in  this  reaped.  In  the» 
Uat,  particularly,  the  alba  (pooiblj  dalhaticb, 
q.  T.)  worn  under  the  planeta,  hare  ileerea  oi 
Urve  a<  thoee  of  a  modern  inrplice. 

Bat  while  thii  waa,  no  doubt,  the  preniling 
form,  we  have  pictorial  Bridenco  lo  thow,  that. 
In  the  ninth  century  certainly,  and  iu  all  probfr- 


uiderably  earliec 

a  differc 

■  had  been  the  case,  we  may  well 
believe,  in  the  caia  of  the  Lerittcal  prieetl.  If 
theie  latter,  in  the  diecharge  of  their  ucrilicial 
dutiei,  wonld  have  been  not  only  incommoded 
but  eiidangered  by  wearing  full  and  Bowing  linen 
garmento,  lo  were  there  occaiions,  particularly 
the  admiaiitration  of  baptiim,  when  large  and 
full  ileeTei,  like  those  of  the  ordinar;  alb  or 
ddmatic,  would  have  been  ineoDreuient  in  the 
highest  degree  to  those  engaged  in  officei  of 
Christian  ministry.  We  find  accordingly,  in  an 
illumiuation  dating  ft-om  the  9tb  century  (>ee 
woodcut  in  the  article  baPTiSII),  that  the  priest 
in  baptiiing  wore  a  cloaely  fitted  alb,  girded. 
This  is,  we  hare  retuon  to  bellere,  the  earliest 
example  in  Christian  art  of  an  alb  so  shaped ; 
bat  in  later  centuries,  as  the  "sacred  vest- 
ments "  continually  increased  in  number,  the 
>  worn  underneath  the 

gradually  n 

n  form 

e  present  time  the  alb,  techi 
called,  is  a  closely-iitting  vestment,  girded, 
nearly  resembling  that  of  the  priest  in  the  plaU 
just  referred  to. 

$  4.  DiKoraHoa  of  ffie  oA.— Like  other  vest- 
linen  only,  the  alb  was  often  enriched  in  later 
times  in  respect  of  omatnent,  material,  and 
colour.  Details  as  to  this  are  given  by  Bock 
{Lilurgiache  Geadnd^,  li.  33)  and  by  Dr.  Rock 
{Church  of  our  Fathtrt,  vol.  i.  p.  424  iff.).  The 
most  common  omameats  of  tbe  kind  were  known 
as  parunu  (a  shorter  form  of  panlume),  nbich 
were  oblong  patches,  richly  coloured  and  oma- 
mmted,  atMched  to  the  tunic  Hence  a  distinc- 
tion between  aHa  parata,  an  alb  with  "  ap- 
parels "  (technically  so  called),  and  aSta  pura, 
this  last  being  the  ^^  white  alb  piain  "  spoken  of 
in  the  first  Prayer-book  of  Edward  VI.  These 
atboB  paratae  date,  according  ttt  Professor  Weiss, 
from  the  close  of  the  IDth  century  (£asfwn- 
teub,  a.  *.  w.,  p.  667).     But  this  is  true  only  of 


similar  import.     See  Casaubon's  j 

sage  ofTrebellina  referred  to  in  $1.    [WJJl] 

ALBANTJB  (1)  (St.  AiAaii)  or  ALsnnn 
(Mart,  Hkron.')  and  hij  compoulooa,  martyrs  in 
Britain,  commemoratad  Jane  22  (Jbrt.  Jtm. 
Vet.,  Bieroa.,  tt  Btdat). 

(8)  Saint,  commemoiatad  Decembet  1  (M. 
Bedat).  [C.] 

ALBINTJS.     (I)  Bishop  and  canfonor,  com- 
memorated March  1  {Mart.  Hitron.,  Btiku). 
(8)  Martyr,  June  21  (if.  Bedae).  [(^] 

ALCE8TER,  Council  or  (Aursirni  Cov- 
CiLicii),  A.D.  709  ;  an  imaginary  council,  resting 
solely  on  the  legendary  life  of  Ei^win,  BialiD)! 
of  Worcester,  snd  founder  of  Evesham  Abbey,  by 
Brihtwald  of  Worcester  (or  Glastonbury);  said 
to  hare  been  held  to  confirm  the  grants  made 
to  Evesham  (Witk.  i.  72,  73;  Maosi,  lii.  132- 
189).  Wilfrid  of  York,  said  to  have  been  at  the 
council,  died  June  23,  709.  [A-  W.  H.] 

ALDBQUKDI5,  virgin,  deposition  Jon.  80 
(Jfart.  Bidaa).  [C] 

ALDEBUANN.    [E&ldobjun.] 
ALEXANDER,  (1)  martyr  under  Dedo^ 
ed  Jan.  30  {Mart.  Son.  Frt.). 
emontsd  Feb.  9  {Mart.  Bedae). 
f  Cl^ndina,  martyr  at  Ostia,  ?eb. 

>  of  Alexandria,  Feb.  26  (7i.) ;  April 

Hsalonica,  Feb.  S7  (JT.  ffi»r<m.\ 
ics,  March  5  (if.  JHenm.), 
amedio,  March  6  (if.  fnertm.'). 
Qains,  March  10  (Mart.  Bedae). 

>  of  Jemsalem,  martyr,  Uarch  18 
,_ Frt.,  Badat). 

(10)  Martyr  at  Caesorea  in  Palestine,  March 
28  (Karl.  Son.  Fit.);  Mar.  27  {M.  Bedae). 

(11)  Saint,  April  24  (ifarl.  Bedae) :  April  SI 

(IS)  The  Pope,  martyr  at  Rome  under  Trajan, 
Hay  3  {Mart.  Som.  Vet.,  Bedae).  Named  in  the 
Qregorian  CaiuM,  Antiphon  in  Lb.  AnHph.  p.  693. 

(IS)  Martyr  at  Bergamo,  Aug.  26  ( Jfort.  Jioo. 

(14)  Bishop  and  confessor,  Ang.  28  (71.). 

(IB)  "  In  Sabiuis,"  Sept.  9  {lb.  et  Illenm.). 

(18)  Commemorated  Sept.  10  (if.  fiierrm.). 
(IT)  In  Capoa,  Oct.  15  (if.  Hitna.). 

(la)  Patriarch,  Nov.  7  (  Cat.  Armen.) ;  Hiaiiah 
22  -  April  17,  and  Nohasse  18  =  Aug.  II  (CU. 

(19)  Bishop  and  martyr,  Nov.  28  (JT.  B.  V.). 
(90)  Uartyr  at  Aleiandria,  tniislated  Dec 

12  {lb.).  [C] 


SCHOOL  OF.   The  school  thns  described  occo- 

wss  instruction  {nrriixvi'i')  of  some  kind  for  con- 
verts [Catechukeks]  ;  everywhere,  before  long, 
there  must  have  been  some  provisiDH  mode  for 
the  education  of  Christian  children.  That  at  Alei- 
andria was  the  only  one  which  acquired  s  ipecia! 
,  repulatiou,  and  hod  a  succession  of  illnstrioui 


litckai^  and  affected,  directly  and  indirectly, 
tht  tbeologj  of  the  Church  at  large.  The  lives 
flf  thoK  teachers,  and  the  special  characteristics 
of  tiicir  theological  specolations  will  be  treated 
ffebewhere.  Here  it  is  proposed  to  consider 
(1)  the  outward  history  of  the  school ;  (2)  its 
tctasl  mode  of  working,  and  general  Inflnence  on 
the  religions  life  of  the  Alexandrian  Chnrch. 

(L)  The  origin  of  the  Alexandrian  school  *  is 
tarisd  ia  ohscnrity.    Ensebins  {H.  E^  y.  10) 
ipeib  of  it  as  of  long  standing  (i^  ipx^ov 
Hm),  hot  the  earliest  tocher  whom  he  names  is 
hatacBOi,  are.  ajk  180.    If  we  were  to  accept 
t^  snthority  of  Philip  of  Sida  (Fragm.  in  I>od- 
«dl*s  Distert  ta  Iren,  Oxt  pp.  488-497),  the 
hoaovr  of  being  its  founder  might  be  conceded 
to  Athenagoras,  the  writer  of  the  Apologia  ;  and 
thif  voold  carry  ns  a  few  years  further.  But  the 
aithority  of  Philip  is  but  slight.    His  list  is 
maiftstly  inaocnrate,  the  name  of  Clement  com- 
jiq;  ifter  Origen,  and  eyen  after  Dionysius,  and 
Ike  sleooe  of  £oaebias  and  Jerome  most  be  held 
to  outweigh  his  assertion.    Conjecture  may  look 
to  St.  Hark  (Hieron.,  Cat,  36),  with  more  proba- 
bility, perbapa,  to  Apolloe,  as  haying  been  the  first 
cooqncooQs  tMcher  at  Alexandria.     Pantaenus, 
hoverer,  is  the  first  historical  name.    He  taught 
both  oially  and  by  his  writings,  and,  though  his 
vnk  was  interrupted  by  a  mission  to  India,  he 
M9BBS  to  have  returned  to  Alexandria,  and  to 
have  ooatinoed  teaching  there,  till  his  death, 
rust  working  with   him,  and  then  succeeding 
hiB,  we  haye  the  name  of  dement,  and  find  bim 
oeeopjiag  the  post  of  teacher  till  the  persecution 
of  Sevcnu,  aj>.  202,  when  he  with  others  fled  for 
■ietj.    The  vacant  plaoe  was  filled  by  Origen 
(Eaeeb.  H.  E.  yi  3),  then  only  eighteen  yeare  of 
agt,  but  already  well  known  as  a  teacher  of 
gnmaxar  and  rhetoric,  and  aa  having  studied 
pnAnadly  in  the  interpretation  of  the  Scriptures. 
It  ii  probable,  but  not  certain,  that  he  himself 
kad  attended  Clement's  classes.  As  it  was,  seekers 
after  truth  came  to  him  in  such  numbers  that  he 
RMRUced  his  work  aa  an  instructor  in  other 
nbjecta,  and  devoted  himself  to  that  of  the 
■ekool  whidft  was  thus  reopened.    Clement  may 
pMnbly  have  returned  to  Alexandria,  and  worked 
with  him  till  his  death,  circ.  A.D.  220.    Origen 
Umelf  left  soon  afterwards,  and  founded,  in  some 
■OM,  a  rival  school  at  Caeaarea.    Of  the  teachera 
thit  followed  we  know  little  more  than  the  names. 
Philip  of  Sida  (^.e.)  givea  them  as  Heraclas, 
Dteariioi,  Pieriua,  Theognostus,  Serapion,  Peter, 
Mieariiis,  Didymua,  Rhodon.    Ensebins  {H,  E. 
TIL  32)  names  Pieriua  aa  a  man  of  philosophical 
attajimenta  at  Alexandria,  and  mentions  Achillas 
Mne  distinctly  aa  having  been  entrusted  with 
the  MoncoActoy  there  under  the  episcopate  of 
l^eooas.     He  further  speaks  of  the  school  as 
euting  in  his  own  time  (circ.  A.D.  330).    Theo- 
d«Rt  (i.  1)  names  Arius  as  having  at  one  time  been 
titf  chief  teacher  there,  and  Sozomen  (J71 E.  iii.  15) 
ttd  Rafinns  (JT*.  JSl  ii.  7)  name  Didymus,  a  teacher 
vbo  became  blind,  as  having  held  that  post  for  a 
loag  period  ofyears  (circ  iuD.  340-^95).  During 
tiM  later  years  of  his  life  he  was  assisted  by 
^hod«i  as  a  coadjutor,  who,  on  his  death,  re- 

*  Aaaj  be  worth  wliUe  to  note  the  nimes  by  which  It 
Ii  tosflMd  >— (1)  T^  rfv  iMinix'J^— H»  or  tb  tw  tcpwv 
r,  Eoseb^  A£y.lO,vL8.a6:  (2)Tb 
rmv  Itpm^  ^jaBiipAmv,  Soaom.  iU.  16 : 
%  ftnhsiailinB  Jafcoio,  Hkwa,  Qafcc.3«. 



moved  to  Sida,  where  he  nxmibered  among  his 
pupils  the  Philip  from  whom  we  get  the  list  of 
the  succession.  This  seems  to  have  broken  up  the 
school,  and  we  are  unable  to  trace  it  further. 

(2.)  The  pattern  upon  which  the  work  at  Alex 
andria  was  based  may  be  found  in  St.  Paul's 
labours  at  Ephesus.  After  he  ceased  to  address 
the  Jews  through  his  discourses  in  the  synagogue 
he  turned  to  the  "  school "  QrxoX^)  of  Tyrannus 
(Acta,  xix.  9).  That  <<  school "  was  probably  a 
lecture-hall  (so  the  word  is  used  by  Plutarch,  Vit, 
Arati,  c  29),  which  had  been  used  by  some  teacher 
of  philosophy  or  rhetoric,  and  in  which  the  apostle 
now  appeared  as  the  instructor  of  all  who  came  to 
inquire  what  the  ^  new  doctrine  "  meant.  Some- 
thing of  the  same  kind  must  have  been  soon 
found  necessary  at  a  place  like  Alexandria.  With 
teachers  of  philosophy  of  all  schoob  lecturing 
round  them,  the  Christian  Society  could  not  but 
feel  the  need  of  lecturers  of  its  own.  Elsewhere, 
among  slaves  and  artisans,  it  might  be  enough  to 
hand  down  the  simple  tradition  of  the  fiiith,  to  de- 
velope  that  teaching  as  we  find  it  in  the  Catechesea 
of  Cyril  of  JerusaleuL  The  age  of  apologists,  ap- 
pealing, as  they  did,  to  an  educated  and  reading 
class,  must  have  made  the  demand  for  such  teachers 
more  urgent,  and  the  appearance  of  Pantaenus  as 
the  first  certainly  known  teacher,  indicates  that 
he  was  summonea  oy  the  Church  to  supply  it. 
In  a  room  in  his  own  house,  or  one  hired  for  the 
purpose,  the  teacher  received  the  inquirers  who 
came  to  him.  It  was  not  a  school  for  boys,  but 
for  adults.  Men  and  women  alike  had  free  access 
to  him.  The  school  was  open  from  morning 
to  evening.  As  of  old,  in  the  schools  of  the 
Babbia,  as  in  those  of  the  better  sophists  and 
philosophers  of  Greece,  there  was  no  charge  for 
admission.  If  any  payment  was  made  it  came,  in 
the  strictest  sense  of  the  word,  as  an  honorcuHwn 
from  grateftd  pupils  (Euseb.  H.  E,  vi.  4). 
After  a  time  he  naturally  divided  his  hearers 
into  classes.  Those  who  were  on  the  threshold 
were,  it  is  natural  to  think,  called  on,  as  in  the 
Cohortatio  ad  Graecoa  of  Clement,  to  turn  from 
the  obscenities  and  frivolities  of  Paganism  to  the 
living  and  true  God.  Then  came,  as  in  his  Paeda- 
ffogWy  the  '*  milk  "  of  Catechesis,  teaching  them 
to  follow  the  Divine  Instructor  by  doing  all 
things,  whether  they  ate  or  drank,  in  obedience 
to  ms  wilL  Then  the  more  advanced  were  led 
on  to  the  *'  strong  meat "  of  ^  iirorrucii  Buppia 
(Qem.  Alex.,  Strom,  v.  p.  686,  Pott.).  At  times 
he  would  speak,  as  in  a  continuous  lecture, 
and  then  would  pause,  that  men  might  ask  the 
questions  which  were  in  their  hearts  (Origen, 
in  Matt,  2V.  xiv.  16).  The  treatises  which 
remain  to  us  of  Clement's,  by  his  own  account 
of  them,  embody  his  reminiscences  of  such  instruc- 
tion partly  as  given  by  others,  partly  doubtless 
as  given  by  himself.  We  may  fairly  look  on 
Origen's  treatises  and  expositions  as  having  had 
a  like  parentage.  (Comp.  Guerike,  DeSdiold 
Alex. ;  Hasselbach,  De  Schola  Alex, ;  Redepen- 
ning's  Origenes,  i.  57,  ii.  10;  and  Art.  Alex- 
andrinischee  Catecheten  Sckuley  in  Herzog's  Real, 
Encyohpadie ;  Neander's  Church  History  [Engl. 
Translation],  ii.  260,  et  eeq.)  [E.  H.  P.] 

were  no  councils  of  Alexandria  proportionate  to 
its  situation  as  the  marine  gate  of  the  East,  or  to 
the  fame  of  its  catechetical  and  eclectic  sdiools. 




or  to  its  ecclesiastical  position,  as  hftying  been 

the  second  see  of  the  world.    And  the  first  of 

theiQ  was  held  A.D.  230,  under  Demetrius,  in  a 

hastj  moment,  to  pass  judgment  upon  one  of 

the  most  distinguished  Alexandrians  that  ever 

lived,  Origen  :  his  chief  fault  being  that  he  had 

been  ordained  priest  in  Palestine,  out  of  the 

diocese.     His  works  were  condemned  in  this, 

and  he  himself  excommunicated  and  deposed  in  a 

8ubsequc>nt  council ;  but  both  sentences  were 

disregarded  bj  the  bishops  of  Palestine,  under 

whose  patronage  he  continued  to  teach  and  to 

preach  as  before. 

A.D.  235 — ^There  was  a  synod  under  Heraclas, 

who  is  said  to  have  appointed  20  bishops ; 

one  of  whom,  Ammonius,  having  betrayed 

the  faith,  was  reclaimed  at  this  synod. 

A.D.  263— This  was  a  synod,  under  Diunysius, 

against  the  errors  of  Sabellius ;  in  another, 

Nepotianus,  a  bishop  of  Egypt,  and  Ce- 

rinthus  fell  under  censure  for  their  views 

on  the  Millennium. 

AJ>.  306 — under  Peter;  against  Meletius,  a 

bishop  of  Lycopolis,  who  had  sacrificed  to 

idols,  and  was  therefore  deposed. 

A.D.  321 — ^Against  Arius,  who  was  deposed  in 

two  synods  this  year  under  Alexander. 
A.D.  324--Against  Arius  once  more ;  but  this 
time  under  Hosius,  Bishop  of  Cordova,  who 
had    been    despatched    to  Alexandria   to 
make  enquiries,  by  Constantino. 
A.D.  328 — ^When  St.  Athanasius  was  conse- 
crated bishop.    (On  the  date,  see  Mansi, 
ii.  1086.) 
A.D.  340  —In  favour  of  St.  Athanasius.    De- 
puties were  sent  from  the  council  to  Rome 
and  Tyre  in  that   sense.     Its  synod  ical 
letter  is  given  by  St.  Athanasius  in  his  2nd 
A.D.  352— Called  "Egyptian;"  in  favour  of 

St.  Athanasius  again. 
A.D.  362 — under  St.  Athanasius,  on  his  return 
from    exile,   concerning   those    who    had 
Arianised.    It  published  a  syno^ical  letter. 
On  its  wise  and  temperate  decisions,  see 
Newman's  Arians,  v.  1. 
A.D.  363 — ^under  St.  Athanasius  on  the  death  of 
Julian ;  published  a  synodical  letter  to  the 
new  emperor  Jovian. 
A.D.  371 — Of  90  bishops,  under  St.  Athanasius : 
to  protest  against  Auxentius  continuing  in 
the  see  of  Milan.    This  is  one  of  those 
called  «  Egyptian." 
A.D.   371 — under  St.  Athanasius   the    same 
year ;  to  receive  a  profession  of  faith  from 
Marcellus,  Bishop  of  Ancyra,  which  turned 
out  orthodox. 
A.D.  399 — ^Against  the  followers  of  Origen, 
who  were  condemned.   Part  of  its  synodical 
letter  is  preserved  in  that  of  the  emperor 
Justinian  to  Mennas  on  the  same  subject 
long  afterwards. 
A.D.  430 — ^under  St.  Cyril  against  Kestorius  ; 
where   St.    Cyril    indited    his   celebrated 
epistle  with  the  twelve  anathemas. 
A.D.  457 — under  Timothy,  sumamed  Aelurus, 
or  the  Cat,  at  which  the  Council  of  Chal- 
cedon  was  condemned.    This  was  repeated, 
A.D.  477. 
A.D.  482 — At  which  John  Tabenniosites  was  con- 
secrated bishop ;  he  was  ejected  at  once  by 
the  emperor  Zeno^  when  Peter  Moggus  re- 


turned,  and  m  a  subsequent  synod  the 
same  year  condemned  the  4th  cooncil, 
having  first  caused  a  schism  amongst  his 
own  followers  by  subscribing  to  the  He- 
notioon  (Evag.  iii.  12-16). 
A.D.  485— under  Quintian,  to  pronounce  Peter 

the  Fuller  deposed  from  Antioch. 
A.D.  578— The  last  of  those  called  Egyptian ; 
it  was  composed  of  Jacobites,  to  consider 
the    case   of  the  Jacobite    patriarch   ot* 
Antioch,  Paul. 
A.D.  589 — under  Eulogius ;   against  the  Sa 

A.D.  633 — under  Cyrus,  the  Monothelite  pa- 
triarch :    the  acts  and  synodical  letter  of 
which  are  preserved  in  the  13th  action  of 
the  6th  general  counciL    This  is  the  last 
on  record. 
The  interests  of  the  Church  History  of  Alex- 
andria are  so  great,  that  a  few  words  may  be 
added  respecting  its  patriarchate. 

The  patriarchate  of  Alexandria  grew  out  of  the 
see  founded  there  by  St.  Mark,  "  according  to  the 
constant  and  unvarying  tradition  both  o£  the  East 
and  West "  (Neale's  Patriarch  of  Alex,  1.  1.) ;  to 
which  jurisdiction  was  assigned,  as  of  ancient 
custom  appertaining,  by  the  6th  Nioene  canon, 
over  "Egypt^  Libya,. and  Pentapolis."  This  was, 
in  effect,  what  was  already  known  as  the  Egyp- 
tian  diocese,  being  one  of  five  placed  under  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  praefect  of  the  East,  and  com- 
prehending itself  six  provinces.  Of  these,  An- 
gustanica  was  subdivided  into  Augustanica  prims, 
and  secunda :  the  first  stretching  upon  the  coast 
from  Rhinocorura  on  the  borders  of  Palestine  to 
Diospolis  on  the  east  of  the  Mendesian  mouth  of 
the  Nile,  with  the  second  immediately  under  it 
inland ;  Egypt  proper  was  likewise  subdivided 
into  prima  and  secunda,  of  which  seconds 
stretched  westwards  of  the  same  mouth  of  the 
Nile  along  the  coast,  with  prima  lying  imme- 
diately under  it  inland.  Then  Arcadia  at  Hep- 
tanomis,  foiining  the  3rd  province,  lay  under 
Augustanica  secunda  and  Aegyptus  prima  on 
both  sides  of  the  Nile  ;  and  south  of  this  Thebaic, 
or  the  4th  province,  whose  subdivisions,  prims 
comprehended  all  the  rest  of  the  country  lying 
north,  and  secunda  all  the  country  lying  south 
of  Thebes,  included  in  Egypt.  Returning  to- 
wards the  coast,  westwards  of  Aegyptus  secunda, 
the  5th  province,  Libya  inferior  or  secunda,  was 
also  called  Marmarica ;  and  to  the  west  of  it 
was  the  6th  province,  Libya  Pentapolis,  also 
called  Cyrenaica.  The  ecclesiastical  arrange- 
ments in  each  of  these  provinces  have  yet  to  be 
given.  For  this  purpose  the  "Notitia**  pub- 
lished by  Beveridge  (Synod,  ii.  143-4)  migiit 
have  been  transcribed  at  length  ;  but  as  the  sites 
of  so  many  of  the  sees  are  unknown,  their  mere 
names,  which  are  often  uncouth  and  of  doubtful 
spelling,  would  be  devoid  of  interest.  It  ma> 
suffice  to  enumerate  them,  with  their  metropolb 
in  each  case.  Thus  Augustanica  prima  con- 
tained 14  episcopal  sees,  of  which  Pelusium  was 
the  metropolis ;  Augustanica  secunda  6,  at  the 
head  of  which  was  Leonto ;  Aegyptus  prima  20, 
at  the  head  of  which  was  Alexandria  ;  Aegjrptns 
secunda  12,  at  the  head  of  which  was  Cabssa 
The  province  of  Arcadia  contained  6,  under  the 
metropolitan  of  Oxyrinchus ;  but  7  are  given 
subsequently,  corresponding  to  the  7  mouths  of 
the  Nile,  of  which  Alexandria  is  placed  first 




That  vere  8  tees  in  Thebais  prima,  under  the 
■cCropoUUn  of  Antino ;  and  twice  that  number 
ii  TMiak  Mconda,  under  the  metropolitan  of 
Plolanaii.  Ubja  secunda,  or  Marmarica,  con- 
taiaed  8,  nnder  the  metropolitan  of  Dranicon ; 
and  Libja  Pentapolis  6,  at  the  head  of  which 
vat  Sotiua.  Tripoli  was  a  later  acquisition,  in- 
daiiaf  3  sees  onl j.  They  may  have  been  placed 
aader  Alexandria  subsequently  to  the  time  of 
the  4th  Council,  when  all  to  the  west  of  them 
Isf  in  oonfusion  nnder  the  Vandals ;  and  possibly 
■aj  hare  been  intended  to  compensate  for  those 
two  sees  1^  Berytus  and  Rabba  bordering  on 
Mestine,  of  which  Alexandria  was  then  robbed 
to  swell  the  patriarchate  of  Jerusalem  on  the 
noth-vsst  (Cave,  Ck  Govt.  ir.  11).  The  list  of  1 
•MS  in  Le  Qaien  (Orisiu  Christianus,  vol.  ii.  p. 
330-640),  tllustrated  by  a  map  of  the  patriarch- 
tte  from  D^AnTille,  agrees  with  the  above  in 
BMft  respects,  only  that  it  is  shorter. 

Alexandria  had  been  synonymous  with  ortho- 
iuj  while  St.  Athanasius  liyed ;  shortly  after 
hii  death,  however,  the  next  place  after  Rome, 
wkich  it  had  ever  enjoyed  from  Apostolic  times, 
vas  girea  by  the  2nd  General  Council  to  Con- 
stsatioople.     For  this  it  seemed  to  hare  re- 
oGTKd  ample  compensation  in  the  humiliation 
sf  the  Coostantinopolitan  patriarch  Nestorius, 
si  the  3rd  Council  under  St.  Cyril ;  when  the 
viDt  of  tact  and  perverseness  of  his  successor 
Diosooms  enabled  the  more  orthodox  patriarchs 
of  Jerusalem  and  Constantinople  to  help  them- 
idres  at  its  expense,  and  obtain  sanction  for 
that  proceedings  at  the  4th  Council.    For  a 
tone,  it  is  true,  Rome  peremptorily  refttsed  as- 
sestii^  to  them ;  and  charged  their  authors  with 
hsTiag  infringed  the  Nicene  canons.    But  Alex- 
sadria  &liing  into  the  hands  of  those  by  whom 
the  doctrinal  decisions  of  the  4th  Council  were 
esUed  in  question  and  even  condemned,  Rome 
Mturally  ceased  taking  any  further  steps  in  its 
&Toar;  and  nnder  Jacobite  patriarchs  princi- 
pdly,  and    sometimes    exclusively,  Alexandria 
gndoally  came  to  exercise  no  palpable  influence 
whatever,  even  as  3rd  see  of  the  world,  on  the 
Rst  of  the  Church.    Le  Quien  reckons  48  patri- 
archs in  all,  down  to  Eustathius,  who  was  con- 
secrated AJ>.  801,  but  several  of  them  were 
heretical;  and  there  were  numerous  anti-patri- 
aithi,  botii  heretical  and  schismatical,  from  time 
to  time  disputing  their  claims.     The  'Art  de 
verifier  les  Dates*  makes  this  Eustathius  the 
Wih  patriarch.     Dr.  Neale  makes  him  the  40th, 
aad  coatemporary  with  Hark  XL,  the  49th  Jaco- 
bite pstriardi. 

There  were   several    peculiarities    connected 
with  the  see  of  Alexandria,  which  have  been 
vsrioosly  explained.    One  rests  upon  the  autho- 
rity of  Eutychius,  patriarch  of  Alexandria  in  the 
10th  century,  and  of  St.  Jerome.    The  words  of 
Entyefaios  are  as  follows :  ^  St.  Mark  along  with 
Aautas  ordained  12  presbyters  to  remain  with 
the  patriarch ;  so  that  when  the  chair  should 
beoome  vacant,  they  might  elect  one  out  of  the 
12  oa  whose  head  the  other  11  should  lay  their 
hands,  gire  him  benediction,  and  constitute  him 
pitriardi;  and  should   after  this  choose  some 
othe**  nun  to  supply  the  place  of  the  promoted 
pJ^ibyter,  in  such   sort    that   the   presbytery 
i^ud  always  consist  of  12.    This  custom  con- 
liBoed  at  Alexandria  till  the  time  of  the  patri- 
udi  Alexander,  one  of  tne  318  (Fathers  of 

cimsr.  AFT. 

Nicaea)  who  forbade  the  presbyters  in  future  U. 
ordain  their  patriarch ;  but  decreed  that  on  a 
vacancy  of  the  see,  the  neighbouring  bishops 
should  convene  for  the  purpose  of  filling  it  with 
a  proper  patriarch,  whether  elected  from  those 
12  presbyters  or  from  any  others."    Eutychius 
adds,  "  that  during  the  time  of  the  firit  10  patri 
archs,  there  were  no  bishops  in  Egjpt;  Deme- 
trius the  11th  having  been  the  first  t«  consecrate 
them."    (Taken  from  Neale,  p.  9.)    This  per- 
haps may  serve  to  explain  the  extreme  offence 
taken  by  Demetrius  at  the  ordination  of  Origen 
to  the  priesthood  out  of  the  diocese,  if  a  priest 
in  Alexandria  was  so  much  more  to  the  bishop 
than  a  priest  elsewhere.     It  may  also  serve  to 
explain  the  haste  with  which  Alexander  insti- 
tuted proceedings  against  Arius.    The  passage 
of  St.  Jerome  seems  conclusive  as  to  the  inter- 
pretation to  be  given   to    that  of  Eutychius. 
This  Father  in  an  epistle  to  Evagrius,  while 
dwelling  on  the  dignity  of  the  priesthood,  thus 
expresses  himself:    *^At  Alexandria,  from   the 
time  of  St.  Mark  the  Evangelist  to  that  of  the 
bishops  Heraclas  and  Dionysius  (in  the  middle 
of  the  Srd  century),  it  was  the  custom  of  the 
presbyters  to  nominate  one,  elected  from  among 
themselves,  to  the  higher  dignity  of  the  bishopric ; 
just  as  the  army  makes  an  emperor,  or  the  dea- 
cons nominate  as  archdeacon  any  man  whom  the? 
know  to  be  of  active  habits  in  their  own  body. ' 
{Ibid,"),    St.  Jerome  would  be  talking  nonsense, 
if  the  12  of  whom   he   is  speaking  had  been 
bishops  themselves;  that  is,  of  the  same  rank 
as  their  nominee  was  to  be.    Hence  the  theory 
of  an  episcopal  college,  to  which  Dr.  Neale  seems 
to  incline,  falls  to  the  ground  at  once.     On  the 
other  hand,  it  seems  unquestionable  that  St. 
Jerome  must  have  meant  election,  not  ordina- 
tion, from  the  marked  emphasis  with  which  he 
lays  down  elsewhere  that  presbyters  cannot  or- 
dain.   Otherwise,  from  the  age  in  which  Euty- 
chius lived,  and  still  more  the  language  in  which 
he  wrote,  it  would  hardly  be  possible  to  prove 
that  he  meant  election  only,  when  he  certainly 
seems  to  be  describing  consecration.     But  again, 
if  there  were  **  no  bishops  in  Egvpt  during  the 
timo  of  the  first  ten  patriarchs,"  how  could  epis- 
copal consecration  be  had,  when  once  the  patri- 
arch had  ceased  to  live  ?    To  this  no  satisfactory 
answer    has    ever  been  returned.     Eutychius, 
though  he  lived  in  the  10th  century,  may  be 
supposed  to  have  known  more  about  the  ancient 
customs  of  his  see,  in  a  land  like  Egypt,  than 
those  who  have  decried  him.    And  certainly, 
though  we  know  there  were  bishops  in  Egypt 
under  Demetrius,   for   two    synods  of  bishops 
(Phot.  Bibl.  s.  118  and  Huet.  Origen.  i.  12),  we 
are  told,  met  under  him  to  condemn  Origen ;  it 
would   be  difficult  to   produce   any  conclusive 
testimony  to  the  fact  that  there  were  any  epis- 
copal sees  there,  besides  that  of  Alexandria,  be- 
fore then.    The  vague  statement  of  the  Emperor 
Adrian,  **  IIH  qui  Serapim  colunt  Christiani  sunt ; 
et  devoti  sunt  Serapi,  qui  se  Christi  episcopos 
dicunt,"  speaking  of  Egypt,  clearly  warrants  no 
Huch  inference,  standing  alone;  nor  does  it  ap- 
jioar  to  have  ever  been  suggested  that  each  of 
the  first  ten   patriarchs    consecrated  his  suc- 
cessor during  his  own  life-time.    Tet  there  was 
a  strange  haste  in  electing  a  new  patriarch  of 
Alexandria,  that  seems  to  require  some  expla- 
nation.   The  new  patriarch,  we  leai  n  from  Libe« 





ratus,  always  interred  his  predecessor ;  and  be- 
fore doing  80,  placed  his  dead  hand  on  his  own 
head.  Can  it  have  been  in  this  way,  daring 
that  early  period,  extraordinary  as  it  may  seem, 
that  episcopal  consecration  was  supposed  to  be 
obtained,  as  it  were,  in  one  continuous  chain 
from  St.  Mark  himself?  The  position  of  the 
patriarch  after  consecration  was  so  exceptional, 
that  it  would  be  no  wonder  at  all  if  his  consecra- 
tion differed  materially  from  all  others.  In 
civil  matters  his  authority  was  very  great ;  in 
ecclesiastical  matters  it  was  quite  despotic.  All 
bishops  in  Egypt  were  ordained  by  him  as  their 
sole  metropolitan.  If  any  other  bishop  ever  per- 
formed metropolitan  iiinctions,  it  was  as  his  dele- 
gate. The  Egyptian  bishops  themselves,  in  the 
4th  action  of  the  Council  of  Chalcedon,  professed 
loudly  tuat  they  were  impotent  to  act  but  at 
his  bidding  ;  and  hence  they  excused  themselves 
from  even  subscribing  to  the  letter  of  St.  Leo 
while  they  were  without  a  patriarch,  after  Dios- 
twrus  had  been  deposed ;  and  that  so  obstinately, 
that  their  subscription  was  allowed  to  stand 
over,  till  the  new  patriarch  had  been  consecrated. 
The  patriarch  could  moreover  ordain  presbyters 
and  deacons  throughout  Egypt  in  any  number, 
where  he  would;  and  it  is  thought  probable 
that  the  presbyters,  his  assessors,  had  power  given 
tliem  by  him  to  confirm.  All  the  episcopal  sees 
in  Egypt  seem  to  have  <»*iginated  with  him  alone. 
As  early  as  the  3rd  century  we  find  him  called 
**papa,"  archbishop  in  the  next,  and  patriarch 
in  the  5th  century,  but  not  till  after  St.  Cyril. 
In  later  times,  "judge  of  the  whole  world  "  was 
a  title  given  him,  on  account  of  his  having  for- 
merly fixed  Easter.  On  the  liturgies  in  use  in 
the  Egyptian  diocese,  Dr.  Neale  says  (Oeneral 
Tntrod,  i.  323-4),  *^  The  Alexandrine  family  con- 
tains 4  liturgies :  St.  Mark,  which  is  the  normal 
form,  St.  Basil,  St.  Cyril,  and  St.  Gregory.  .  .  . 
St.  Mark's  was  the  rite  of  the  orthodox  Church 
of  Alexandria.  .  .  .  The  other  three  are  used  by 
the  Monophysites.  St.  Basil  (t.  e.  the  Copto- 
Jacobite)  is  the  normal  and  usual  form ;  St. 
Gregory  is  employed  in  Lent ;  St.  Cyril  on  festi- 
vals. .  .  .  Why  the  first  of  these  liturgies  bears 
the  name  of  Sasil "  is  uncertain.  "  It  is  not 
possible  now  to  discover  its  origin,  though  it 
would  appear  to  have  been  originally  Catholic; 
to  have  been  translated  from  the  Greek  into 
Coptic,  and  thence  after  many  ages  into  Arabic. 
The  liturgy  of  St.  Cyril  is  to  all  intents  and 
purposes  the  same  as  that  of  St.  Mark  .... 
and  in  both  that,  and  in  the  office  of  St.  Gregory, 
the  first  part  is  taken  from  the  normal  liturgy 
of  St.  Basil."  Both  the  proanaphoral  and  ana- 
phoral  parts  of  the  Copto-Jacobite  liturgy  of  Si. 
Basil,  together  with  the  anaphoral  part  of  that 
of  St.  Mark  are  given  in  parallel  columns  farther 
on  in  the  same  work.  And  the  Copto-Jacobite 
patriarchal  church  at  Alexandria,  said  to  be  the 
burial-place  of  the  head  of  St.  Mark,  and  of  72 
of  the  patriarchs,  is  described  there  likewise,  p. 
277.  Between  the  two  works  of  Dr.  Neale 
already  cited,  and  the  Orieru  Christiantis  of  Le 
Quien,  everything  further  that  has  yet  been 
discovered  on  the  subject  of  this  patriarchate 
may  be  ootained.  [£.  S.  F.] 

ALEXIUS,  i  h'Ofwvos  rov  Stov,  comme- 
morated March  17  (Co/.  Byzant);  July  17 
{Afart.  Rom.).  [C] 

PEBTY.  —  In  treating  of  a  subject  like  that 
of  the  alienation  of  Church  property,  the  canons 
and  other  authorities  cited  as  evidence  of  the 
law  concerning  it  might  either  be  arranged  ae- 
'  cording  to  the  various  descriptions  of  property 
to  which  they  refer,  or  else  the  entire  legisktion 
I  of  each  church  and  nation  might  be  exhibited  ia 
chronological  order  apart  ft-om  the  rest.  The 
latter  plan  has  been  here  adopted,  both  as  being 
more  suitable  to  a  general  article,  and  also 
because  in  matters  of  church  order  and  disci- 
pline the  canons  of  councils  were  not  in  force 
beyond  the  limits  of  the  churches  in  which  they 
were  authoritatively  promulgated. 

The  alienation — by  which  is  t«  be  understood 
the  transference  by  gift,  sale,  exchange,  or  per- 
petual emphyteusis  •— of  Church  property  [see 
PROPEBXr  OF  THE  Chubch]  was  from  early  times 
restrained  by  special  enactments. 

It  is  a  much  debated  question  amongst  Ca- 
nonists whether  or  not  alienation,  except  in  ex- 
traordinary cases,  was  absolutely  prohibited  in 
the  first  ages  of  the  Church,  by  reason  of  the 
sacred  character  impressed  upon  property  given 
for  ecclesiastical  purposes,  and  by  that  act  dedi- 
cated to  God  (see  Balsamon  in  can.  12,  Cone.  VU. 
ap.  Beveridge  Pond.  Can,  L  303).  As,  however, 
the  property  of  the  Church  must  in  those  time^ 
have  consisted  only  of  the  offerings  and  oblations 
of  the  fiuthful,  which  were  placed  in  the  hands 
of  the  bishops,^  it  would  appear  most  probable 
that  they  were  free  to  make  such  use  of  it  as 
they  might  think  would  be  productive  of  the 
greatest  benefit  to  their  several  dioceses. 

The  general  law  of  the  Church  has  been  well 
epitomised  in  the  Commentary  of  Balsamon  (ap. 
Beveridge  Pand.  Can.  IL  177).  ^  Unusquisqne 
nostrorum  Episcoporum  rationem  administra- 
tionis  rerum  suae  Ecclesiae  Deo  reddet.  Yaai 
enim  pretiosa  Ecclesiarum,  seu  sacra,  et  reliqoa 
Deo  consecrata,  et  possessiones  immobilea,  noii 
sunt  alienabilia,  et  Ecclesiae  servantur.  £ccl»- 
siastioorum  autem  redituum  administratio  secure 
credi  audacterque  committi  debere  illis,  qui  statis 
temporibuB  sunt  Episoopi."  Its  history,  as  it  is 
found  in  the  councils  of  different  chimshes,  has 
now  to  be  traced. 

In  the  East, — ^The  earliest  canon  which  refers 
to  the  subject  is  the  15th  canon  of  the  Conndl 
of  Ancyra  (a.d.  314),  which  provides  that  the 
Church  (on  the  expression  rh  xvpuuchtf  see  Beve- 
ridge, Adnott,  in  loc.)  may  resume  possession  of 
whatever  property  the  presbyters  of  a  dioceie 
may  have  sold  during  the  vacancy  of  the  see; 
but  this  canon  does  not  limit  any  power  which 
the  bishop  himself  may  previously  have  poesesaed, 
and  is  simply  an  application  of  the  well-known 
rule  **  sede  vacante  nihil  innovetur." 

The  Council  of  Antioch  (a.o.  341)  has  two 
canons,  the  24th  and  25th,  bearing  upon  this 

•  On  the  natare  of  this  tenure  see  Smith's  Dietiomanf 
of  Oredc  and  Roman  AntiquUiegt  sub  voo^  *£bpbj- 
teusis.'  It  may  be  described  in  brief  as  the  rif^t  to  me 
another  person's  land  as  one's  own,  on  condition  of  colti- 
vaiing  it,  and  paying  a  fixed  rent  at  fixed  times. 

^  Tbe  oath  now  taken  by  bishops  consecrated  accord- 
ing to  the  Roman  ordinal,  contains  a  clause  relating  to 
ibe  alienation  of  Chnrdi  property.  In  what  words  and 
at  what  time  a  clause  of  this  nature  was  first  InCrodiioed 
into  the  ordinal  is  a  quesUoa  which  has  given  rise  lo 
much  controversy. 



an  eithier  imitated  fxx>m  the 
39th  and  40Ui  Apoctolie  Caiioiu,  or  haye  been 
mitatod  by  tike  authors  of  tiiat  oollection  [Afo6- 
TQUC  CabobbI.    The  24th  directs  that  Church 
fnftxij,  whiclk  ought  to  be  administered  subject 
to  tht  judcment  and  authority  of  the  bishop, 
ihsald  be  distinguished  in  such  a  way  that  the 
pccsbyteis  and  deaoons  may  know  of  what  it 
eoBsif^  to  tiiai  at  the  bishop's  death  it  may  not 
be  cmbttiled,  or  lost,  or  mixed  up  with  his  private 
pnpexty.    That  part  of  tlus  canon  in  which 
rafiraee  u  made  to  the  duties  imposed  on  pres- 
bftcn  and  deacons  is  not  contained  in  the  Apos- 
tolic caaw.    This  omission  would  seem  to  point 
to  the  eoodusion  that  this  council  is  later  in 
4ato  than  the  39tli  Apostolic  canon ;  and  Beve- 
ridfe  {Cod,  Gm.  L  43}  draws  the  same  inference 
M  to  the  date  of  the  40th  Apostolic  canon  from 
ill  not  making  mention  of  ol  r«r  ieypmv  Kaprol, 
wnds  vliich  are  to  be  found  in  the  25th  Canon 
«f  Aatioch.  By  the  25th  canon  it  is  provided  that 
tbc  IWiBdal  Synod  should  have  jurisdiction  in 
cMBi  wiiere  the  Inshop  is  accused  of  converting 
Chndi  property  to  his  own  use,  which  was 
alio  ftfbidden   by   the  37th  Apostolic   canon, 
«r  TMiiaging  it  without  the  consent  (ji^  furi 
Yixtfn*)  of  the  presbyters  and  deaoons,  and  also 
is  caiei  where  the  bishop  or  the  presbyters  who 
art  associated  with  him  are  accused  of  any  mis- 
appropriation for  their  own  benefit.    Here  again 
it  will  be  noted  that  the  effect  of  this  canon  is 
to  asks  provision  for  the  better  and  more  care- 
fel  management  of  Church  property,  and  that  it 
dsei  not  abridge  any  right  of  alienation  which 
tbe  bishop  may  have  before  possessed.    It  must, 
hsverer,  be  obeerved   that  the  power  of  the 
biiliop  to  manage  (x«f  ^C'cO  Church  property  (an 
expcssion  which  would  doubtless  incdnde  the 
set  of  alienation)  is  qoalified  by  the  proviso  that 
it  most  be  exercised  with  the  consent  of  his 
pmbytcrs  and  deaoons. 

The  7th  and  8th  oanons  of  the  Council  of 
(the  date  of  this  council  is  uncertain, 
writers  placing  it  as  early  as  a.d.  324,  and 
late  as  A.i>.  871 :  see  Van  Espen, 
DimrtaUo  m  Synothtm  GangreHaem,  Op.  iii.  120, 
«d.  Loraa.  1753,  and  Beveridge,  Jdnott,  in  id. 
Cbac,  who  inclines  to  the  opinion  that  it  was 
bcU  a  short  time  before  the  Council  of  Antioch, 
AJii  S41X  prohibit  under  pain  of  anathema  all 
fsrsiMi  from  alienating  (diMMu  f(»  rif s  ^icicXi}- 
das)  produce  belonging  to  the  Qiurdi,  except 
they  fest  obtain  the  consent  of  the  bishop  or  his 
oeeononras,  or  officer  entrusted  with  the  care  of 
Church  property. 

The  enactments  contained  in  the  second  Coun- 
cQ  of  Nieaea  (or  as  it  is  generally  styled  the  7th 
OseoBieiiical  Coundl)  A.i>.  787,  will  be  more  con- 
tcsieitly  considered  below. 

nt  African  Qmrch  seems  to  have  found  it 
neceiMij  to  place  special  restrictions  upon  the 
power  ii  aliouting  Church  property  possessed 
by  bishops  under  the  general  law.  By  the  31st 
caaea  of  the  oode  known  as  the  Statuia  Ecclesiae 
AtHqnoy  promulgated  (according  to  Bruns,  Ca- 
aows,  i.  140)  at  the  4th  Council  of  Carthage 
(aj».  3M),  the  bishop  is  enjoined  to  use  the  pos- 
■  ■iuui  of  the  Church  as  trustee,  and  not  as  if 
thej  were  his  own  property ;  and  by  the  next 
caaoo  all  gifts,  sales,  or  exchanges  of  Church 
property  uMde  by  bishops  without  the  consent  in 
vritiag  (**  absque  oonniventia  et  subscriptione  ") 

of  their  clergy  are  pronounced  invalid.  In  the 
Slst  canon  there  are  ftirther  provisions  against 
the  unauthorized  alienation  of  Church  property 
by  the  inferior  clergy.  If  convicted  in  the 
synod  of  this  offence  they  are  to  make  restitu* 
Uon  out  of  their  own  property. 

Again  by  the  26th  (ap.   Bw.  29th)  canon 
of  the  Codex  EcclesUu  Africanae  promulgated 
A.D.  419,  which  repeats  the  4th  canon  of  the 
5th   Council    of  Carthage   (a.d.  401),    it   is 
ordained  that  no  one  sell  the  real  propei-ty  be- 
longing to  the  Church ;  but  if  some  very  uigent 
reason  for  doing  so  should  arise,  it  is  to  be  com- 
municated to  the  Primate  of  the  Province,  who  is 
to  determine  in  council  with  the  proper  number  of 
bishops  (t.«.  twelve)  whether  a  sale  is  to  be  made 
or  not ;  but  if  the  necessity  for  action  is  so  great 
that  the  bishop  cannot  wait  to  consult  the  synod, 
then  he  is  to  summon  as  witnesses  the  neigh- 
bouring bishops  at  least,  and  to  be  careful  after- 
wards to  report  the  matter  to  the  synod.    The 
penalty  of  disobedience  to  this  canon  was  de- 
position.    By  the  33rd  canon  (ap.  Bev.  36th) 
presbyters  are  forbidden  to  sell  any  Church  pro- 
perty without  the  consent  of  their  bishops;  and 
in  like  manner  the  bishops  are  forbidden  to  sell 
any  Church  lands  (praedia)  without  the  privity 
of  their  Synod  or  presbyters.     (See  on  these 
canons  Van  Espen,  Op,  liL  299,  &c;   and  the 
8(Mion  of  Babtamon  ap.  Bev,  Pond,  Can.  L  551.) 
Passing  ftom  Asia  Minor  and  Aftica  to  ItcUjf, 
the  earliest  provisions  with  reference  to  alienation 
to  be  found  in  the  councils  are  in  the  council  held 
at  Rome  by  Pope  Symmachns  in  A.D.  502.    The 
circumstances  under  which  the  canons  of  this 
council  were  passed  (and  which  relate  solely  to  Uie 
question  of  alienation)  are  thus  described  by  Dean 
Milman :  '^  On  the  vacancy  of  the  see  [by  the  death 
of  Pope  Simplicius,  A.D.  483]  occurred  a  singular 
scene.   The  clergy  were  assembled  in  St.  Peter's. 
In  the  midst  of  them  stood  up  Basilius,  the 
Patrician  and  Prefect  of  Bome,  acting  as  Vice- 
gerent of  Odoaoer  the  barbarian  King.     He  ap- 
peared by  the  command  of  his  master,  and  by 
the  admonition  of  the  deceased  Simplicius,  to 
take  care  that  the  peace  of  the  city  was  not 
disturbed  by  any  sedition  or  tumult  during  the 
election.    ...    He  proceeded,  as  the  protector 
of  the  Church  from  loss  and  iigury  by  church- 
men, to  proclaim  the  following  edict :  *  That  no 
one  under  the  penalty  of  anathema  should  alio* 
nate  any  farm,  buildings,  or  ornaments  of  the 
churches;  that  such  alienation  by  any  bishop 
present  or  ftiture  was  null  and  void.'    So  im- 
portant did  this  precedent  appear,  so  dangerous 
in  the  hands  of  these  schismatios  who  would 
even  in  those  days  limit  the  sacerdotal  power, 
that  nearly  twenty  years  after,  a  fortunate  occa- 
sion was  seized  by  the  Pope  Symmachns  to  annul 
this  decree.    In  a  Synod  of  bishops  at  Rome  the 
edict  was  rehearsedf,  interrupted  by  protests  of 
the  bishops  at  this  presumptuous  interference  of 
the  laity  with  affidrs  of  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction. 
The  authenticity  of  the  decree  was  not  called 
in  question;  it  was  declared  invalid  as  being 
contrary  to  the  usages  of  the  Fathers  enacted 
on  lay  authority,  and  as  not  being  ratified  by 
the  signature  of  any  Bishop  at  Bome.     The 
same  council,  however,  acknowledged  its  wisdom 
by  re-enacting  its  ordinances  asainst  the  aliena- 
tion of  Church  property"  (Jlittory  of  Latin 
Chistiamtyy  vol.  i.,  p.  221,  2nd  ed.>    On  this 

£  2 



Connoil  Boehmer  notes  that  it  has  not  more 
authority  than  belongs  to  it  as  a  Conncil  of 
the  Italian  Church,  and  that  therefore  its  decrees 
(which  go  far  beyond  any  yet  promulgated  else- 
where) were  not  binding  upon  other  Churches. 
Previously,  howeyer,  to  this  date  Pope  Leo  the 
Qreat  (▲.D.  447)  had  written  to  the  bishops  of 
Sicily  and  forbidden  the  alienation  of  Church 
property  by  the  bishops  except  for  the  benefit  of 
the  Church,  and  with  the  consent  of  the  whole 
clergy  (Ep,  17).  Pope  Gelasius  also  (a.d.  492- 
496),  writing  to  Justinus  and  Faustus  (who  were 
acting  in  the  place  of  their  bishop),  directed  the 
restitution  of  all  property  belonging  to  the 
Church  of  Volterra  which  had  been  alienated  up 
to  that  time ;  and  in  another  letter  he  forbad 
the  appropriation  of  Church  lands  for  the  pay- 
ment of  any  particular  stipend  (Fragg.  23  and  24, 
ap.  Thiel> 

In  the  history  of  the  QaUioan  Church  the 
•arliest  reference  to  alienation  is  to  be  found 
in  a  letter  from  Pope  Hilarus  (a.d.  462)  to  the 
bishops  of  the  proyinces  of  Vienne,  Lyons,  Nar- 
bonne,  and  the  Maritime  Alps,  in  which  he  pro- 
hibits the  alienation  of  such  Church  lands  as  are 
neither  waste  nor  unproductive  (*'nec  deserta 
nee  damnosa ")  except  with  the  consent  of  a 
eouncil  (Ep,  8  sec.  ult.). 

The  Council  of  Agde  (a.d.  506)  contains  seve- 
ral canons  on  alienation.  The  22nd  canon,  while 
declaring  that  it  is  superfluous  to  define  any- 
thing afresh  concerning  a  matter  so  well  known, 
and  a  practice  forbidden  by  so  many  ancient 
canons,  prohibits  the  clergy  from  selling  or 
giving  away  any  Church  property  under  pain  of 
being  excommunicated  and  having  to  Indemnify 
the  Church  out  of  their  private  resources  for 
any  loss,  the  transaction  being  at  the  same  time 
declared  void.  The  26th  canon  inflicts  the  like 
punishment  on  those  who  suppress  or  conceal  or 
give  to  the  unlawiul  possessor  any  document  by 
which  the  title  of  the  Church  to  any  property 
is  secured.  The  48th  canon  reserves  to  the 
Church  any  property  left  on  the  death  of  a 
bishop,  which  he  had  received  from  ecclesiastical 
sources.  The  49th  canon  repeats  almost  in  the 
same  words  the  above  cited  31st  canon  of  the 
Staivta  Eoclesiae  Antiqua  ;  the  53rd  canon  pro- 
hibits, and  pronounces  void,  any  alienation  by 
parish  priests ;  while  by  the  56th  canon  abbots 
are  forbidden  to  sell  Church  property  without 
the  bishop's  consent,  or  to  manumit  slaves,  ''as 
it  would  be  unjust  for  monks  to  be  engaged  in 
their  daily  labours  in  the  field  while  their  slaves 
were  enjoying  the  ease  of  liberty." 

The  1st  Council  of  Oi-leans  (a.d.  511)  places 
all  the  immoveable  property  of  the  Church  in 
the  power  of  the  bishop  **  that  the  decrees  of  the 
ancient  canons  may  be  observed**  (canons  14 
and  15). 

Pope  Symmachus,  A.D.  513  (who  died  a.d.  514), 
in  answering  certain  questions  put  to  him  by 
Caesarius,  Bishop  of  Aries,  forbids  Church  pro- 
perty to  be  alienated  under  any  pretence,  but 
be  permits  a  life  rent  to  be  enjoyed  by  clerks 
worthy  of  reward  (Ep,  15). 

By  the  5th  canon  of  the  1st  Council  of  Cler- 
mont (a.d.  535)  all  persons  are  excommunicated 
who  obtain  any  Church  property  from  kings.    . 

In  the  same  year  Pope  Agapetus  writing  to 
Caesanus,  Bishop  of  Arlef ,  says,  that  he  is  un- 
willingly obliged  to  refu&e  the  bishop  permission 

to  alienate  some  Church  lands,  ^'revocant  nee 
veneranda  Patrnm  manifestissima  oonstituta, 
quibus  specialiter  prohibemur  praedia  juris  ec- 
clesiae  quolibet  titulo  ad  aliena  jura  transferre  ** 
iOonc,  GaU.  i.  240). 

The  12th  canon  of  the  3rd  Coundl  of  Orleans 
(a.d.  538)  allows  the  recovery  of  Church  pro- 
perty within  30  years,  and  ordains  that  if  the 
possessor  should  refuse  to  obey  the  judgment  of 
the  Council  ordering  him  to  surrender,  he  is 

The  23rd  canon  renews  the  prohibition  against 
the  alienation  of  Church  property  by  abbots  or 
other  clergy  without  the  written  consent  of  the 
bishop ;  and  by  the  9th  canon  of  the  4th  Council 
held  at  the  same  city  (a.d.  541)  it  is  provided 
that  Church  property  which  has  been  alienated 
or  encumbered  by  the  bishop  contrary  to  the 
canons  shall,  if  he  has  left  nothing  to  the 
Church,  be  returned  to  it ;  but  slaves  whom  he 
may  have  manumitted  shall  retain  their  freedom, 
though  they  must  remain  in  the  service  of  the 
Church.  The  11th,  18th,  30th,  and  34th  canons 
contain  further  provisions  on  the  subject. 

The  1st  canon  of  the  3rd  Council  of  Paris 
(a.d.  557)  is  directed  against  the  alienation  of 
Church  property,  but  this  canon,  as  well  as  those 
next  mentioned,  would  appear  to  refer  to  seizure 
by  force  rather  than  to  possession  by  any  quasi- 
legal  process.  Alienation  is  forbidden  by  the  2nd 
canon  of  the  2nd  Council  of  Lyons  (a.d.  567). 

In  the  2nd  Council  of  Tours  (a.d.  567)  there 
are  two  canons — the  24th  and  25th — relating  to 
the  recovery  of  Church  property  from  the  hands 
of  unlawful  possessors. 

In  Spain  the  Council  held  A.D.  589  at  Nar- 
bonne,  which  in  its  ecclesiastical  relations  most 
be  considered  in  Spain  (Wiltsch.  Geog.  of  the 
Church,  i.  100),  prohibits  the  alienation  of  Church 
property  by  the  inferior  clergy,  without  the  con- 
sent of  the  bishop,  under  pain  of  suspension  for 
two  years  and  perpetual  inability  to  serve  in 
the  church  in  which  the  offence  was  committed 
(can.  8). 

By  the  3rd  Council  of  Toledo  (held  in  the  same 
year),  can.  3,  bishops  are  forbidden  to  alienate 
Church  property,  but  gifts  which,  in  the  judg- 
ment of  the  monks  of  the  diocese,  are  not  detri- 
mental to  the  interests  of  the  Church  cannot  be 
disturbed ;  by  the  next  canon  bishops  may 
assign  Church  property  for  the  support  of  a 
monastery  established  with  the  consent  of  his 

By  the  37th  canon  of  the  4th  Council  of 
Toledo  (A.D.  633)  the  bishop  is  permitted  (sub- 
ject to  the  confirmation  of  a  Provincial  Council) 
to  redeem  any  promise  of  rewai  d  made  for  ser- 
vices to  the  Church. 

The  9th  Council  of  Toledo  (a.d.  655)  contains 
provisions  very  similar  to  the  above  cited  canons 
of  the  3rd  Council  held  at  the  same  place. 

In  England,  Archbishop  Theodore  of  Canter- 
bury (A.D.  668-690)  forbids  abbots  to  make  ex- 
changes without  the  consent  of  the  bishop  sod 
their  brethren  (Poenitentiale — De  Ahbatibus). 

The  Excerptiones  ascribed  erroneously  to  Arch- 
bishop Egbert  of  York  (who  held  that  metropo- 
litical  see  from  A.D.  732  to  766)  decbure  that 
gifts,  sales,  or  exchanges  of  Church  property  bjr 
bishops  without  the  consent  and  written  per- 
mission of  the  clergy  shall  he  void  (cap.  144). 
The  Poenitentiale,  also  attributed  wrongly  to  the 



mnt  prelate,  permits  exchanges  between  mo- 
Mstcries  with  the  consent  of  both  oommnnities 
(addit.  25> 

The  last  Council  which  passed  canons  on  the 
nbjcct  of  alienation  during  the  period  covered 
br  this  article,  is  the  2nd  Council  of  Nicaea  (the 
**'SeTeoth  Oeenmenical  Conncil ")  held  A-D.  787. 
The  12th  canon  making  mention  of  the  39th 
Apostolic  Csnon  forbids  Uie  alienation  or  transfer 
of  Qiisreh  lands  hj  bishops  and  abbots  in  farour 
of  princes  or  other  secular  potentates ;  and  it  also, 
like  maaj  of  the  canons  hereinbefore  cited,  pro- 
biUts  bii^ops  from  appropriating  any  ecclesias- 
tkd  property  to  their  own  use  or  to  that  of 
tkdr  relatives.  Even  when  the  retention  of  any 
Charch  lands  is  unprofitable  they  may  not  be 
M.  to  magistrates  or  princes,  but  to  the  clergy 
n  to  fimners ;  and  these  again  may  not  sell  them 
to  msgistrates,  and  so  contravene  the  spirit  of  the 
cnunu  Sadi  deoeitiiil  transactions  are  invalid, 
sad  the  bishop  oi*  abbot  who  is  guilty  of  talcing 
part  in  them  is  to  be  deposed. — See  the  elaborate 
SAotiom  of  Balsamon  on  this  canon,  ap»  Bev, 
Pad,  Can.  i  303. 

Having  now  gone  through  the  principal 
cuoos  passed  by  the  ecclesiastical  assemblies  of 
the  first  eight  centuries,  there  remain  to  be  consi- 
dered the  law«  by  which  the  Christian  emperors 
hmited  the  power  of  the  Church  as  regards  the 
alienation  of  its  property. 

Cbostantine  the  Great  had  in  a  decree  of  the 
year  AJK  323  (sees.  16,  18)  assured  to  the 
Chorch  the  safe  enjoyment  of  its  property,  and 
lad  commanded  the  restitution  as  well  by  the 
State  as  by  private  individuals  of  all  such  pro- 
perty as  they  might  have  got  possession  of;  but 
It  does  not  appear  that  there  was  any  imperial 
Iqpslation  concerning  the  alienation  of  Church 
pnperty  until  after  the  promulgation  of  the 
Codtx  TKeodo&awus  in  ajd.  438. 

The  Codex  RepetUae  Fradectumit  promulgated 
bj  Jastinian  in  December  A.D.  534  contains  in 
tkc  2nd  title  of  the  1st  Book  various  provisions, 
■sde  by  his  predecessors  and  re-enacted  by  him, 
« the  subject  of  alienation. 

In  the  14th  section  there  is  a  constitution  of 
the  Emperor  Leo  (A.D.  470)  which  prohibits  the 
Archbishop  of  Constantinople,  or  any  of  his 
stewards  (oeoonomi)  from  alienating  in  any  way 
the  land  or  other  immoveable  property  or  the 
esloni  or  slaves  or  state  allowances  (civiles 
saaoase)  belonging  to  his  Church,  not  even  if  all 
the  dei^  agreed  with  the  Archbishop  and  his 
steward  as  to  the  propriety  of  the  transaction. 
The  reason  given  for  this  stringent  law  is  that 
as  the  Charch  which  b  the  mother  of  Religion 
and  Faith,  is  changeless,  her  property  ought  to 
be  preserved  also  without  change.  Any  trans- 
actions completed  in  defiance  of  this  constitution 
were  void,  and  all  profits  resulting  therefrom 
were  given  to  the  Church.  The  stewards  who 
vers  parties  to  the  act  were  to  be  dismissed,  and 
their  property  made  liable  for  any  damage  which 
■light  arise  tram  this  infringement  of  the  law. 
The  notaries  employed  were  to  be  sent  into  per- 
petasl  exile,  and  the  judge  who  ratified  the  pro- 
eeediag  was  punished  by  the  loss  of  his  office 
ud  the  eonnscation  of  his  propertv.  There 
was,  however,  an  exception  made  to  this  rule  in 
the  case  of  a  usufruct,  the  creation  of  which 
vss  permitted  for  a  term  of  years  or  for  the 
Bfc  of  the  nsafructnary*    (The  editions  of  the 

Corpus  Juris  Civilis  generally  contain  after  this 
section  a  series  of  extracts  from  the  Novells  on 
the  same  subject.) 

The  17th  section  contains  a  constitution  of  the 
Emperor  Anastasius  to  which  no  precise  date 
is  affixed  by  the  commentators,  but  which  must 
have  been  promulgated  between  the  years  A.D. 
491  and  517  (Haenel,  Indices  ad  Corpus  Legum 
ab  Imp,  Rom,  ante  Just.  Uxtarum,  p.  82,  Lipsiae 
1857).  This  constitution,  like  the  last  cited, 
applies  solely  to  the  Church  of  Constantinople, 
and  relates  to  monasteries,  orphanages  and 
other  eleemosynary  institutions  whose  property 
might  in  cases  of  necessity  be  sold,  exchanged, 
mortgaged,  or  leased  in  perpetual  emphyteusis ; 
provided  that  the  transaction  be  effected  in  the 
manner  therein  prescribed  and  in  the  presence 
of  the  civil  authorities  and  the  reprtsentatives 
of  the  particular  body  whose  property  is  about 
to  be  dealt  with.  It  is,  however,  decreed  that  if 
there  be  moveable  property  (the  sacred  vessels 
excepted)  sufficient  to  meet  the  sum  required, 
the  immoveable  property  shall  not  be  touched. 

In  the  2l8t  section  is  given  a  constitution  of 
Justinian  himself  (a.d.  529)  in  which  he  forbids 
any  sale  or  other  alienation  of  sacred  vessels  or 
vestments  except  only  with  the  object  of  re- 
deeming captives  (and,  according  to  some  edi- 
tions, relieving  famine) ;  '^  quoniam  non  absur- 
dura  est  animas  hominum  quibuscunque  vasis 
vel  vestimentis  praeferri." 

The  rule  which  permitted  the  sale  or  melting 
down  of  Church  plate  for  the  redemption  of 
captives  i-*  one  of  great  antiquity.    Its  propriety 
is  nowhere  more  eloquently  defended  than  in 
the  following  passage  from  the  2nd  Book  of 
St.  Ambrose  De  Offkiis  Ministrorum  (dr.  A.D. 
391)  "Quid  enim  diceres?     Timui  ne  templo 
Dei  omatus  deesset  ?    Responderet :    Aurum  Sa» 
cramenta  non  quaerunt;  neque  auro  placent, 
quae  auro  non  emuntur.    Omatus  sacramento- 
rum  redemptio  captivorum  est.    Yere  ilia  sunt 
vasa  pretiosa,  quae  redimunt  animas  a  morte. 
lUe  veros  thesaurus  est  Domini  qui  operatur 
quod  sanguis  Ejus  operatus  est.     .    .    .     Opus 
est  ut  quis  fide  sincera  et  perspicaci  providentia 
munus  hoc  impleat.    Sane  si  in  sua  aliquis  deri- 
vat  emolumenta,  crimen  est ;  sin  vero  pauperibus 
erogat,  captivum  redimit,  misericordia  est."    He 
concludes  by  directing  that  vessels  which  are 
not  consecrated  should  be  taken  in  preference  to 
those  which  have  been  consecrated ;  and  that 
both  must  be  broken  up  and  melted  within  the 
precinct  of  the  Church  (cap.  28).    The  supreme 
claims  of  charity  over  all  other  considerations  are 
insisted  upon  in  the  same  strain  by  St.  Jerome 
{Ep,  ad  Nepotianum,  A.D.  394)  and  St.  Chrysostom 
(Hom.  52  in  St.  Matthaeum),  while  at  the  same 
time  the  proper  respect  due  to  the  sacred  vessels 
is  always  emphatically  enjoined,  as,  for  example, 
by  St.  Optatus,  De  Schismate  Dinatistamm  vi.  2. 
An  example  of  the  precautions  taken  against  the 
abuse  of  this  privilege  is  to  be  found  in  one  of 
the  letters  of  Gregory  the  Great  (vii.   13)  in 
which  writing  (a.d.  597)  to  Fortunatus,  Bishop 
of  Fano,  he  gives  permission  for  the  sale  of 
Churdi  plate  in  order  to  redeem  captives,  but 
directs,  with  the  view  of  avoiding  all  suspicion, 
that  the  sale  and  the  payment  over  of  the 
money  received  therefrom  should  be  made  in 
the  presence  of  the  "  defensor." 

Passing  to  the  Novella  of  Justinian— the  7th 



Ncftell  (A.D.  535)  relates  to  the  qnastloii  of 
alienation  of  Ghnreh  property,  and  profiBseee  to 
amend  and  consolidate  the  then  existing  laws, 
and  to  eitend  their  operation  to  the  whole  of 
the  empire.  In  the  fint  chapter  the  alienation, 
either  by  sale,  gift,  exchange,  or  lease  on  per- 
petual emphyteusis,  of  immoreables  or  quasi- 
immoveables  belonging  to  churches  or  eleemo- 
synary institutions,  was  forbidden  under  the 
penalties  prescribed  by  the  above-cited  consti- 
tution of  Leo. 

Under  the  2nd  chapter  alienation  is  permitted 
in  favour  of  the  emperor  when  the  proper  forms 
are  observed  and  ample  compensation  made,  and 
when  the  transaction  is  for  the  public  benefit. 
The  reason  given  for  this  eioeption  is  not  with- 
out significanoe.  In  the  Latin  rersion  it  is  as 
follows:  **Nec  mnltnm  differant  ab  altemtro 
saoerdotium  et  imperium,  et  res  sacrae  a  oom- 
munibus  et  publids ;  qnaodo  omnis  sanotissimis 
ecdesiis  abnndantia  et  status  ex  imperialibus 
munifioentiis  perpetuo  praebeatur." 

The  third  and  four  succeeding  chapters  con- 
tain regulations  for  the  lease  of  Church  estates 
by  emphyteusis.  Their  provisions  are  too  ela- 
borate to  be  set  out  at  length,  but  may  be 
briefly  stated  thus:  ^The  usual  conditions  of 
these  emphytenses  are  for  three  lives  —  that 
of  the  original  emphyteuta  and  of  two  of  his 
or  her  heirs,  being  cnildren  or  grandchildren, 
or  the  husband  or  wife  of  the  emphyteuta  if 
there  be  a  special  clause  to  that  effect  (though 
about  this  power  there  is  some  doubt)  in  suc- 
cession. Thus  the  duration  of  the  lease  is  in- 
determinate and  contingent.  The  contract  was 
iUTalidated  by  defiiult  in  payment  of  the  quit 
rent  (canon)  for  two  instead  of  for  three  years 
as  was  the  case  with  lay  emphyteuses "  (Colqu- 
houn.  Soman  Oivil  Law,  §  1709). 

The  8th  chapter  renews  the  prohibition  against 
the  sale,  pledge,  or  melting  down  of  c£urch 
plate,  except  with  the  object  of  redeeming  cap- 

The  12th  chapter  sanctions  the  abandonment 
of  all  contracts  made  on  behalf  of  the  Church 
for  the  acquisition  by  gift  or  purchase  of  un- 
profitable land. 

The  40th  Novell  (promulgated  the  following 
year,  A.D.  536)  gives  to  the  ^  Church  of  the 
Holy  Besurrection "  at  Jerusalem  the  privilege 
of  alienating  buildings  belonging  to  it,  notwith- 
standing the  general  prohibition  contained  in 
the  7th  Novell. 

The  46th  Novell  (a.d.  536  or  537)  relaxed  the 
law  against  the  alienation  of  immoreable  Church 
property  when  there  was  not  sufficient  moveable 
property  to  pay  debts  owing  to  the  State  or  to 
private  creditors.  But  this  step  could  not  be 
taken  except  after  investigation  by  the  clergy, 
the  bishop,  and  the  metropolitan,  and  under  a 
decree  of  the  ^  judex  provinciae." 

The  2nd  chapter  of  the  54th  Novell  (a.d. 
537)  permits  exchanges  between  ecclesiastical 
and  eleemosynary  corporations,  but  the  Church  of 
St.  Sophia  at  Constantinople  is  excepted  from 
the  operatioil  of  this  law  as  it  is  also  from  that 

The  55th  Novell  (a.d.  537)  forbids  alienation 
made  ostensibly  in  favour  of  the  emperor,  but 
really  for  the  benefit  of  private  individuals.  It 
also  permits  churches  and  other  religious  bodies 
(with  the  exception  of  the  Church  of  St.  Sophia) 

to  lease  their  lands  to  one  another  In  perpetual 

The  65th  Novell  has  reference  to  the  alienatioa 
of  property  belonging  to  the  Chuich  of  Mysis, 
but  being  only  of  local  importance  it  need  not 
be  further  considered. 

In  the  67th  Novell  (iuD.  538)  the  number 
of  persons  appointed  under  the  46th  Novell  to 
enquire  into  the  propriety  of  any  alienition  is 
increased  by  the  addition  of  two  bishops  ^osen 
by  the  metropolitan  from  his  Synod. 

The  10th  chapter  of  the  119th  Novell  (a.d. 
544)  permits  the  alienation  by  the  emperor  of 
Churoi  property  which  had  been  transferred  to 

The  last  of  the  numerous  edicts  promulgated 
by  Justinian  on  the  alienation  of  Church  pro- 
perty is  contained  in  the  120th  Novell  (A.01. 
544)  in  which  he  again  undertakes  the  task  of 
consolidating  the  law  on  this  subject. 

The  first  four  chapters  concern  only  the 
Church  of  Constantinople.  The  alienation  of 
immoveables  is  forbidden,  except  in  fiivour  of  the 

The  5th  chapter  relates  to  the  property  of 
other  Churches.  The  provisions  therdn  con- 
tained, and  those  contained  in  the  previous 
chapters  on  emphyteusis  are  thus  briefly  sum- 
marized by  Colquhoun  (^Boman  CivO  Laa^  § 
1709):— *<  The  120th  Novell  was  promulgated 
by  Justinian  in  order  to  modify  the  rigour  of 
the  prohibition  against  creating  perpetual  em- 
phyteuses on  ecclesiastical  property  by  restrict- 
ing it  to  the  estates  of  the  Church  of  Constanti- 
nople, leaving  the  property  of  other  Churches  to 
be  regulated  by  the  common  law.  It  is,  how- 
ever, very  doubtfU  whether  or  not  the  emphy- 
teusis on  Church  property  can  be  perpetual 
without  the  express  stipulation  for  a  term.  Nor 
does  the  prohibition  appear  to  be  absolute  even 
as  regards  the  Church  of  Constantinople,  which 
had  permission  to  grant  perpetual  emphyteuses 
in  cases  where  it  owned  ruined  edifices  without 
the  means  of  restoring  them.  The  Novell  fixes 
the  amount  at  a  third  of  the  revenue  which 
such  edifices  produced  before  their  then  ruined 
state,  payable  from  the  date  of  the  emphyten- 
tical  title,  or  at  a  half  of  the  revenue  which  the 
buildings  actually  produced  after  their  reston- 
tion.  What  is  doubtful  with  respect  to  the  lay 
is  clear  with  regard  to  ecclesiastical  emphyteuses, 
viz.,  that  they  must  be  reduced  to  writing.  As 
before,  the  contract  was  invalidated  by  default  to 
pay  the  quit  rent  for  two  instead  of  three  years, 
as  was  the  case  with  lay  emphyteuses.  The 
point  open  to  discussion,  in  respect  to  lay  emphy- 
teuses, of  whether  the  rent  in  arrear  may  be 
recovered  and  the  expulsion  of  the  tenant  also 
insisted  on,  is  clear  in  the  case  of  ecclesiasticil 
emphyteuses  in  the  affirmative.  Lastly,  the 
Churches  enjoyed  a  right  of  resumption  entirely 
exceptional  to  the  common  law  when  the  estate 
accrued  '  aut  in  imperialem  domum,  aut  in  sac- 
rum nostrum  aerarium,  aut  in  civitatem  aliquam, 
aut  in  curiam,  aut  in  aliquam  venerabilem  sii- 
am  domum.'  This  right  of  resumption  applied 
equally  in  the  case  of  all  transmission  of  the 
right,  whether  inter  vivos  or  mortis  causa,  with- 
out reference  to  the  title  of  acquisition,  and  the 
time  for  its  exercise  was  two  years  instead  of 
two  months  as  in  lay  cases." 

The  remainia{f  chapters  of  this  Novell  relate 




to  tke  exchange  of  ecclesiastical  property  and 
the  nle  of  immoyeables  and  Church  plate  for 
the  redemption  of  captiyes.  The  proyisions 
t^eruB  contained  do  not  differ  in  any  important 
peiticaiar  from  the  prerious  laws  above  dted  on 
tkt  same  subject^  and  they  need  not  be  repeated. 

The  proTisions  of  the  GiTil  Law  (which  have 
BOW  beoi  examined)  have  been  nseiiilly  arranged 
bf  the  glossator  on  the  Corpus  JwiM  Civtiis, 
Mor.  7  aiid  Not.  120  (ed.  Logd.  1627>  Im- 
■orasUe  property  belonging  to  the  Church  can- 
ist  be  alknided  under  any  circnmstances  if  it 
fidl  within  the  following  classes — 1.  If  it  had 
beta  giren  by  the  emperor  (Nov.  120,  7).  2.  If 
tbe  tUag  to  be  aliennted  is  the  church  or  mo- 
iMteiy  itself  (»&.).  3.  When  the  proposed  trans- 
frne  is  the  oeoonomus  or  other  church  officer 
(A,).  4s.  When  the  property  was  given  to  the 
Qituth  subject  to  a  condition  that  it  should 
lot  be  alienated  (Nov.  120,  9>  5.  If  the  pro- 
poml  transferee  be  a  heretic  (131,  14).  But 
labjeet  to  the  above  restrictions,  immoveable 
INopcrty  may  be  alienated  under  the  following 
dmmstances,  vix.: — 1.  For  debt  (Nov.  46)l 
1  Bj  way  of  emphyteusia  for  a  term  (var.). 
X  la  exchange  with  another  church  (Nov.  54,  2). 
<  If  the  transferee  be  the  emperor  (Nov.  7,  2). 
S.  For  the  redemption  of  captives  (Nov.  120,  9). 
Ob  the  other  hand  moveable  property  can  be 
frcdy  alienated  if  it  be  fi>r  the  advantage  of  the 
Ohnrch  that  such  a  step  should  be  taken.  The 
cxeeptioa  to  this  rule  is  in  the  case  of  Church 
fbte,  whidi  cannot  be  alienated  except  for  the 
ndcBiptaon  of  captives  (Nov.  7,  8  and  Nov.  120, 
lOX  sad  for  the  payment  of  debt  when  it  is  not 
for  the  proper  performance  of  Divine 
(Nov.  120,  10> 

The  Barbarian  Code$  contain,  as  might  be 
npected,  many  laws  directed  against  the  forci- 
ble seisare  of  Church  property,  but  such  acts 
ett  hardly  be  considered  to  fitll  under  tiie  head 
rf  sfanation.  There  are,  however,  a  ftw  pro- 
viwos  on  the  subject  anterior  in  date  to  the 
iisth  of  Charlemagne. 

By  the  3rd  chapter  of  the  5th  Book  of  the 
Yimgothorum  (pi,  A.D.  700:  see  Davoud 
Oghloa,  Hidoirt  de  la  LegiahUon  de$  Anciens 
GarsMMs,  i  2)  if  any  bishop  or  clerk  alienate 
by  sale  or  gift  any  Church  property  without  the 
eoaseat  of  the  rest  of  the  clergy,  such  sale  or 
lift  is  void,  unless  it  be  made  according  to  the 

AgiiB  in  the  20th  chapter  of  the  Lex  Alam^ 
mamorwn  (which  in  its  present  shape  was  pro- 
Ubly  eompiled  about  the  beginning  of  the  8th 
emtuiy— see  Davoud  Oriilou,  op.  cU.  i.  304)  the 
iafaior  clergy  are  forbidden  to  sell  Church  lands 
sr  daves  exeept  by  way  of  exchange. 

la  the  eoUection  entitled  CkqMularia  £sgwn 
Prmeonm  there  is  a  Capitulary  of  the  date  A.D. 
814,  ibrhkldittg  all  persons  whatsoever  to  ask 
iof  «r  rceeive  any  Church  property  under  pain  of 
•MBwnwnication  (6,  135> 

There  are  also  two  Ospitularies  which  are 
pnbaUy  not  later  in  dti/e  than  the  one  last 
oted.  By  the  first  of  these  presbyters  are  for- 
siddeB  to  sell  Church  property  without  the  con- 
<at  of  the  bishop  (7,  27);  to  which  in  the 
Nsond  is  added  the  consent  of  other  priests  of 
food  repnUtion  (7,  214). 

(The  following  authorities  may  be  consulted : 
-^Dn  BoQseeaQd  de  ia  Combe,  HecueU  de  J%tri$- 

pntdence  Cawmique  [Paris  1755],  sub  voce  AltS" 
nation ;  Boehmer,  Jtts  EcdesiastiGUm  ProteHan^ 
<tum[Halae  Magd.  1788,  &c]  in  Decretal,  HI.  13 ; 
Ferraris,  Bibliotheoa  Canonioa  [ed.  Migne],  sub 
voce  Alienatio;  Sylvester  Mazzolini  da  Prierio 
[Lugd.  1533]  sub  voce  Alienatio;  Kedoanns,  Dt 
Betm  Ecdesiae  ncn  alienandis  [printed  in  the  2Dd 
part  of  the  15th  volume  of  the  Tractatus  Uni» 
versi  Juris,  Venice,  1584] ;  and  the  Commenta- 
tors on  the  above-cited  passages  from  the  Corpus 
Juris  Civilis^  and  on  the  following  passages  from 
the  Corpus  Juris  CawnUoi,  Decreti  Secunda 
Pars,  Causa  xii.  Quaestio  2 ;  and  Decretal,  lib. 
m.  13).  [I.  B.] 

ALLELUIA  (Greek  *AXkfi\o^ia).  The  litur- 
gical form  of  the  Hebrew  R^'^/pH,  "  Sing  ye 

praises  to  Jehovah  ;"  a  formula  found  in  Ps&lm 
117,  and  in  the  headings  of  several  Psalms,  espe- 
cially Psalms  113-118,  which  formed  the  *'Ha]- 
lel,"  or  Alleluia  Magnum,  sung  at  all  the  greater 
Jewish  feasts.  Alleluia  and  Amen,  says  the 
Pseudo-Augustine  (Ep.  178,  ii.  1160,  Migne), 
neither  Latin  nor  barbarian  has  ventured  to 
translate  from  the  sacred  tongue  into  his  own ; 
in  all  lands  the  mystic  sound  of  the  Hebrew  is 

1.  It  is  thought  by  some  that  the  early  Church 
transferred  to  the  Christian  Paschal  feast  the 
custom  of  singing  Psalms  with  Alleluia  at  the 
Paschal  sacrifice;  and  this  conjecture  derives 
some  probability  from  the  fact,  that  in  the  most 
ancient  sacramentaries  the  Alleluia  precedes  and 
follows  a  verse,  as  in  the  Jewish  usage  H  precedes 
and  follows  a  Psalm.  Yet  we  can  hardly  doubt 
that  the  use  of  the  Alleluia  in  the  Church  was 
confirmed,  if  not  driginated,  by  St.  John's  vision 
(Apoc,  19,  6)  of  the  heavenly  choir,  who  sang 
Alleluia  to  the  Lord  Qod  Omnipotent.  By  the 
4th  century  it  seems  to  have  been  well  known  as 
the  Christian  shout  of  joy  or  victory ;  for  Sozo- 
men  (i^.  JS,  vii.  15,  p.  298)  tells  of  a  voice 
heard  (an.  389)  in  the  temple  of  Serapis  at 
Alexandria  chanting  Alleluia,  which  was  taken 
for  a  sign  of  its  coming  destruction  by  the  Chris- 
tians. The  victory  which  the  Christian  Britons, 
under  the  g^dance  of  Germanus  of  Auxerre,  with 
their  loud  shout  of  Alleluia,  gained  over  the 
pagan  Picts  and  Scots  (an.  429)  is  another  instance 
of  the  ose  of  Alleluia  for  encouragement  and 
triumph  (Beda,  Historia  Ecclesiastica,  i.  c.  20, 
p.  49);  and  Sidonius  ApoUinaris  (lib.  ii.  Ep.  10, 
p.  53)  speaks  as  if  he  had  heard  the  long  lines  of 
haulers  by  the  river  side,  as  they  towed  the 
boats,  chanting  Alleluia  as  a  **celensma,"  to  make 
them  pull  together.  These  instances  are  of  course 
not  altogether  free  from  suspicion;  but  they 
serve  to  show  that  in  early  times  the  Alleluia 
was  regarded  as  a  natural  expression  of  Christian 
exultation  or  encouragement. 

2.  A  special  use  of  the  Alleluia  is  found  in  the 
liturgies  both  of  £ast  and  West.  In  most  Eastern 
liturgies,  it  follows  immediately  upon  the  Chb- 
RUBic  Htjtn,  which  precedes  the  greater  £n- 
TRANOB ;  as,  for  instance,  in  those  of  St.  James, 
St.  Mark,  and  St.  Chrysostom  (Neale's  TetrahgiOj 
pp.  54,  55).  In  the  Mozarabic,  which  has  many 
Oriental  characteristics,  it  is  sung  after  the 
Gospel,  while  the  priest  is  making  the  oblation : 
*'  Interim  quod  chorus  dicit  AUehiiay  offerat  »acer- 
dos  hostiam  cum  calice"  (Neale*s  TetrtUogiOy 
p.  60).    In  the  West,  it  follows  the  Gradual 




and  flo  immediately  precedes  the  reading  of  ttaj 
Gospel.  In  early  times  it  seems  to  have  been 
simply  intoned  by  the  cantor  who  had  sung  the 
Gradual,  standing  on  the  steps  of  the  Ambo,  and 
repeated  by  the  choir ;  but  before  the  8th  cen- 
tury the  custom  arose  of  prolonging  the  last  syl- 
lable of  the  Alleluia,  and  singing  it  to  musical 
notes  (Ordo  Romanus  II.,  in  Mabillon's  Muaeum 
ItaHcunif  Tol.  ii.  p.  44).  This  was  called  jtibila' 
tio.  The  jubilant  sound  of  the  Alleluia,  however, 
was  felt  to  be  fitting  only  for  seasons  of  joy ; 
hence  its  use  was  in  many  churches  limited  to 
the  interval  between  Easter  and  Whitsunday. 
Sozomen,  indeed  (i^.  U,  vii.  19,  p.  307)  seems  to 
say  that  in  the  Roman  Church  it  was  used  only 
on  Easter-day;  but  we  cannot  help  suspecting 
that  he  must  have  misunderstood  his  informant, 
who  may  have  used  the  word  **  Pascha  "  to  de- 
note the  whole  of  the  seven  weeks  following 
Easter-day;  for  St.  Augustine  distinctly  says 
{Ep.  ad  Janarium;  Ep,  119  [al.  55]  p.  220 
Migne)  that  the  custom  of  singing  Alleluia  dur- 
ing those  fifty  days  was  universal,  though  in 
several  churches  it  was  used  on  other  days  also. 
In  the  Rule  of  St.  Benedict  (c.  15,  p.  297)  the 
use  of  Alleluia  in  the  responsories  of  the  mass 
seems  to  be  limited  to  the  season  from  Easter  to 
Whitsunday ;  but  soon  after  Benedict's  time  it 
was  probably  more  common  in  the  West  to  inter- 
mit its  use  only  from  Septuagesima  to  Easter. 
For  at  the  end  of  the  6th  century,  Gregory  the 
Great  writes  to  John  of  Syracuse  {Epist.  iz.  12, 
p.  940)  that  some  murmured  because  he  (Gregory) 
was  overmuch  given  to  following  the  customs  of 
the  Greek  Church,  and  in  particular  because  he 
had  ordered  the  Alleluia  to  be  said  at  mass 
beyond  the  Pentecostal  season  (extra  tempora 
Pentecostes);  so  far,  he  continues,  is  this  from 
being  the  case,  that  whereas  the  Church  of  Rome 
in  the  time  of  Pope  Damasus  had  adopted, 
through  Jerome's  influence,  from  the  Church  of 
Jerusalem  the  limitation  of  the  Alleluia  to  the 
season  before  Pentecost,  he  had  actually  inno- 
vated on  this  Greek  custom  in  ordering  the 
Alleluia  to  be  said  at  other  seasons  also.  This 
seems  the  most  probable  sense  of  this  much-con- 
troverted passage,  as  to  the  reading  and  interpret 
tation  of  which  there  is  much  difference  of 
opinion.  (See  Baronius,  Ann,  384,  sx.  27 y  vol.  v., 
p.  578 ;  and  Mabillon,  Mvisewn  RcUicum,  ii.  xcvii.). 
The  4th  Council  of  Toledo  (oanon  11)  orders  that 
(in  accordance  with  the  universal  custom  of 
Christendom)  the  Alleluia  should  not  be  said  in 
the  Spanish  and  Gaulish  churches  during  Lent — 
an  injunction  which  seems  to  imply  that  its  use 
was  permitted  during  the  rest  of  the  year.  The 
same  canon  (iu  some  MSS.)  also  forbids  the  Alle- 
luia on  the  Kalends  of  January,  "  quae  propter 
errorem  gentilium  aguntur,"  but  on  which  Chris- 
tians ought  to  fast. 

The  intermission  of  Alleluia  during  a  particular 
season  is  expressed  by  the  phrase  *^  Alleluia  clau- 
sum  "  (Du  Cange,  s.  v.). 

3.  We  have  already  seen  that  St.  Benedict 
prescribed  the  use  of  the  Alleluia  in  the  respon- 
•sories  of  the  Mass  from  Pasch  to  Pentecost.  He 
prescribed  it  also  in  the  ordinary  offices  {ReguUiy 
c  12,  p.  286).  From  Pentecost  to  Ash-Wednes- 
day, however,  it  was  to  be  said  in  the  nocturnal 
office  only  with  the  six  last  Psalms:  "A  Pen- 
tecoste  autem  ad  caput  quadragesimae  omnibus 
aoctibus  cam   sex    posterioribus   Psalmis   tan- 

turn  ad  nocturnas  dicatur"  {Beg^thy  p.  15,  p. 

In  the  Roman  arrangement  of  the  ordizuuy 
offices,  the  Alleluia  follows  the  **  Invocation  "  in 
all  the  hours;  but  from  Septuagesima  to  the 
Thursday  in  Holy  Week  the  verse,  ^  Laus  tibi 
Domine ;  Rex  aeternae  gloriae,"  is  substituted. 

4.  We  learn  from  Jerome  {Ep.  27  [108],  §  19, 
p.  712,  ad  Eustochium ;  cf.  23  [38],  §  4,  p.  175) 
that  the  sound  of  the  Alleluia  summoned  monks 
to  say  their  offices :  *'  Post  Alleluia  cantatum,  quo 
signo  vocabantur  ad  coUectam,  null!  residere 
licitum  erat." 

5.  It  was  chanted  at  funerals ;  as,  for  instance, 
at  that  of  Fabiola  (Jerome,  Ep,  ad  Oosamon,  30 
[77],  p.  466) ;  at  that  of  Pope  Agapetus  in  Con- 
stantinople (BaroniuB,  ann.  536,  §  64^  voL  ix., 
p.  544). 

This  usage  is  found  in  the  Hozarabic  rite,  and 
perhape  once  existed  in  the  ancient  Galilean  (Ba- 
ronius, ann.  590,  §  39,  vol.  x.  p.  485). 

(Bona,  De  Divina  Psalmodia,  c  xvi.  §  7 ;  2^ 
R^nia  LiturgiciSy  lib.  ii.,  c.  6,  §  5 ;  Krazer,  De 
LUttrgiiSf  p.  419.)  [C] 

ALL  SAINTS,  Festival  op  (Omnium  Sane 
torum  NatcUiSy  Festivitaa,  Solemnitas). — In  the 
Eastern  Church  a  particular  Sunday,  the  first 
after  Pentecost,  was  appropriated  in  ancient 
times  to  the  commemoration  of  all  martyrs. 
Chrpostom,  in  the  'Eyxdifuoy  ccs  robs  aylovs 
wdyrcu  rohs  iv  tXtp  r^  xicfu^  finf>Tvp>fiiraPTas, 
says  that  on  the  Octave  of  Pentecost  they  find 
themselves  in  the  midst  of  the  band  of  martyn; 
Tap4kafi€jf  ilfMS  fMpiTitfmv  x^P^^  (^PP*  "*  711): 
and  there  is  a  similar  allusion  in  Orat.  contra 
Judaeos,  vi.  (0pp.  ii.  p.  650).  Thb  Festival  of 
All  Martyrs  became  in  later  times  a  Festival  of 
All  Saints,  and  the  Sunday  next  after  Pentecost 
appears  in  the  Calendar  of  the  Greek  Menologioo 
as  Kvpioic^  r&if  'Aylcoy  vdrrwv.  The  intention 
in  so  placing  this  commemoration  probably  was 
to  crown  the  ecclesiastical  year  with  a  solemnity 
dedicated  to  the  whole  glorious  band  uf  saints 
and  martyrs. 

In  the  West,  the  institution  of  this  festival 
is  intimately  connected  with  the  dedication  to 
Christian  purposes  of  the  Pantheon  or  Rotunda 
at  Rome.  This  temple,  built  in  honour  of  the 
victory  of  Augustus  at  Actium,  was  dedicated 
by  M.  Agrippa  to  Jupiter  Vindex,  and  was  called 
the  Pantheon,  probably  from  the  number  of 
statues  of  the  gods  which  it  contained,  though 
other  reasons  are  assigned  for  the  name. 

Up  to  the  time  of  St.  Gregory  the  Great,  idol- 
temples  were  generally  thrown  down,  or,  if  thej 
were  suBfered  to  remain,  were  thought  unworthy 
to  be  used  in  the  service  of  God.  Gregory 
himself  at  first  maintained  this  principle,  but  in 
the  latter  part  of  his  life,  thought  it  would  con- 
duce more  to  the  conversion  of  the  heathen  if 
they  were  allowed  to  worship  in  the  accustomed 
spot  with  new  rites  (see  his  well-known  letter 
to  Mellitus,  in  Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  ii.  30 ;  0pp.  vl 
p.  79) ;  and  from  this  time,  the  principle  of  con- 
verting heathen  fanes  to  Christian  uses  seems  to 
have  become  familiar.  In  the  beginning  of  the 
7th  century,  the  Pantheon  remained  almost  the 
solitary  monument  of  the  old  heathen  worship 
in  Rome.  In  the  year  607  Boniface  III.  obtained 
from  the  Emperor  Phocas  the  important  re- 
cognition of  the  supremacy  of  Rome  over  sU 




ttber  dinrdies;  and  in  the  Mime  year  bia  aac- 
MHor,  BoDifice  lY^  having  cleansed  and  restored 
Um  i^theon,  obtained  the  emperor's  permission 
to  4«dicate  it  to  the  senrice  of  God,  in  the  name 
**&  Mariae  semper  Virginia  et  omnium  Mar- 
tjmm :"  (LAer  Pontif.  in  Muratori,  Ber.  ItaL 
Scr^ftores,  iii.  1,  135).  This  dedication  is  com- 
BKBionted,  and  is  believed  to  have  taken  place, 
on  Vaj  13.  On  this  day  we  find  in  the  old  Ro- 
naa  Martyrology  edited  by  Rosweyd,  "  S.  Mariae 
ad  Martjrei  dedicationis  dies  agitur  a  Bonifacio 
hipastatntos."  Baronins  tells  ns,  that  he  fbond 
it  reoorded  in  an  ancient  MS.  belonging  to  the 
Churdi  itaeli;  that  it  was  first  dedicated  *<In 
hoDoran  S.  Mariae,  Dei  Genetricis,  et  omnium 
SS.  Martynmi  et  Confessomm ;"  and  that  at  the 
time  of  dedication  the  bones  of  martyrs  from 
the  rarioos  cemeteries  of  the  city  were  borne  in 
s  piDcession  of  twenty-eight  carriages  to  the 
cbnrdi.  {MartyroL  Horn.  p.  204.)  The  technical 
«e  of  the  word  **  confessor  "  seems,  however,  to 
iadicate  a  somewhat  later  date  than  that  of  the 
dedicatioD;  and  Paulas  Diaconus  {Ilisi,  LongO' 
bard.  IT.  37,  p.  570)  tells  us  simply  that  Phocas 
fraated  Booi&ce  permission,  **  Ecclesiam  beatae 
lemper  Virginia  Mariae  et  omnium  Martyrum 
Beti,  nt  ubi  quondam  omnium  non  deorum  sed 
daemoDom  cultus  erat,  ibi  deinceps  omnium  fieret 
Bemoria  sanctorum,"  and  the  church  bears  to 
this  day  the  name  of  **S.  Maria  dei  Martiri." 
Thii  festival  of  the  13th  May  was  not  wholly 
ooaliaed  to  the  city  of  Rome,  yet  it  seems  to  have 
been  little  more  than  a  dedication-festival  of  the 
Kotnada,  corresponding  to  the  dedication-festivals 
of  other  churches,  but  of  higher  celebrity,  as  the 
•Miimemoration  of  the  finalvictory  of  Christianity 
over  Paganism. 

The  history  of  •  the  establishment  of  the 
festJTal  of  All  Sainta  on  Nov.  1  is  somewhat 
ohscore.  The  Martyrologntm  Rom.  Vet,,  al- 
Kadr  quoted,  gives  under  **  Kal.  Novembr."  a 
''Festiritas  Sanctorum,  quae  Celebris  et  gene- 
lalis  agitur  Romae."  The  very  terms  here  used 
ihow  that  this  **  Festivitas  Sanctorum  "  waa  a 
fpedally  Roman  festival,  and  it  was  probably 
cunplr  the  dedication-feast  of  an  oratory  dedi- 
cated by  Gregory  III.  '*  In  honorem  Omnium 
Saactorum."  But  in  the  8th  century,  the  ob- 
•errance  of  the  festival  was  by  no  means  con- 
fiied  to  Rome.    Beda's  Metrical  Martyrology  has- 

*  VnUpIki  rutflat  gemma  oea  in  fronte  November, 
Caadonmi  ftklget  Sanctomm  laode  dccorls." 

In  the  ancient  Hieronymian  calendar  in 
D^Achery  {SpkUeg,  tom.  ii.),  it  appears  under 
KsL  Novemb.,  but  only  in  the  third  place; 
**  Xatalis  St,  Caesarii ;  St.  Andomari  Episoopi ; 
lire  Omnium  Sanctorum."  The  list  of  festivals 
ia  the  Peniiential  of  Boniface  gives  ^  In  solemni- 
tate  Omnium  Sanctorum ; "  but  the  feast  is  not 
kmd  in  the  list  given  by  Chrodogang  (an.  762), 
or  m  Charlemagne's  Capitulary  ((^.  Caroli 
ifivns  L  326)  on  the  subject  of  festivals.  It 
appean  then  to  have  been  observed  by  some 
churches  in  Germany,  France,  and  England  in 
the  middle  of  the  8th  century,  but  not  univer- 
sally. It  was  perhaps  this  diversity  of  practice 
whici  induced  Gregory  IV.,  in  the  year  835,  to 
nfgert  to  the  Emperor  Lewis  the  Pious,  a  ge- 
neral ordinance  on  the  subject.  Slgebert,  in  his 
(^romioon  (in  Pistorfus,  Script.  Germ.  tom.  i.), 
tcib  IS,  nade   that  year,  ^  Tunc  monente  Gre- 

gorio  Papa,  et  omnibus  opiscopis  assenticntibus, 
Ludovicus  Imperator  statuit,  ut  in  Gallia  et 
Germania  Festivitas  Omnium  Sanctorum  in  Kal. 
Novemb.  celebraretur,  quam  Romani  ex  institute 
Bonifacii  Papae  celebrant."  (Compare  Adonis 
Martyrol.  ed.  Rosweyd,  p.  ISO.)  It  would  seem 
from  this,  that  the  festivals  of  May  13  and 
Nov.  1  had  already  coalesced  on  the  latter  day, 
and  that  the  one  festival  then  observed  was 
referred  to  Boniface  IV.,  who,  in  fact,  instituted 
that  of  Majr  13.  The  time  was  perhaps  chosen 
as  being,  in  a  large  part  of  Lewis's  dominions, 
the  time  of  leisure  after  harvest,  when  men's 
hearts  are  disposed  to  thankfulness  to  the  Giver 
of  all  good.  From  this  time,  All  Saints'  day  be- 
came one  of  the  great  festivals  of  the  Church, 
and  its  observance  general  throughout  Europe. 

It  probably  had  a  Vigil  from  the  first,  as  be^ 
fore  the  time  of  its  general  observance  a  Vigil 
and  Fast  preceded  the  great  festivals  of  the 
Church.  It  may,  perhaps,  have  had  an  octave 
from  its  first  institution  in  Rome  itself;  but  this 
was  not  the  case  in  other  churches,  for  an  octave 
of  All  Saints  does  not  seem  to  be  found  in  any 
calendar  earlier  than  the  13th  century.  Pi-oper 
collects,  preface,  and  benediction  for  the  "  Natalis 
Omnium  Sanctorum  "  are  found  in  some,  but  not 
the  most  ancient,  MSS.  of  the  Gregorian  Sacra- 
mentary  (p.  138). 

(Baronius  in  Martyrologio  Bomano,  May  13 
and  Nov.  1 ;  Binterim's  DenAvmrdigkeiterij  vol. 
V.  pt.  1,  p.  487  ff. ;  Alt  in  Herzog's  Beal-Ency- 
ckpddie,  i.  247.)  [C] 

ALL  SOULS,  Festival,  op  (Omnium  fide- 
Hum  defunctorum  memoria  or  oommemoratio). 
Yerj  ancient  traces  of  the  observance  of  a  day 
for  the  commemoration  of  'Uhe  souls  of  all 
those  who  have  died  in  the  communion  of  the 
body  and  blood  of  our  Lord "  (according  to 
Cyprian)  appear  in  the  Fathers  of  the  Church. 

TertuUian  (2>e  Corond  Militia,  c.  3)  says, 
'^  Oblationes  pro  defunctis  annua  die  fecimus." 
And  to  the  same  effect  he  speaks  (De  Exhort. 
Castitatis,  c.  11,  and  De  Monogam.  c.  10)  of 
annual  offerings  (oblationes)  for  the  souls  of  the 
departed.  These  were  probably  made  on  the  an- 
niversary of  the  death,  and  were  especially  the 
business  of  surviving  relatives.  So  Chrysostom 
(Horn.  29  tn  Acta  Apost.\  speaks  of  those  who 
made  commemoration  of  a  mother,  a  wife  or  a 
child.  Similarly  Augustine  (De  Cur&  pro  Mor^ 
tuis,  ch.  4). 

It  appears  from  an  allusion  in  Amalarius  of 
Metz  (before  837)  that  in  his  time  a  day  was 
specially  dedicated  to  the  commemoration  of  all 
souls  of  the  departed,  and  it  seems  probable  that 
this  was  the  day  following  All  Saints'  Day. 
Amalarius  says  expressly  (J)e  Eccl.  Officiis,  lib. 
iii.  c.  44)  **  Annlversaria  dies  ideo  repetitur 
pro  defhnctis,  quoniam  nescimus  qualiter  eorum 
causa  habeatur  in  alter&  vit&."  And  in  c  65, 
he  says  "Post  ofiicium  Sanctorum  inserui  of- 
ficium  pro  mortuis ;  multi  enim  transierunt  de 
praesenti  saeculo  qui  non  illico  Sanctis  conjun- 
guntur,  pro  quibus  solito  more  officium  agitur." 
The  festival  of  All  Souls  is  here  regarded  as  a 
kind  of  supplement  to  that  of  All  Saints,  and 
may  very  probably  have  taken  place  on  the 
morrow  of  that  day.  But  the  earliest  definite 
injunction  for  the  observance  of  a  commemoration 
of  all  souls  of  th<i  departed  on  Not  2  appears  to 



be  that  of  Odilo,  Abbot  of  Clngny,  in  the  10th 
oeutnry.  A  pilgrim  returning  from  Jerusalem, 
says  Peter  Damiani  (  Vita  Odiionis,  0pp.  ii.  410), 
reported  to  Odilo  a  woful  yision  which  he  had 
had  on  his  journey  of  the  suffering  of  souls  in 
purgatorial  nre ;  Odilo  thereupon  instituted  in 
the  churches  under  his  control  a  general  com- 
memoration of  the  souls  of  the  faithAil  departed 
on  the  day  following  All  Saints'  Day:  **per 
omnia  monasteria  sua  constituit  generale  de- 
cretum,  ut  sicut  prime  die  Mensls  Novembris 
juxta  oniTersalis  Ecclesiae  regulam  omnium 
Sanctorum  solemnitas  agitur;  ita  sequent!  die 
in  psalmis,  eleemosynis  et  praecipue  Missarum 
solemniis,  onmium  in  Christo  quiescentium 
memoria  oelebraretur."  This  order  was  soon 
adopted,  not  only  by  other  monastic  congrega- 
tions, but  by  bishops  for  their  dioceses;  for 
instance,  by  the  contemporary  Bishop  Notger  of 
Li^e  {Cknmicon  Belgicwn,  in  Pistorius's  Scrips 
tores  German,  iii.  92).  The  obsenrance  appears, 
in  fact,  in  a  short  time  to  have  become  general, 
without  any  ordinance  of  the  Church  at  large  on 
the  subject. 

But  even  after  the  observance  of  a  commemo- 
ration of  All  Souls  on  Nov.  2  became  common, 
we  find  (Statutes  cf  Cahors,  in  Martene,  The- 
saunts  Anecdot,  iv.  766)  that  in  some  places  the 
morrow  of  St.  Hilary's  Day  (Jan.  14),  and  in 
others  the  morrows  of  the  Octaves  of  Easter 
and  Pentecost  were  appropriated  to  the  special 
commemoration  of  the  souls  of  the  departed 
(Binterim's  DenkwUrdUgkeiten,  voL  v.  pt.  1,  p; 
492  ff.).  [C] 

ALMACinUS,  martyr  at  Rome,  commemo- 
rated Jan.  1  (Mart  Bom,  Vet,,  Bedae),       [C] 

ALMS  ^%krnfio<rirn9  non-olassical  in  this 
sense,  either  word  or  thing;  although  for  the 
thing,  see  Seneca,  De  Benefic,  vi.  3,  and  Martial, 
^pigr,  V.  42 ;  and  for  the  word  also,  Diog.  Laert. 
V.  17 :  first  found  in  the  special  meaning  of  alms  in 
LXX.,  Dan.  iv.  24  [27  Heb.],  where  the  original 
reads  '^ righteousness;"  so  also  Tobit  xii.  9,  xiv. 
11  [and  elsewhere],  Ecclus.  iii.  30,  iv.  2,  vii.  10, 
zziz.  15, 16,  xxzv.  2).  Alms  recognized  as  a  duty 
throughout  the  0.  T.,  but  brought  into  promi- 
nence in  the  later  Jewish  period  (cf.  Buxtorf, 
FloriL  ffebr,  p.  88;  Lightfoot,  Mor.  H^,  tn 
Matt,  vi.  2,  Zuc.  ii.  8),  when  they  were  formally 
and  regularly  given  in  the  synagogues  (Vitring. 
De  Syn,  Vet,)  to  be  distributed  by  appointed 
officers,  as  also  by  putting  them  into  certain 
trumpetHshaped  alms-boxes  in  the  temple,  called 
yaCo<^\iKia  (Le  Moyne,  Not,  in  Var.  Sac,  ii. 
75 ;  Devling,  Observ.  Sac,  iii.  175 ;  distinct  from 
the  ya%o^vK^toy  or  treasury  of  St.  Luke  xxi.  1). 
They  were  regarded  also  as  a  work  specially 
acceptable  to  God  (Prov.  xix.  17,  xxii.  9,  &c; 
Tobit,  and  Ecclus.,  passim  ;  St.  Luke  xi.  41,  Acts 
X.  2).  In  like  manner  they  became  in  the  Chris- 
tian Church — 

I.  A  fundamental  law  of  Christian  morality 
(St.  Matt.  X.  42,  xix.  21,  xxv.  35 ;  St.  Luke  xii. 
33;  Acts  ii.  44,  iv.  34*37,  xi.  29,  30;  Rom.  xii. 
13,  XV.  25 ;  2  Cor.  viii.  12,  ix.  7  ;  Gal.  ii.  1,  vi. 
10 ;  Ephes.  iv.  28 ;  1  Tim.  vi.  18 ;  Hebr.  xiii. 
16;  1  Pet.  iv.  8,  9;  1  John  iii.  17),  so  tho- 
roughly recognized  as  to  make  it  both  super- 
fluous and  impossible  to  enumerate  patristic 
allusions  to  it.  Special  tracts  on  almsgiving, 
by  St.  Cyprian,  De  Opere  ct  Eleemos, ;  St.  Greg. 


Nyss.,  De  Faupertbus  Amandis  Oratt,  II.  St. 
Greg.  Naz.,  De  Paupenan  Amore  Orat, ;  St.  Basil 
M.,  Serm,  de  Eleemos,  inter  Sermon,  XXIV. ;  St. 
Ephraem  Syrus,  De  Amore  Pauperum  ;  St.  Leo 
M.,  Sermones  VI,  De  (JoUecHs  et  Eleemos. ;  St. 
Maximus,  Ad  Joann,  Cubic,  Epist,  II,  (De  Elee- 
mos,) ;  and  among  the  sermons  attributed  to  St. 
Chrysostom,  one  De  Jejun.  et  Eleemos,,  and  three 
De  Eleemos,,  kc  (and  see  a  collection  of  patristic 
citations  in  Drexelius,  De  Eleefnosyna),  Even 
Julian  the  Apostate,  c  a.d.  351,  bears  testimony 
that  the  almsgiving  of  "the  Galileans"  over- 
flowed beyond  their  own  poor  to  the  heathen 
(Epist,  ad  Arsac,,  Epist.  xlix.;  and  compare  Lucian, 
as  quoted  below);  and  thinks  it  expedient  to 
boast  of  his  own  kindness  (Ad  Themdst,"),  Com- 
pare also  such  notable  examples  as  those,  e,g,^ 
of  Pope  Soter  as  described  by  his  contemporary 
Dionysius  Bishop  of  Corinth,  c.  A.D.  160  (ap. 
Euseb.  ff,  E.  iv.  23) ;  of  Paulinus  of  Nola ;  of 
Deo  Gratias  Bishop  of  Carthage  towards  Gen- 
seric's  captives  (see  Milman,  L,  C.  L  205,  and 
Gibbon);  of  Johannes  " Eleemosynarius,"  Patri- 
arch of  Alexandria,  A.D.  606-616 :  and  the  oe- 
currence  of  such  expressions  as,  "Hoc  praestat 
eleemosyna  quod  et  Baptisma  **  (St.  Hieron.  tn 
Ps.  cxxxOi.},  "  Christian!  sacrificium  est  eleemo- 
syna in  pauperem "  (St.  Aug.  Serm,  «/m.,  from 
Heb.  xiii.  16) ;  or  again,  that  almsgiving  is  the 
"characteristic  mark  of  a  Christian," — x^'P'^'^ 
rripurriichp  Xpumarov,  and  that  it  is  /t-'hrrip 
iiydinis,  ^>dpfi€Ucop  i^taprrffidrwp,  kM/m^  els  r^r 
o^pa^hy  kmiptyiUpn  (St.  Chrys.  m  ffib.  Bom. 
xxxiL,  and  in  Tit.  Ham,  vi,);  or  again,  that 
"  res  ecclesiae  "  are  "  patrimonia  pauperum." 

II.  An  integral  part  of  Christian  worship  (Acts 
u.  42,  vi.  1 ;  1  Cor.  xvi.l ;  1  Tim.  v.  3, 16) :  alms 
for  the  poor,  to  be  distributed  by  the  clergy  (Acts 
xi.  30),  being  a  regular  portion  of  the  offerings 
made  in  church,  among  those  for  the  support  of 
the  clergy,  and  oblations  in  kind  for  the  Church 
services  (Justin  M.,  Apol.  I.  p.  98,  Thirlby  ;  St. 
Greg.  Naz.,  Orat,  xx.,  0pp.  1.  351 ;  ConsOi. 
Ap^tol.  iv.  6,  8;  St.  Chrys.,  ffom.  L  in  S. 
Matth.  0pp.  vii.  518,  Ben.;  Cone.  Gangrene,^ 
drc  A.D.  324,  c  8 ;  for  the  East : — St.  Iren., 
Adv.  Haer,  iv.  18 ;  St.  Cypr.,  De  Op.  et  Eleem., 
203,  Fell;  Tertull.,  Apd.  39;  Arnob.,  Adv. 
Gent,  iv.,  in  fin.  ;  St.  Ambros.,  Ep,  xvii.  Ad 
Valewt,  Opp.  ii.  827,  Ben. ;  Cone,  EUber,,  A.D. 
304,  cc.  28,  29 ;  Cone.  Carthag,  iv.,  a.d.  398, 
cc.  93, 94  ;  Optatus,  De  Schism.  Donat,  vi.  p.  93, 
Albaspin. ;  Qmc.  Matiscon,  ii.,  a.d.  585,  c.  4 ; 
ffom.  cclxv.  in  Append,  ad  S,  Aug,  Opp.  v.; 
Besp.  Greg.  M.  ad  Qu,  Aug.  ap.  Baed.  ff.  E, 
i.  27 ;  for  the  West :  Psalms  being  sung,  at  least 
at  Carthage,  during  the  collection  and  distribu- 
tion, St.  Aug.  Retract,  ii.  11);  and  this  as  a  pri- 
vilege, the  names  of  considerable  donors  being 
T^cMeA(Con8tit.Ap08tol.  iii.  4;  St.  Cypr.,  Epist, 
ix.  al,  xvii.,  Ix.  al.  Ixii. ;  St.  Hieron.,  in  Jerem.  xi, 
lib,  ii,,  in  Ezech,  xviO, ;  St.  Chrys.,  ffom.  xviii. 
in  Act. ;  Gest,  Caecil.  et  Felic,  ad  fin.  Optati  p.  95), 
and  the  offerings  of  evil-livers,  energumeni,  ex- 
communicate persons,  suicides,  and  of  those  at 
enmity  with  their  brethren,  being  rejected  (St. 
Iren.,  Adv.  ffaer,  iv.  34 ;  Tertull.,  De  Praescrip. 
30 ;  Constit.  Apost,  iv.  5-7 ;  St.  Athan.,  Ep,  ad 
Sditar,,  p.  364,  ed.  1698 ;  Epist,  ad  Bomfitc  in 
App.  ad  Opp.  S.  Attg.  ii. ;  Cone.  Herd,  a.d.  524,  c 
13;  and  Autissiod,  i.,  a.d.  578,  c.  17  ;  the  Irish 
synods  assigned  to  St.  Patrick,  c.  12,  Wilk.  i.  3. 


«4c S,  ib. 4;  aad St.  Ambrose,  OpUtoa,  and  the 
OmkjIs  of  Ltriia  mnA.  Ckurthagty  above  qaoted  ; 
«r  later  fUll,  CapiL  Herard,  Arcldep.  TWtm. 
U«,  in  Balm.  CbpiT.  i.  1294,  and  repeatedlj  in 
tkc  CiyiliilerJiw)L  There  was  ako  an  alnu-boz 
(^afffeJUner,  corftdno,  lee  St.  Cjpr.,  De  Op,  et 
Slmmu.,  ami  St.  Hieron^  Epist.  27,  c  14),  placed 
iatke  dinrch  for  casual  alma,  to  be  taken  ont 
VMlUf  (Tertnll.  ^poL  S9>  And  Panlinns 
lEpuL  32)  speaks  of  a  table  (meMo)  for  re- 
cBviag  the  offerings.  Collections  for  the  poor  in 
(ftnreh  both  on  Sundays  and  on  week  days  are 
lawrtioiwd  bj  St.  Leo  the  Great  (Serm.  de  Col- 
kdu).  The  poor  also  habitnallj  sat  at  the 
dnuth  door,  at  least  in  the  East,  to  receive  alms 
(St  Chrys.,  Hon.  zxvl  I>e  Verb,  Apost^  Mom,  U 
u  S  TtaL,  Horn,  iiL  De  PoeiuL). 

HL  An  institution  having  a  formal  list  of  re- 
dpicBts,  mainly  widows  and  orphans  (St.  Ignat., 
srf  FUfoarp.  ir. ;  Cnisfuf.  Apost.  xv.  4,  Ac) ;  or, 
■pan  eeeasion,  nmityrs  in  prison  or  in  the  mines, 
«r  other  prisoners,  or  shipwrecked  persons  (Dion. 
Coriath.  ap.  Enaeb.  B.  E.  iv.  23 ;  Tertnll.,  De 
J*jmL  13 ;  Lnciaa,  De  MorU  Peregrin.  §  11,  Op. 
Tin  279,  Bipont. ;  Liban.,  A.D.  387,  Orat.  rri. 
m  Trmbhr.,  Orat.  de  Vinctis,  ii.  258,  445,  ed. 
Uike):  aid  special  officers,  as  (brother  directly 
scdsriastieal  ftinetiona,  so  also  for  managing  the 
Cbnr^  alms^  viz.  deacons  {Cotut.  Apost,  ii.  31, 
SS,iii.  19;  Dionys.  Alex.  ap.  Eoseb.  ff,  E,  vii. 
11 ;  SL  Cfpr-,  Epist,  xU.,  and  xliz.  al.  lii..  Fell. ; 
Stffieron.,  Jitf  Sepot,  Epitt.  xxxiv.);  and  among 
voBSB,  deaconessea,  commonly  widows  of  ad- 
viaesd  age  (Cbfuftf.  Apo^.  iii.  15 ;  St.  Hieron., 
M  NepeL  JE^itt.  xxzir. ;  and  Ludan  and  Libanius 
SI  aboTe)L  See  also  Tertnllian  (Ad  Uxor,  ii. 
4  sad  8)  for  the  charitable  works  of  married 
ChzHisn  matrons. 

IV.  These  arrangements  were  supplemented 
wba  neeeHary  by  special  collections  appointed 
hj  the  bishop  CTertull.,  De  Jejwn.  1S%  after  the 
psttcm  of  St.  Paul,  for  extraordinary  emer- 
gmdcs,  whether  at  home  or  among  brethren  or 
'ithcn  dsewfaere;  e.g.  St.  Cyprlim's  collection 
•f  ^sestertia  centum  millia  nnmmomm"  for 
the  ledemptioD  of  Numidian  captives  from  the 
hsrbsrfsns  (St.  Cypr-  Epist.  Ix.) ;  mostly  accom- 
paaied  by  fost  days  (Tertnll.  ib, — and  so,  long 
sfttr,  Theodulph,  A.D.  787  [Capit,  381  enjoins 
■hasgiviag  continually,  but  specially  on  last  days)^ 
t«t  sometimes  at  the  ordinary  Qiorch  service 
(3t  Leo  M.,  XV  CoOectis) :  a  practice  which  grew 
sooMtmes  into  the  abuse  which  was  remedied  by 
the  Govndl  of  Tours  (ii.  a.d.  567,  c  5),  enact- 
iag  that  each  dty  should  provide  for  its  own 
poor,  and  by  Gregory  the  Great,  desiring  the 
nibop  of  Milan  to  protect  a  poor  man  at  Genoa 
frmi  being  compelled  to  contribute  to  such  a 
ooUrctiott  (St.  Greg.,  Epiat,  ix.  126).  See  also 
St.  HiennL,  Adv.  VigUantiunL 

The  iydirtu  also  may  be  mentioned  in  this 
eaeaeetioa  (1  Cor.  xL  20,  Jude  12;  Tertnll., 
iM.39;  Constit.  Apoet.  H.  28;  prohibited 
Come  Laod.,  a.d.  364,  c.  5,  and  see  Cone.  Quini- 
Kgt  U).  762,  c  74;  and  under  Agapae).  Also 
tbe  {«9«rtf  or  |croSox<(a  (St.  Chrys.,  Horn.  xlv.  in 
AeL  Apodol.;  St.  Aug.,  Trad,  xcvii.  in  Jok, 
1^4);  tlM  wrmx^rpo^Ta,  managed  by  the  ^icXn- 
fwo)  or  kj^frryenfaMTPOt  rmp  wrmx^i^v"  (Cone. 
CMmC  A.a  451,  c  8  ;  and  Pallad.,  Hist.  Laus. 
v.);  tbe  Tif^Mro^MB,  the  poeroKoiiMta  (Pallad.,  V, 
ObliL  pi  \V%  the  hp^eiMerpo^la :  of  which  the 



names  explain  themselves  (and  see  abundant  re* 
ferences  in  Suicer,  su6  vooc,  and  Justinian  also 
enacts  laws  respecting  such  institutions  and  the 
clergy  who  manage  tncm),  and  which  came  into 
being  with  the  Christian  Church.  E.  g.,  the 
fioffiKtiiu  of  St.  Basil  at  Caesarea  stands  as  a 
notable  example  of  a  Christian  hospital,  at  once 
for  sick  and  strangers  (St.  Basil.  M.,  Epist.  94; 
St.  Greg.  Naz.,  Orat.  xxvii.  and  xxx. ;  Sozom.  vi. 
34),  with  its  smaller  ofishoots  in  the  neighbour- 
ing country  (St.  Basil.  M.,  Epist.  142,  143);  and 
so  also  the  hospital  of  St.  Chrysostom,  with  his 
advice  on  the  subject  to  the  faithful  of  Con- 
stantinople (St.  Chrys.,  Horn.  xlv.  in  Act.  Apost. 
0pp.  ix.  343);  and  the  Xenodochittm  founded 
"in  portu  Romano''  byPammachins  and  Fabiola 
(St.  Hieron.,  Ad  Ocean.  Ep.  Ixxxiv.).  Add  also 
the  alms  given  at  marriage  and  at  funerals  (St. 
Chrys.,  Horn,  xxxii.  in  S.  Matth.;  St.  Hieron., 
Ad  Pammach.  de  Obitu  Uxor.  Ep.  liv. ;  Pseudo- 
Origen.,  Comment,  in  Job.  lib.  iii.  p.  437 ;  St. 
Aug.,  Cont.  Faust,  xx.  20;  and  see  Bingham). 
Our  own  Council  of  Cealchyth,  in  A.D.  816  (c. 
10),  directs  the  tenth  of  a  bishop's  substance 
to  be  given  in  alms  upon  his  death.  The  Mani- 
chaeans  appear  to  have  refused  alms  to  needy 
persons  not  Manichaeans  on  some  recondite  prin- 
ciple of  their  connection  with  the  principle  of 
evil,  for  which  they  are  condemned  by  St.  Aug. 
{De  Mor.  Mamch,  ii.  15,  16)  and  Theodoret 
(Haer,  Fab.  i.  26). 

There  was  apparently  no  specified  rule  for 
division  of  ecclesiastical  revenues,  originally  of 
course  entirely  voluntary  offerings,  anterior  to 
the  5th  century;  the  bishop  being  throughout 
their  chief  administrator,  but  by  the  hands  of 
the  deacons  (see  e.  g.  St.  Cypr.,  about  Felicis- 
simus,  ^Hst,  xli. ;  and  Cone.  Oangr.,  c.  8,  and 
Epiphan,  Haer.  xl.,  condemning  the  Eustathians 
for  withdrawing  their  alms  fVom  the  bishop  or 
the  officer  appointed  by  him).  In  the  Western 
Church  in  the  5th  century  (setting  aside  the 
questionable  decree  of  the  Synod  of  Rome  under 
Sylvester  in  324)  we  find  a  fourfold  division  of 
them :  1,  for  the  bishop ;  2,  for  the  clergy ;  3, 
for  the  poor ;  4,  for  the  fabric  and  sustentation 
of  the  churches.  Or  again,  for  1.  Churches; 
2.  Clergy ;  3.  Poor ;  4.  Strangers.  This  origin- 
ated with  the  Popes  Simplidus  (Epist.  3,  A.D. 
467)  and  Gelasius  (in  Oration  Caus.  12  qu.  2, 
c.  Sancimus,  A.D.  492) ;  is  mentioned  repeatedly 
by  St.  Gregory  the  Great  at  the  end  of  the  6th 
century  (e.g.  Ep.  iv.  11,  v.  44,  vii.  8,  xiii.  44 ; 
i?«sp.  ad  August.,  &c. ; — and  see  also  Cone.  Aurel. 
I.  c.  5),  was  varied  in  Charlemagne's  and  Lud. 
Pins'  Capitularies  (i.  80,  Baluz.  718),  as  re- 
garded Toluntary  offerings.  Into  two-thirds  to 
the  poor  and  one-third  to  the  clergy  in  rich 
places,  and  half  to  each  in  poor  ones ;  but  was 
repeated  in  the  old  form  by  the  Capit.  of  Charle- 
magne himself  respecting  tithes  (Baluz.  i.  356) 
and  by  the  Counc.  of  WonnSf  AJ>.  868,  c.  7 ; 
Tribur.,  A.D.  895,  c.  13 ;  and  Nantes,  A.  D.  895  (?), 
c  10  (if  at  least  this  last  is  not  to  be  referred 
to  the  Council  of  Nantes  in  658). 

The  special  office  of  Eleemosynarius  or  Almoner 
occurs  in  later  times,  afterwards  the  name  of 
the  superintendent  of  the  alms-house  or  hospital, 
but  at  first  a  distributor  of  alms :  both  in  monas- 
teries (described  at  length  by  Du  Cange,  from  a 
MS.  of  St.  Victor  of  Paris),  although  the  office  in 
the  older  Egyptian  momisteries  belonged  to  tb« 



CdOOiumuM,  under  the  special  name  of  9uucoyla 
(Caasian,  CoUat.  zviii.  7,  xzi.  9) ;  and  afterwards, 
in  England  at  least,  as  an  officer  attached  to 
each  bishop  (Com,  Oxon.,  a.d.  1222;  Lyndw., 
Provinc,  i.  13,  p.  67) ;  and  lastly-  to  the  king,  as 
e.g.  in  England,  and  notably  to  the  Kings  of 
France  (see  a  list  in  Dn  Cange). 

In  the  history  of  doctrine,  the  subject  of  alms- 
giving u  connected — I.  With  the  notions  of  com- 
munity of  goods,  voluntary  poverty,  and  the 
difficulty  of  salvation  to  the  rich ;  the  current 
voice  of  fathers,  as  e,  g.  Tertull.,  Apol,  39,  Justin 
M.,  Apol.  i.,  Amob.  Adv.  Qent.  iv.  in  fin.,  magni- 
fying the  temper  indicated  by  tA  tUp  ^iKwv 
irdvra  Koivd,  while  others,  as  St.  Clem.  Alex. 
(Strom,  in.  6,  p.  536,  Potter),  rejected  its  literal 
and  narrow  perversion  (see  also  his  tract  at 
length,  Qui8  Dives  Salvetur);  which  perversion 
indeed  the  Church  condemned  in  the  cases  of  the 
Apostolici  or  Apotactitae  (St.  Aug.,  De  Haer.  zl. 
0pp.  viii.  9 ;  St.  Epiphan.,  ffaer.  Ixi.),  and  of  the 
Massalians  (St.  Epiphan.  Haer,  Ixx.)^  and  again 
m  that  of  the  Pelagians,  who  maintained  that 
rich  men  must  give  up  their  wealth  in  order  to 
be  saved  (so  at  least  Pseudo-Sixtus  III.,  De 
Divitiis ;  and  Me  St.  Aug.,  Epiat,  cvi.  ad  Paviin.^ 
and  Cone.  DiospoUt.  §  6,  A.D.  415).  Compare 
Mosheim's  Diss,  de  Vera  Nat.  Commun,  BonO' 
rwn  in  Eccl.  Hieros.  II.  With  the  relation  of 
good  works  to  justification;  alms  and  fasting 
standing  prominently  in  the  question,  i.  as  com- 
paratively outward  and  positive  acts,  ii.  as  beiug 
specially  urged  from  early  times  as  parts  of 
repentance  and  charity  (e,g,  Hermas,  Pastor 
X.  4;  Salvian,  Adv.  Avarit.  ii.  p.  205;  Lactant., 
Div.  Inatit.  vL  13,  tom.  i.  p.  470 ;  Constit.  S. 
Clem.  vii.  12 ;  St.  Ambros.,  De  Elia  et  Jejun, 
XX. ;  St.  Chrys.,  Horn.  vii.  de  Poenit.  §  6,  0pp. 
ii.  336  C).  "  Date  et  dabitur  vobis,"  found  its 
answer  in  the  repeated  occurrence  of  the  words 
(e.g.  St.  Caesar.  Arel.,  Horn.  xv. ;  St.  Eligius,  in 
Vita  ii.  15,  ap.  D'Ach.,  Spicil.  iL  96),  "Da,  Do- 
mine,  quia  dedimus;"  but  the  whole  doctrine 
derived  its  colour  in  each  case  from  the  succes- 
sive phases  of  the  doc|;rine  of  merit.  III.  With 
(in  time)  the  idea  of  compounding  for  other  sins 
by  alms,  a  feeling  strengthened  by  the  imposition 
of  alms  by  way  of  satisfaction  and  of  commuta- 
tion of  penance.  The  introduction  of  the  practice 
is  attributed  to  Theodore  of  Canterbury,  c.  a.d. 
700,  but  upon  the  ground  only  of  the  Peniten- 
tials  hitherto  falsely  attributed  to  him ;  while  the 
abuse  of  it  is  severely  condemned  by  the  Council 
of  Cloveshoe,  a.d.  747  (c.  26),  and  by  Theodulph 
(Capit.  32,  A.D.  787).  Its  grossest  instance  is 
probably  to  be  found  in  the  ledger-like  calcula- 
tion of  the  payments,  by  which  "  powerful  men  " 
could  redeem  their  penances,  in  Eadgar's  canons, 
in  fin.  (Thorpe,  ii.  286-289),  about  A.D.  963. 
See  also  Morinus,  De  Poenit.  lib.  x.  c  17,  who 
treats  the  question  at  length.  IV.  With  alms 
for  the  dead.  See  Cone.  Carth.  iv.,  A.D.  398,  c. 
79 ;  St.  Chrys.,  as  before  quoted,  and  Bingham. 
See  also  for  later  times.  Car.  M.,  Capit.  v.  364, 
ap.  Baluz.  i.  902. 

Plough-alms  in  England  (eleem.  carucarumj 
Suhl-aelmifsaan),  viz.,  a  penny  for  every  plough 
used  in  tillage,  to  be  paid  annually  fiftieen  days 
after  Easter  (Laws  of  Eadgar  and  Guthrun,  A.D. 
906,  c,  6 ;  Eadgar's  Laws  i.  2,  and  can.  54,  a.d. 
959  and  975;  EthelredTs,  ix.  12,  a.d.  1014; 
Onuts,  c.  8,  c  A.D.  1030 :  £ectit.  Sing  Pers.y  §  de 


ViUams)j  were  rather  a  church  dot  than  alms 
properly  so  called.  As  was  also  St.  Peter's 
penny,  Eleemos.  S.  Petri.  And  Libera  Elsan^ 
synoj  or  Frank-Almoign,  ia  the  tenure  of  most 
Church  lands  from  Saxon  times  (viz.,  tenure 
on  condition,  not  of  specified  religious  services, 
but  of  Divine  Service  generally),  although  now 
incapable  of  being  created  de  novo  (Stat.  Quia 
EmptoreSf  18  Edw.  I.).  See  Stephen's  Blackstone, 
i.,  Bk.  n.  Pt.  i.  c  2,  in  fin,  [A.  W.  H.] 

Council  of.] 

ALTAB. — The  table  or  raised  soriaoe  on 
which  the  Eucharist  is  consecrated. 

I.  Names  of  the  Attar. 

1.  T^xc^a,  a  table ;  as  Tpdlirc(a  Kvplov,  1  Cor. 
X.  21.  This  is  the  term  most  commonly  used  by 
the  Greek  Fathers  and  in  Greek  Liturgies ;  some- 
times simply,  ^  rpiiTfQx,  as  the  Table  by  pre- 
eminence (Chrysost.  in  Ephes.  Horn.  3),  but 
more  frequently  with  epithets  expressive  of  awe 
and  reverence;  fiv<miHif  TycvfiariiHif  ^fitpi, 
iPpiieHi,  <ftpiK<&SfiSt  fiaariKuHiy  &0dlyaTos,  Ic^  ay/a. 
Beta,  and  the  like  (see  Saucer's  Thescturus,  a.  v.). 
St.  Basil  in  one  passage  (Ep.  73,  0pp.  ii.  870) 
appears  to  contrast  the  Tables  (rpax^jos)  of  the 
orthodox  with  the  Altars  (Bwriatrrfiptd)  of  Basi- 
lides.  Sozomen  (Eccl.  Hist.  ix.  2,  p.  368)  says 
of  a  slab  which  covered  a  tomb  that  it  was 
fashioned  as  if  for  a  Holy  Table  (&(nrtp  tls  Up^ 
i^i^ffKuro  rpdir€(ay\  a  passage  which  seems  to 
show  that  he  was  &miliar  with  stone  tables. 

2.  Svauurr^piov,  the  place  of  Sacrifice;  the 
word  used  in  the  Septuagint  for  Noah's  altar 
(Gen.  viii.  20^  and  both  for  the  Altar  of  Buint- 
sacrifice  and  the  Altar  of  Incense  under  the 
Levitical  law,  but  not  for  heathen  altars. 

The  word  Ovtnaffrfipioy  in  Heb.  xiii.  10,  is 
referred  by  some  commentators  to  the  Lord's 
Table,  though  it  seems  to  relate  rather  to  the 
heavenly  than  to  the  earthly  sanctuary  (Thomas 
Aquinas).  The  dvcrtcurr-fipioy  of  Ignatius,  too 
(ad  PhUad.  4 ;  compare  Ma^.  7 ;  Trail.  7), 
can  scarcely  designate  the  Table  used  in  the 
Eucharist  (see  Lightfoot  on  PhiUppians,  p.  263, 
n.  2).  But  by  this  woid  Eusebius  (ffist.  EccL 
X.  4,  §  44)  describes  the  altar  of  the  great 
church  in  Tyre,  and  again  (Panegyr.  sub  fin.)  he 
speaks  of  altars  (OvciaffTlipia)  erected  through- 
out the  world.  Athanasius,  or  Pseudo-Athana- 
sius  (Disp.  cont.  Arium^  O^p.  i.  90),  explains 
the  word  rpiir^daL  by  Ovcriaar^pioy.  This  name 
rarely  occura  in  the  liturgies.  diMruurri^pior 
not  unfrequently  designates  the  enclosure  within 
which  the  altar  stood,  or  Bema  (see  Mede,  On  the 
Name  Altar  or  evtruurrfiptoy,  Works,  p.  382  ff.). 

3.  The  Copts  call  the  altar  *l\atrHipiory  the 
word  applied  in  the  Greek  Scriptures  to  the 
Mercy-Seat,  or  covering  of  the  Ark  [oompaie 
Abca];  but  in  the  Coptic  liturgy  of  St.  Basil 
they  use  the  ancient  Egyptian  word  Pimaner- 
sohoousch*^  which  in  Coptic  versions  of  Scripture 
answers  to  the  Heb.  nUTD  and  the  Graek  $ve» 
<rr^piop  (Renaudot,  Lit.  Orient,  i.  181). 

4.  The  word  Bttfihs  (see  Nitzsch  on  the 
Odyssey,  vol.  ii.  p.  15)  is  used  in  Scripture  and 
in  Christian  writers  generally  for  a  heathen 
altar.  Thus  in  1  Maccab.  i.  54,  we  read  that  in 
the  persecution  under  Antiochus  an  ^abomins- 
ilim  of  desolation"  was  built  on  the  Temple-altar 




{09fmrThfw\  while  idol-altan  (B«/u>2)  were 
■t  up  IB  tlie  aties  of  Judah ;  and,  again  (L  59), 
«aifioes  were  offered  **  i^rl  t6p  BmfiSir  hs  ^v  M 
rov  OvriamrfMov."  The  word  B»^f  is,  how- 
ircr,  applied  to  the  Leritical  altar  in  Eoclesias- 
tkoi  L  12,  the  work  of  a  gentilizing  writer.  It 
u  geeenllj  repudiated  by  early  Chrifitian  writers, 
cxeept  in  a  fij^aratire  senso:  thus  Clement  of 
Altxandria  {Strom,  rii.  p.  717)  and  Origen  (c. 
CtUmn  Titi.  p.  389)  declare  that  the  soul  is  the 
traeChiistian  altar  (Bmfi^s),  the  latter  expressly 
tdmittiiig  the  charge  of  Celsiia,  that  the  Chris- 
tiut  hed  no  material  altars.  Yet  in  later  times 
tmpus  was  nmetimes  used  for  the  Christian 
slUr;  Synasioa,  for  inatance  (KardarouriSj  c  19, 
pu  903),  speaks  of  flying  for  refuge  to  the 
ubkody  altar  (Bo^/c^r). 

5l  Theezpresaion  **  Menaa  Domini,"  or  "  Mensa 
OnBinica,"  is  not  imoomroon  in  the  Latin  Fathers, 
Mpedaily  Si.  Augustine  (e.g.  Sermo  21,  c.  5,  on 
fi  IdiL  11).  And  an  altar  raised  in  honour  of 
4  flttztyr  fivqnently  bore  his  name ;  as  *'  Mensa 
Cfpriani"  (Augustine,  Sermo  310)u  The  word 
"Btasa"  is  frequently  used  for  the  slab  which 
firmei  the  top  of  the  altar  (v.  infra). 

<L  Ara,  the  Vulgate  rendering  of  B«/ids  (1 
Maoesh.  t  54  [57^  etc),  is  frequently  applied 
br  Tertallian  to  the  Christian  altar,  though  not 
without  some  qualification;  for  instance,  ''ara 
Det**  (d^  OraUfme,  c.  14).  Yet  ara,  like  B«m^s, 
B  repudiated  by  the  early  Christian  apologists 
flB  account  of  its  heathen  associations;  thus 
Miaadus  Felix  (Octavius,  c  32)  admits  that 
"Ddubra  et  aras  non  habemus ; "  compare  Arno- 
bias  (adv.  Gentes  tI.  1)  and  Lactantius  (Divin, 
IvHL  iL  2).  In  rubrics,  Ara  designate  a  port- 
able altar  or  consecrated  slab.  (Maori  Hiero- 
fenoon,  a.T.  **^  Altare.")  Ara  is  also  used  for  the 
sidiBtnititure  on  which  the  mensa,  or  altar  proper, 
was  placed;  **Altaris  aram  funditus  pessum- 
dan  "  (Pmdentius,  Peristeph,  xiy.  49).  Compare 
Ario  Smaragdus,  quoted  below. 

7.  But  by  far  the  most  common  name  in  the 
latin  Fathers  and  in  Liturgical  diction  is  altare, 
a  **  high  altar,"  from  altus  (Isidore,  Origmes,  xt. 
4,  p.  1197 ;  compare  alreare,  collars).  This  is 
tbe  Yulgate  equivalent  of  0wruurrf\piov.  Ter- 
talliaa  {de  Exhort.  CcatitatU  c  10)  speaks  of  the 
Lord's  Table  as  "  altare  "  simply ;  so  also  Cyprian 
{Spid,  45,  §  3,  «dL  Goldhorn),  who,  by  the 
pbiaae  ''altari  posito,"  indicates  that  the  church- 
altar  in  his  time  was  moveable ;  and  who,  in 
aaother  place  {Epist.  59,  §  25),  contrasts  the 
Lnd's  Altar  C*  Domini  Altare  ")  with  the  *<  ara  " 
of  idola.  So  again  {Epist.  65,  §  1)  he  contrasts 
'"STH  diaboU"  with  "Altare  Dei."  So  Angus- 
tiie  {Strmo  159,  §  1)  speaks  of  <"  Altare  Dei." 
Tft  Cyprian  speaks  {Ep.  59,  §  15)  of  ''diaboli 
altaria,"  so  uncertain  was  the  usage.  In  the 
Latin  liturgies  scarcely  any  other  name  of  the 
altar  occurs  but  altare.  The  plural  altaria  is 
also  eoeasionally  used  by  ecclesiastical  writers, 
■a  iBTiriably  by  classical  authors,  to  designate 
an  altar;  thus  Caesarius  of  Aries  {Horn.  7)  says 
tbai  the  elements  (creaturae)  to  be  consecrated 
"aaeris  altaribns  imponuntur."  (Mone's  Oriech. 
«.  Xdt  Jfinam,  p.  6.) 

Tbc  singular  **  altarium  "  is  also  used  in  late 
vriteai:  as  in  the  Canon  of  the  Council  of 
Anxcxre  quoted  below,  mass  is  not  to  be  said 
BMif  than  once  a  day,  "super  uno  altario." 
Aharioa  is  also  used  in  a  wider  sense,  like 

OtMruurrfipiov,  for  the  Bema  or  Sanctuary;   so 
also  altaria. 

8.  In  most  European  languages,  not  only  of 
the  Romanesque  family,  but  also  of  the  Teutonio 
and  Slavonic,  the  word  used  for  the  Lord's  Table 
is  derived,  with  but  slight  change,  from  altare. 
In  Russian,  however,  another  word,  prestol,  pro- 
perly a  throne,  is  in  general  use.  [C.] 

II.  Paris  composing  aitars. — Although  in  strict- 
ness the  table  or  tomb-like  structure  consti- 
tutes the  altar,  the  steps  on  which  it  is  placed, 
and  the  ciborium  or  canopy  which  covered  it, 
may  be  considered  parts  of  the  altar  in  a  larger 
sense,  or,  at  least,  were  so  closely  connected  with 
it,  as  to  make  it  more  convenient  to  treat  of 
them  under  the  same  head. 

The  altar  itself  was  composed  of  two  portions, 
the  supports,  whether  legs  or  columns,  in  the 
table  form,  or  slabs  in  the  tomb-like,  and  the 
"mensa"  or  slab  which  formed  the  top. 

The  expression  "comu  altaris,"  horn  of  the 
altar,"  often  used  in  rituals  (as  in  the  Sacrament. 
Oshsianum  1,  c  Ixxxviii.),  appears  to  mean 
merely  the  comer  or  angle  of  the  altar,  no  known 
example  showing  any  protuberance  at  the  angles 
or  elsewhere  above  the  general  level  of  the 
mensa,  although  in  some  instances  (as  in  that  in 
the  church  of  S.  Giovanni  Evangelista  at  Ravenna 
hereafter  mentioned)  the  central  part  of  the  sar- 
face  of  the  mensa  is  slightly  hollowed.  By  the 
Comu  Evangelii  is  meant  the  angle  to  the  left  of 
the  priest  celebrating,  by  Comu  Epistolae  that  to 
the  right.  These  phrases  must,  however,  it  would 
seem,  date  from  a  period  subsequent  to  that 
when  the  Gospel  was  read  from  the  ambo. 

III.  Material  and  form  of  altars. — ^It  is  admitted 
by  all  that  the  earliest  altars  were  tables  of 
wood ;  in  the  high  altar  of  the  church  of  S.  Gio- 
vanni Laterano  at  Rome  is  enclosed  an  altar  of 
the  tomb-like  form,  the  mensa  and  sides  formed 
of  wooden  planks,  on  which  St.  Peter  is  asserted 
to  have  celebrated  the  Lord's  Supper,  and  at 
Sta.  Pudenziana,  in  the  same  city,  fragments  of 
another  are  preserved  to  which  the  same  tra- 
dition attaches.    [Arca.] 

This  shows  an  ancient  belief  that  altars  were 
of  wood.  And  there  is  abundant  proof  that  in 
Africa  at  least  the  Holy  Table  was  commonly  of 
wood  up  to  the  end  of  the  fourth  centui'y. 
AthanasiuB,  speaking  of  an  outrage  of  the  Arians 
in  an  orthodox  church  {Ad  Monachos,  0pp.  i. 
847),  says  that  they  burnt  the  Table  {i^vXitni 
y^p  i{y)  with  other  fittings  of  the  church.  Op- 
tatus  of  Mileve,  describing  the  violence  of  the 
Donatists,  mentions  their  planing  afresh,  or 
breaking  up  and  using  for  firewood,  the  Holy 
Tables  in  the  churches  of  their  rivals  {De  Schis- 
mate  Donatistarum  vi.  1,  p.  90  ff.) ;  and  St.  Augus- 
tine {Epist.  185,  c.  27)  declares  that  they  beat 
the  orthodox  Bishop  Maximinianus  with  the 
wood  of  the  altar  under  which  he  had  taken 
refuge.  In  England,  at  a  much  later  date,  if  we 
may  trust  William  of  Malmesbury  {Vita  S. 
Wulstaniy  in  De  Qestis  Pomtif  Angl.  iii.  U\ 
Wulstan,  bishop  of  Worcester  (1062-1095),  de 
molished  throughout  his  diocese  the  wooden 
altars  which  were  still  in  existence  in  England 
as  in  ancient  days,  ''altaria  lignea  jam  inde  a 
priscis  diebus  in  Anglift."  Martene  {De  Antiq. 
Eccl  Ritibus  i.  3)  and  Mabillon  {Acta  SS.  Bene* 
diet.  Saec.  vi.,  pars  2,  p.  860)  have  shown  th«V. 
wooden  altars  were  anciently  used  m  Gaol. 



Tet  there  is  distinct  eyidenoe  of  the  exist- 
ence of  Ftone  altars  in  the  fourth  century. 
Gregorjr  of  Nyssa  (JDe  Ckristi  Baptismate,  0pp. 
iii.  369)  speaks  of  the  stone  of  which  the  altar 
was  made  being  hallowed  by  consecitition.  To 
the  same  effect  St.  Chrysostom  (on  1  Cor.  Horn. 
20).  And  stone  became  in  time  the  usual  canon- 
ical material  of  an  altar.  The  assertion  that 
Pope  Sylvester  (314-335)  first  decreed  that 
altars  should  be  of  stone  rests  upon  no  ancient 
authority  (Bona,  De  Reb.  Lit.  i.,  c  20,  §  1). 
The  earliest  decree  of  a  council  bearing  on  the 
subject  is  one  of  the  provincial  council  of  Epaona 
(Pamiers  in  France)  in  517,  the  26th  Canon  of 
which  (Brun's  Cawmea  ii.  170)  forbids  any  other 
than  stone  altars  to  be  consecrated  by  the  appli- 
cation of  Chnsm. 

As  this  council  was  only  provincial,  its  decrees 
were  no  doubt  only  partially  received.  The 
14th  chap,  of  the  CapituUries  of  Charles  the 
Great,  A.D.  769  (Migne's  Patrologia,  xcvu.  124), 
orders  that  priests  should  not  celebrate  unless 
**in  mensis  lapideis  ab  £piscopis  consecratis." 
This  seems  to  mark  a  period  when  the  use  of 
wooden  altars,  although  disapproved  of,  was  by 
no  means  unknown.  In  the  Eastern  churches 
the  material  of  the  altar  has  been  deemed  a 
matter  of  less  importance,  and  at  all  times  down 
to  the  present  day  altars  have  been  made  of 
wood,  stone,  or  metal. 

Assemani  (BibL  Orient,  iii.  238)  dtes  a  Canon 
of  a  Synod  of  the  Syro-Jacobites,  held  circa  a.d. 
908,  which  orders  the  use  of  fixed  altars  of  stone, 
and  the  disuse  of  wood ;  he  adds  that  in  the 
churches  of  the  Maronites  and  of  the  Jacobites 
the  altars  were  sometimes  of  wood,  sometimes 
of  stone  (compare  Neale,  Eastern  Ch.  Intr.  181). 
In  some  instances  at  the  present  day  pillars  of 
stone  are  used  to  support  a  mensa  of  wood. 

This  change  of  material  was  in  some  degree 
occasioned  or  accompanied  by  the  adoption  of  a 
different  type  of  form,  that  of  the  tomb.  Such 
adoption  has  been  usually  accounted  for  by  the 
supposition  that  the  tombs  in  the  Roman  cata- 
combs known  as  *'  arcosolia  **  were  used  during 
the  period  of  persecution  as  altars.  These  arco- 
solia were  formed  by  cutting  in  the  wall  of  the 
chamber  or  oratory,  at  a  height  of  about  three 
feet  from  the  floor,  an  opening  covered  by  an 
arch.  In  the  wall  below  this  opening  an  exca^ 
vation  was  made  sufficiently  large  to  receive  one 
or  sometimes  two  bodies,  and  this  was  covered 
by  a  slab  of  marble. 

Snch  tombs  would  evidently  furnish  suffici- 
ently convenient  altars,  hot  there  appears  to  be 
some  deficiency  of  proof  that  they  were  actually 
so  used  during  the  period  of  persecution,  to 
which,  indeed,  the  far  greater  number  are  by 
some  centuries  posterior.  Some  writers  assert 
that  up  to  the  time  of  St.  Sylvester  the  only 
altars  in  use  were  wooden  chests  [compare 
Arca]  carried  about  from  place  to  place  where- 
ever  the  Roman  bishop  had  his  habitation. 
Whether  this  opinion  be  or  be  not  well-founded, 
it  is  certain  that  traces  of  altars  occupying  the 
normal  position,  viz.,  the  centre  of  the  apse,  have 
been  found  in  the  oratories  of  the  catacombs. 
Bosio  and  Boldetti  state  that  they  had  met  with 
such,  the  one  in  the  cemetery  of  Priscilla,  the 
other  in  that  of  SS.  Marcellinus  and  Peter,  and 
Martigny  (Diet,  des  Aniiq.  Chrdt.  p.  58^  adds 
that  he  had  been  shown  by  the  Cav.  de  Rossi  in 


the  cemetery  of  Galixtus  the  traces  left  by  the 
four  pillars  which  had  supported  an  altar.  The 
date  of  the  altars  in  question  does  not,  however, 
appear  to  have  been  clearly  ascertained. 

It  was,  however,  not  only  in  Rome  that  the 
memorials  of  martyrs  and  altars  were  closely 
associated;  the  83i'd  Canon  of  the  Codex  Can. 
Eccl,  Afric.  A.D.  419  (in  Brun's  Canonee,  i. 
176)  orders  that  the  altaria  which  had  been 
raised  everywhere  by  the  roads  and  in  the  fields 
as  ^  Memoriae  Martyrum,"  should  be  overtomed 
when  there  was  no  proof  that  a  martyr  lay 
beneath  them ;  and  blames  the  piaetioe  of  erect- 
ing altars  in  conseauence  of  dreams  and  **  inanes 

In  the  Liber  PontificaUs  it  is  stated  that  Pope 
Felix  I.  (A.D.  269—274)  '*  oonstituit  supra  sepnl- 
era  martyrum  missas  celebrari,"  but  perhaps  the 
most  clear  proofs  of  the  prevalence  of  the  prac- 
tice of  placing  altars  over  the  remains  of  martyn 
and  saints  at  an  early  period,  are  furnished  by 
passages  in  Prudentius,  particularly  that  so  oftea 
quoted  {Feritteph,,  Hymn  XL  t.  169—174):.* 

**  TaUbos  Hli^lytl  corpus  mandatnr  opertis 
Propter  ubi  opposita  est  sra  dfeata  Deo^ 

Ilia  tacramenti  donatrix  mensa  etdemqoe 
CnscoB  Ada  sol  martyrls  appoiita, 

Servat  ad  aetarnl  spem  Jodids  oasa  sepnkro 
Fasclt  Item  ssnctis  tlbrtoolM  dapiboa." 

The  practice  of  placing  the  altar  over  the  re- 
mains of  martyrs  or  saints  may  probably  have 
arisen  from  a  disposition  to  look  upon  the  snfier- 
ings  of  those  confessors  of  the  faitli  as  analogoos 
with  that  sacrifice  which  is  commemorated  in 
the  Eucharist;  and  the  passage  in  the  Reve- 
lation (chap.  vi.  V.  9),  ^  I  saw  under  the  altar 
the  souls  of  them  that  were  slain  for  the  word 
of  God,"  no  doubt  encouraged  or  instigated  the 
observance.  The  increasing  disposition  to  vene- 
rate martyrs  and  their  relics  fostered  this  prac- 
tice, by  which,  as  Prudentius  says  {Perigtepk^ 
Hymn.  III.  v.  211)— 

"  Sic  venerarier  oeaa  llbet 
Oaslbas  altar  et  impoaltom.'* 

And  it  took  firm  root  in  the  Western  Church; 
so  much  so  that  a  rule  has  long  been  established 
that  every  altar  must  contain  a  relic  or  relioi, 
among  which  should  be  one  of  the  saint  in  whose 
honour  it  was  consecrated.  [Coivbegbahoh  or 
Chubohbs;  Reugb.] 

This  practice,  no  doubt,  conduced  to  the  change 
of  material  from  wood  to  stene,  and  also  to  a 
change  of  form  from  that  of  a  table  to  that  of 
a  chest  or  tomb,  or  to  the  combination  of  the 
two.  The  table-foim  seems  to  have  been  still 
common  in  Africa  in  the  early  part  of  the  5tk 
century:  for  Synesius  (KaTdoratris,  c  19,  p. 
303),  says  that,  in  the  terrors  of  the  Vandal 
invasion,  he  would  cast  himself  beneath  the 
altar,  and  clasp  the  columns  that  supported  it 
The  annexed  woodcut  furnishes  an  example  of 
the  combination  of  the  table-form  with  the 
tomb-form.  It  was  discovered  in  the  ruins  of 
the  so-called  basilica  of  8.  Alessandro  on  tb« 
Via  Nomentana,  about  seven  miles  from  Rome, 
and  may  with  all  probability  be  ascribed  to  the 
fifth  century.  The  mensa  is  a  slab  of  porphyry, 
the  rest  is  of  marble.  The  small  columns  were 
not  placed  as  represented  in  the  woodcut  at  the 
time  when  the  sketch  from  which  it  is  takei 
was  made ;  they  were,  however,  found  close  by 

IW  ilta.  avl  then  can  b«  little  doubt  bnt  thit 
thij  wtn  origiiullf  ■>  pluad,  fieowtb  th« 
Jui  ii  ■  dMllow  Mcantion  lined  irith  mwbl*, 

ii  aktcli  tkc  bsnes  of  St.  AUuuder  «rs  beliiTtd 
la  bin  bun  deptxited.  Th«  aqiuua  optniag  ia 
tkt  euHxIUttd  lUb  wm  probabi;  osed  for  the 
jurpoK  of  introdudng  cloth*  [BBAHDEi},  which 
nn  lijd  ca  the  tflmb  of  a  uint,  ud  iftcrwards 
pncrred  i»  relic*.  A  part  of  the  tnicriptioD  on 
iW  friBt  hai  bMO  loat :  what  remams  reads  "  et 
Jlcuadro  Delicatiu  Toto  pomit  dedicatite  Aepia- 
tafoTJa,,"  The  name  nntiog  at  the  begin- 
na;  ia  •appoiad  to  bt  that  of  Ereatitu,  alw  buried 
ii  Ut  amc  ena»Urj.  Urana  ia  beliered  to  bare 
irtB  biahop  of  NoneBtnin. 

Tit  altar  in  the  aepnlchial  chapel  at  RaveDiw, 
I,  ia  ao  example 
The  chapel  wia 
Mill  aknt  1.111  4au,  and  ttaia  utar  may  be  of 
i^nt  th*  iame  date.  Acxordiug  to  the  Rer.  B. 
TiM>  (JUcto  of  CoiUingntal  EccktMogy,  p. 
IJS)  II  ia  compoaod  of  three  slabg  of  alabaster 
■appntiiig  a  menia ;  on  the  eoda  are  carred 
tTiMu ;  gn  the  front  i*  a  cnoa  betvera  two 
iheif ;  and  «  each  dde  of  it  the  device  of  a 
■nwa  lupeulad  from  ■  wreath.  It  ia  ihewn 
ii  the  <9gnriBg  of  the  chapel  in  Gallj  Knight' 
Eal.  Ank.  i4  Jt^ 

la  the  aooiewhat  earlier  moaaici  in  the  b*p- 
IMtrj  of  the  cathedral  of  Rarenna,  altan  are 
nfnicntad  aa  tablea  anpported  bj  cotamoa  with 
afilala ;  the  tablea  are  repnHnted  nd  and  the 
ealoBai  gold,  indicating  perhaps  the  (ue  of  por- 
I^JTj  and  gilt  bronie  aa  the  materiala.  Nor, 
althevgh  the  tomb-like  rorm  eraatually  became  in 
Ihe  Wwlem  Cbarch  the  mliDjf  one,  was  the  tible- 
fn  dinued,  for  examples  of  it  of  '  ' 
tale  as  the  thirteenth  ccntorr  are  i 

ALTAB  63 

the  accompan;ing  weodcat.  Thii  altar  WW 
found  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Aariol,  in  the 
department  of  the  Boachee-du-RhSne,  In  France, 
and   mftr  >>*   attributed   to   the  liflh   or  aiith 

HartigDj  {Did.  da  Aatiq.  Chret.,  p.  bS)  men- 
tions other  eiamplei  ia  which  the  men.u  ia  anp- 
ported  by  fire  colnmns,  one  being  in  the  centre. 
One  of  these  found  at  Avigoou  is  aupposed  to 
haie  been  erected  by  S.  Agricola  (dec.  a.d.  580). 
Another,  in  the  UiisA  at  Maneillei,  he  attri- 
butes to  the  5th  centnry,  and  a  third  he  says 
in  the  crypt  of  the  church  of  St.  Uartho, 
at  Tarascon. 
In  the  baptistery  of  the  cathedral  of  RareDna 
an  altar  composed  of  a  menis  with  two  colnmna 
front,  and  a  qaadiaugniar  block  of  marble,  in 
bich   is   a   recesa  or  cavity  now  closed  by  a 
odem  bnusdoor;  the  front   of  thU  block  hai 
some  decoration  of  an  architectural  character,  a 
crow,  doves,  ears  of  wheat,  and  bunches  of 
grapes.     TTiis  central  block  woald  appear  to  bo 
ID  altar  (or  part  of  one)  of  the  Sth  century.     A 
rery  eimilar  block  is  at  Pannio,  in  Istria,  and  is 
engraved  in  Heider  and  Eiselbei^er'a  HilltlalUr- 
"cht  EmatdmJmaii  da  Oattrrekhitchai  Kaiar- 
\aatet  (i.   109);    tbe  writer  of  that  work  ii, 
owever,  dispoud  to  conaider  it  not  in  altar  but 

Mr.  Webb  {Sietchet  of  Coni.  Ecchnaiogy,  pp. 
430,  440)  mention)  two  altara  at  Ravenna,  one 
"  !  crypt  of  S.  QiovanniETingelista,  the  other 
I  nire  of  S.  Apollinare  inClaiwe,  of  the  some 
form  as  that  of  the  baptistery  of  the  Cathedral 
described  above,  and  seems  to  consider  this  ar- 
rangement aa  original ;  but  says  of  the  altar  of 
tbe  bsptiitery  that  it  was  the  tabernacle  of  the 
old  Cathedral.  Ha  remarks  that  the  mensa  of 
the  altar  in  S.  Qiovaani  is  not  level,  bnt  slightly 
hollowed  10  aa  to  leave  a  rim  all  round. 

Many  notices  of  altars  may  l>e  found  in  the 
Liber  foiMficalis  (otherwise  known  aa  Amulatau 
Bibtiolheeariat  de  Viiit  Fimtificum),  aa  that  Pope 
Hilarns  <i.D.  461-167)  made  at  S.  Lorenzo  f. 
L  m.  "attare  argenteum  pensans  libros  qnadia- 
ginta,"  that  Leo  111.  (i.D.  765-816)  made  at  S. 
Oiovanni  Latarano  "altare  majua  miroe  mag- 
nltndinis  decoratnm  ei  aigento  puiissimo  pensans 
libiaa  seiaginCa  et  novem." 

In  these  and  in  the  nnmeroui  like  insUnces  it 
is  either  eipressly  stated  that  the  altar  was 
decorattd  with  gold  or  silver,  or  the  quantity  of 
the  metal  employed  is  evidently  quite  insufficient 
to  fomitb  the  sole  material ;  bnt  we  are  not  told 
whether  the  altar  was  conatmcted  of  stone  or  of 

In  a  mosaic  at  S.  Vitale,  at  Bavenna.  dating 
from  the  Sth  century  (engraved  in  Webb's  Con*. 
Eccte».  p.  437),  an  altar  doubtless  is  represented 
aa  standing  on  l^t  at  the  angles,  and  therefore 
of  the  table  form.  It  baa,  according  to  Ur. 
Webb,  aa  ornamental  covering  of  white  linen 
with  a  hanging  beneath. 

The  annexed  woodcut  takan  from  the  same 
work  (p.  440)  shows  an  alUr  aimilarly  re- 
presented in  a  mosaic  in  S.  Apollinare  in  assae 
«  Ravenna.  This  church  was  commenced 
between  5.14  and  538,  and  dedicated  between 
546  and  553,  but  mncb  of  the  mosaic  was  not 
executed  until  between  671  and  677  (Hilbsch, 
AOchrMKohm  Eirdumy 

Paol  the  Silentiary,  in  hit  poetioJ  deaeription 

dencribei  the  altar  aa  af  gold,  d«conted  with 
prccioiu  itonea  aod  luppartsd  oa  golden  colamna. 
Thii  hu  of  course  iong  tine*  been  dtatroyed, 
but  there  atill  eiisCi  as  altar  of  almoat  eqaal 
•plendoar,  though  of  the  other  type,  tLz.,  that  of 
the  tomb,   and  more  recent    by  three  hundred 

length  Kod  4 

1  in.  in  height,  the  mensa  being 
•■  iL.  •(  in.  Hiae.  The  front  ia  of  gold,  the  back 
and  aides  of  silver.  It  is  corered  with  lobjecU 
in  relief  in  panels  diiided  bj  buds  of  omamen' 
and  manj  small  orcameDts  iu  cloisona£  enaini 
are  interspersed.  The  aabjects  DQ  the  back  ai 
chieRf  iocidenti  in  the  life  of  St.  AmbroH 
thoee  of  the  ttoot  are  Christ  seated  within  a 
oval  eompartuieot  within  a  ciosa,  in  the  bruich< 
of  which  an  the  sTmbols  of  the  Evangelist 

the  Oospcln  or  the  Acta  of  the  Apostles.     On 
ends  of  the  altar  are  crosses  in  compartments, 
surroonding  which  are  angels  in  Tarious  attitude 
of  adoration.     It  is  represented  in  the  woodcut. 

Two  examples  of  the  tomb-like  form,  of  atone 
and  of  earlier  date,  maj  be  seea  in  the  latenl 
apses  of  the  basilicao  church  which  (anna  part 
of  S.  Stefano  at  Boli^na.  These  perhaps  date 
from  the  7th  or  8th  centurj-.  On  one  are  a  croas 
and  two  peacocks,  and  an  inscription  in  honour 
of  S.  Vitalis ;  on  the  other,  Rgum  of  a  lion  and 
a  stag  or  oi.  It  is  not  clear  whether  these  were 
coDttmcted  to  scrre  aa  altars,  or  are  tonibe  con- 
Terted  to  that  use ;  but  the  first  seems  the  more 
probable  auggeation. 

The  acconnt  given  by  Ardo  Smarsgdus,  In  his 
life  of  St.  Benedict  oT  Aniane  (Act.  Sand.  Feb. 
Tol.  ii.  die  12,  p.  614),  of  one  of  the  altan  coa- 
itructed  bj  the  latter  in  the  church  of  that  place 
(io  A.D.  782?),  is,  though  somewhat  obscure,  too 
renwrkable  to  be  passed  over;  the  altar  waa  hol- 
low within,  baring  at  the  hack  a  little  door ;  in 

the  high  altiu,  waa  ao  constructed 
(in  altari .  .  .  tres  ana  cauiavit  lubponi)  ■■  to 
■JMboliie  the  Trinity, 

It  b  difScnIt  to  Snd  the  date  at  which  it 
became  customary  to  incise  crosses,  nnallj  five 
in  namber,  on  the  mensa  of  an  altar;  tbev  do 
not  appear  to  exist  on  the  mensa  of  the  woodea 
altar  in  S.  Qiovanni  Lateraao  at  Borne,  which  is 
no  doubt  of  an  early  date,  on  that  of  the  altar  «( 
S.  Alessandro,  near  Borne,  or  oa  those  of  the  early 
altars  at  Ravenna,  or  Auriot,  or  even  on  the  altar 
of  S.  Amhrogio.  Crosses  are  however  found  oa 
the  porUble  alUr  which  waa  buried  with  St. 
Cnthbert  (A.D.  687).  The  very  fragmentary 
atate  of  thia  object  makes  it  impoesible  to  deter- 
mine with  certainty  how  many  crosses  were  on 
iL  Two  are  to  be  seen  on  the  oaken  board  to 
which  the  plating  of  silver  waa  attached,  and 
two  on  the  plating  itself,  hut  it  ia  quite  pofisible 
that  originally  there  were  five  on  each,  in  the 
order  for  the  dedication  of  a  church  In  the 
SaerammOaiy  of  Gregory  the  Great  (p.  148X 
the  bishop  coosecratiug  is  desired  Id  make 
croaaei  with  holy  water  on  the  (bur  comen  ol 
the  altar ;  but  nothing  is  said  of  incised  crosMi. 

The  practice  of  making  below  the  menia  a 
cavity  to  contain  relics,  and  covering  tbis  by  a 
separate  stone  let  into  the  meosa,  does  not  appear 
to  be  of  an  early  date.     [CoHBECRATIOH.] 

IV.  Structural  acaiioriei  af  the  attar.— 
Usually,  though  not  invariably,  the  altar  wai 
raised  on  il«pa,  one,  two,  or  three  iu  number. 
From  theee  steps  the  bishop  sometimes  preached ) 
hence  Sidonius  ApoU.,  addressiug  Fanstus,  Bishop 
ofRiei,  says  (Carm.  XVI.  v.  Vi*),— 

Beneath  the  steps  it  became  cuetomarr,  from 
the  fourth  century  at  least,  at  Rome  and  wherem 
the  uuges  of  itome  were  tolloned,  to  constmcl 
a  small  vault  called  confcssio  ;  thia  wsaorigiullf 
a  inera  grave  or  repository  for  a  body,  as  at  S. 
Aleasandro  near  Rome,  but  gradnally  eipaodsd 
into  a  vault,  a  window  or  grating  below  thealtsi 
allowing  the  sarcophagus  in  which  the  body  of 
the  saint  waa  placed  to  be  visible.     [COKrESSio] 

In  the  Eastern  Church  a  piscina  is  usualiy 
found  under  the  altar  (Neale.  Eailem  OUinli 
Inlrod.  18S),  called  x"l,  X'"'"  °r  more  eon 
monly  Sif^aaaa  or  AiAairrrlSm.  What  the  si 
ti<|uity  of  thia  practice  may  be  does  not  seein  I 
be  ascertained,  bat  it  may  have  existed  in  tli 
Western  Church,  aa  appears  from  the  Fr^nkij 
missal  published  by  Mabillon  (Liturg.  Gall,  ii 
§  12,  p.  3U),  where,  iu  consecrnting  an  altu, 
holy  water  is  to  be  poured  ^^  ad  basem."  So  ^ 
Gregorian  Sacramentary,  p.  149. 

The  altar  was  oflen  enclosed  within  rtilingi  c' 
wood  or  metal,  or  low  waits  of  marble  ilsb; 
these  encloanrn  were  often  mentioned  by  earlt 
writers  under  the  names  "  ambitus  altan!,' 
uitua  altani;"  the  railings  were  calM 
:e1]i,'*Bnd  the  slabs  "  tninsennae."  Sam 
furtheraccount  of  these  will  b«  found  under  tbt 

Upon  these  enclosures  columns  and  archa  'f 
liver  were  ofl^n  filed,  and  veils  or  cartaiii  ^ 
icta  stuffs  suspended  from  the  arches:  tbey  >>< 
freqaently  mealioned  in  the  LA.  Pentif,  si  is 


W  iaiUK*  whin  Pope  Leo  111.  gBT«  <I6  TciU 
■■K  Uglilj  onuDiCdt*!!.  to  bt  u  placed  ronnd 
tk 'udIhIiu  dUru"  (Jkd  the  "pmbyterioia' 
tlSt.  PMtr'i  It  B«D«. 

7.  CidoniHi,  othtrwiso  umbrscQlain,  Or.  ci- 
iifMi.  JUL  batduhJDo. — Down  to  the  tad  o\ 
Ikt  period  vitli  which  we  are  now  coanrncd, 
ud  iin  littr,  the  altu  wu  tunailr  covered  i> 
1  aaopj  mpperted  bj  columoA,  the  ciboriun 
At  mii  u  no  doabt  derived  IVam  the  Giee 
Bfmfum,  the  primarj  meaning  of  which  u  th 
cifrjik*  H«I-TeaMl  of  the  Igyplan  vnter-Yilj. 

It  iW  am  ippear  when  the  oiboiium  cam 
bil  te  lie  is  Die,  thoagh  thii  wan  probablj  at  u 
■Ht  1  date  u  that  in  which  aichilectnral 
tplalogr  mi  emplojeil  in  tbe  coDstrnction  or 
dudwL  Aagoiti  quotes  EnMbius  (Vii,  Cimai. 
M.  lib.  iiL  c.  ;<«)  as  nsiag  the  word  icif<i£pior 
■ba  dscribiag  the  charch  of  the  Sepulchre  at 
JsibIkii,  ind  cnnDectiog  it  with  the  word  iifu- 

u  BcilJicr  word  occnra  in  cap.  38,  while  in  cap. 

.  or  Kola  liag  been  thought  t 



Meurs.  Teiier  and  PulUn'i  work  on  Bf 
tnotine  Architecture,  ia  fbnnd  in  the  moeaks 
of  St.  George  at  ThesulonicB,  works  cerUlnlr 
LDt  later  than  A.D.  500,  and  perhapa  mDcIi 
arlier ;  the  anthon  are  Indeed  disposed  to  refer 
hem  to  the  era  of  Conjtantina  the  Great. 

Cihoria  are  not  mentioned  in  the  Libtr  Pan- 
ificalit  in  the  long  catalogue  of  altar?  erected  in 
lud  gifts  made  to  churches  erected  in  Rome  asd 
Naples  by  Uonstantine,  nnleu  the  "fastiginm" 
of  silver  weighing  2025  ibe.  in  the  beailirA  of  St. 
John    Laterao   was,  u   aome   have   thongbt,   a 

^worthiness  of  thii 
part  of  the  Liber  PonHfiatta,  nor  does  anj  men- 
tion of  one  occur  until  the  time  of  Pope  Spnma- 
chui  (498 — 5U),  who,  it  is  sUted,  made  at  S. 
Silvestro  a  ciborium  of  silver  weighing  120  lbs. 
Mention  is  made  in  the  same  work  of  many 
other  ciboria ;  they  are  generally  described  as  of 
silver  or  decorated  with  silier,  Tbe  quantit;  of 
metal  variu  very  much  ;  one  at  S.  Paolo  f  1.  m. 
is  eaid  to  have  been  decorated  with  2015  lbs.  of 
>f  St.  Peter'^  of  silver-gilt,  weighed 

and  that 



nlj  122T  lbs.  All  these  were  erected  by  Pope 
Leo  HI.  (Te&-«16).  The  last  is  descHbed  as 
"cyborium  cam  column  is  suis  quatuor  ei 
argento  purissimo  divcrsis  depictum  bistoriis 
nm  caneellit  et  colamnellis  snis  mirae  magni- 
adinis  et  pulchritudinis  decant um."  The 
'cancel)!"  were,  no  doubt,  railinga  running  from 
»lumn  to  column  and  enclosing  the  altar.  Tbe 
;i barium  in  St.  Sophia's,  as  erected  bj  Justinian, 
I  described  by  Paul  the  Silentiary  as  having 
bur   columns    of    silver    which    supported    an 

ly  a  globe  bearing  a  cross.  From  the  arches 
bung  rich  veils  woven  with  figures  of  Christ,  St, 
"aul,  St.  Peter,  bt. 
Ciboria  were  constrooted  not  only  of  metai, 
r  of  wood  covered  with  metal,  but  of  marble  ; 
the  alabaater  columnt  of  the  ciborium  of  the 
high  altar  of  St.  Mark's  at  Venice  are  said  to 
have  occupied  the  same  position  in  the  chapel  of 
the  Greek  Emperor  at  Constantinople.  They 
ntirely  covered  with  subjects  &om  Biblical 

IS  early  a  date  as  the  fifth  century ; 

appear  I 

Trilt  are  inentioiwd  by  St.  Chrysoitom  (^om. 
■ii.  ■  Epiia.)  Bi  withdrawn  at  the  consecration 
■f  the  Eucharist,  and  it  ii  probable  that  these 
■en  attached  to  the  ciborium  in  the  fiuhion 
"mtattii  by  tlM  aceompanving  woodcut, 
wn  a  ciborinm  ia  shown  with  the  veils  cou- 
^■^  the  altar.     This    representation,   taken 

charch  of  S.  Apollinere  in  Classa  at  Ravenna, 

which  is  shown  by  the  inscription  engraved  apon 
it  to  have  been  erected  between  ^D.  806  and 
±J>.  810. 

Various  ornaments,  as  vases,  crowns,  and 
baskets  (cophini)  of  ailver,  were  placed  as  deco- 
rations upon  or  suspended  from  theciboria;  and, 

attached  to  thnn;  these  last  were  withdrawn 
after  the  consecration  but  before  the  elevation  of 
the  Eucharist.  These  curtains  are  mentioned 
repeatedly  in  the  Libtr  Ponti}.  as  gifts  made  bv 
rariouf  popea  of  the  seventh,  eighth,  and  nlntk 
centariea,  t.  g.,  "Vela  alba  boloeerica  rosata 
quae  pendent  in  arcu  de  cyhorio  numero  qua- 
tuor," given  to  S.  Maria  Maggiore  by  Pope 
Lao  HI.  (A.D.  795-816). 

It  does  not  appear  when  thejise  of  these  veilc 
was  discontinued  in  tbe  Weatem  Church  ;  in  the 
Eastern  a  screen  {iiKoviirriurt!)  with  doors  now 
'  serves  the  like  purpose.  Some  of  the  ciboiis  .it 
Kome,    according    to    Hartigny    (Art.     Coloiaii 

EueAarittique),  hsving  a  ring  fiied  in  the  centre 
of  th*  vmilt,  frum  which  h«  conceiiBs  «  receptacle 
for  the  hwt  to  bate  been  iuipended,  [Pebi- 
BTEftlUH].  No  ciborinm  nov  eiiitiog  at  Rome 
■Mmi  to  be  or  earlier  date  tbaa  the  tn-elftb 
aentury,  but  the  practice  of  tnipending  such 
receptaclei  it  no  donbt  much  earlier. 

Irhrtigny  is  of  r^nion  that  besidei  the  cibo- 
rium,  the  colamns  of  vhich  realed  on  the  gTOuiid, 
there  wai  eometimea  a  leuer  ODe,  the  ooliimni  ot 
which  retted  on  the  altar,  and  that  then  laat 
wer«  more  property  called  "  periiteria,"  M  enoloe- 
ing  a  Tewel  in  the  form  of  ■  dove,  in  which  the 
boat  wa*  contained.  [CuOBiOM,  TdbbiE,  Pebi- 

VI.  J;ipnu%«  d/ tie  .ittar.— In  ancient  times 
nothing  was  placed  opon  the  altar  bat  the 
Altar-cloth e  and  the  ucred  vetaelt  with  the 
Eleuebts.  a  fefling  of  reverence,  eaya  M«t- 
tene  {de  Antiq.  Ecd.  Sit.  i.  112),  pennitted  not 
the  pretence  of  inTthing  on  the  altar,  except  the 
thlDgl  used  in  the  Holy  Oblation.  Hence  there 
were  no  candlesticici  on  the  alUr,  nor  (anleu  on 
the  columni,  archea,  and  cDrtaint  of  the  ciborium) 
any  imagee  or  picturei.  Even  In  the  ninth  cen- 
tary  we  find  Leo  IV.  (an.  8b5)  limiting  the  objeoti 
which  might  lawfully  be  placed  on  the  sltsT  to 
the  shrine  containing  relict,  or  perchance  tlie 
codei  of  the  Ooepelt,  and  the  pyi  or  tabernacle 
in  which  the  Lord^s  body  was  reserved  for  the 
Tiaticum  of  the  sick.  {Be  Cura  Pattorati,  §  8, 
in  Migne's  Patrolasia,  civ.  677.) 

The  Book  of  the  Gotpels  seems  anciently 
have  been  frequently  placed  on  the  altar,  evr 
when  the  Liturgy  was  not  being  celebrated 
(Nealo,  iTottmi  <X  Introd.  188).  An  example 
may  l>e  teen  in  the  frescoet  of  the  Baptistery  at 
Ravenna  (Webb't  Contituialal  EccltsMogy,  427). 

With  regard  to  the  relics  of  sainla,  the  ancient 
rule  was,  as  St.  Ambrose  tells  os  {Ad  ISarai- 
fioam,  ffx'sl.  85)"  111e[ChristUE]  super  altare  .  . 
iati  [martyres]  sub  alUri;"  and  this  was  the 
praclio'  not  only  of  the  age  of  St.  Ambrose,  but 

linth  century,  at  UabllloD  (Ada  6S.  Bf 
wdict.  Saec  iii.  Praebtio  S  105),  awnna  at ;  fiir 
the  anonymous  author  of  the  Life  of  Serratint 
of  Tongres  says  expressly  that  the  relict  of  thit 
taint,  when  tianilated  1^  command  of  Charla 
the  Great,  were  laid  b^ore  the  altar,  at  mea 
did  not  yet  pr«sume  to  lay  anvtbing  except  the 
sacrifice  on  the  altar,  which  u  the  Table  of  the 
Lord  of  Hosts.  And  even  later,  Odo  of  Clugnv 
telU  us  (CoUationet  il.  28)  that  when  Bene 
(in.  895)  laid  the  relict  of  St.  Walburgit  on 
the  altar,  they  ceased  to  work  miracles,  resenting 
the  being  placed  "nbt  majetCat  divini  Uytterii 
solommodo  debet  celebrari."  The  passage  of 
Leo  IV.,  quoted  above,  seems  In  fact  the  first 
permisiion  U>  place  a  shrine  containing  relics  on 
the  altar,  and  that  permission  wsi  evidently  not 
in  accordance  with  the  general  religioos  feeling 
of  that  age. 

In  the  early  centnriet  of  tbe  Chriitian  Chnrth. 
nntecrated  bread  wai  generally  reserved  in 
lael  made  in  the  tbnn  of  a  dove  a>d  tu- 
id  from  the  ciborium  rPEKWrEBiDM],  or 
perha]M  in  tome  cases  placed  on  a  tower  on  the 
altar  itself  (£i6sr  i>anfi/..  Innocent  I.  c  bl,  and 
Hilary,  c.  TO).  Gregory  of  Toun  [Dt  Gloria 
Martifnaa  L  86)  speaks  dutinctly  of  the  deacon 
lakii^  the  tnrrii  from  tbe  sacristy  B>d  pladig 
L  tbe  altar,  but  thit  teems  to  baie  contained 
onconaecrated  element!  [TurbuiI  and  to  hate 
been  placed  on  the  altar  only  during  celebration; 

n  the  turris,  capsa  or  pyxis  on  the  altar  appnr 
a  be  distinctly  mentioned  by  any  earlier  autbo- 
'ity  than  the  decree  of  Leo  IV,  qnoled  above 
(Binterim's  DenJmSrdigieilim,  iL  2.  167  tf.). 
No  initance  of  a  Croat  placed  permanentlr  on 
ie  menea  of  an  altar  is  found  ii.  the  first  e'ight 
■nturjet,  at  we  ahonld  expect  from  tbe  decree 
of  Leo  IV.  The  vition  of  i'robisnus  (Soiomen, 
HM.  Ecel.  ii.  3.  p.  49)  sbOK->  that  crosses  were 
seen  in  the  saoctoary  (fivmarripair)  in  the 
fourth  century ;  the  Croat  was  finind  on  the  sum- 
t  of  the  ciborium,  as  in  the  great  cbnreh  of 
.Sophia  St  Constantinople  (Paul  tbe  Silentlan, 
DifoHp.  S.  Sophiae,  737  [al.  ii.  320]),  and,  in  mhbe 
ehurchee  both  at  Rome  and  in  Ganl,  tnspendid 
from  the  ciborium  over  the  altar  (Gregory  of 
Tours,  Da  Gloria  Mart.  ii.  2D),  but  not  on  tbe 
mensB  of  the  altnr  itielf.  A  cross  was,  however, 
placed   on   the   altar  daring   celebration.      See 


i.  41. 

third  Canon  of  the   Second  Council 

K.  567,  Brunt't  Caiunut  ii.  336),  " 
mini  inaltarinoni 

laginario  online, 
ted  tub  cracis  titulo  eomponatur,"  which  bsi 
been  thought  to  mesn,  that  the  Body  of  the 
Lord  should  not  be  reserved  among  tbe  images 
in  a  receptacle  on  the  reredos.  but  under  Ihe 
cross  on  the  altar  itself,  might  posiibly  reler  to 
a  suspended  cross;  but  it  is  probably  rightly 
explained  by  Dr.  Neale  (Etattm  Ch.  Introd.  520) 
to  mean  that  the  particles  consecrated  thonlit 
not  be  arranged  according  to  each  man's  &ncy, 
but  in  tbe  form  of  a  cnMt,  according  to  the 

Tapers  were  not  placed  on  the  altar  withia 
the  period  which  W(     ""     "" 

especially  on  fest 




ftitil  dceoratioB  of  altars  a»  least  as  aarly  as 
tks  sixth  oe&tDJj;  ibr  Venantius  Fortanatas 
{Cumna  nuL  9)  says,  addreMing  St.  fihadegund, 

*Teilitlt  Taifib  altarla  fbsta  coranis." 

Aej  »pff**  M  decoFations  of  chnrcheB  as 
strirss tie  fourth  oentnry. 

m  NwiAir  cf  altctn  in  a  ChurcK-^There  was 
ia  priautire  times  but  one  altar  in  a  chnrch,  and 
tiie  snaafements  of  the  most  ancient  Basilicas 
tBtiiy  to  the  &ct.  (See  Pagi  on  Baronius,  ann. 
31.%  No.  15.)  Snsebiiis  {Hid.  EocL  z«  4,  §  45), 
is  tlM  dsscriptios  of  the  great  chnrch  at  Tyre, 
MBtiHii  only  one  altar.  St.  Angnsiine  (on 
1  /dbi,  Trad.  3)  speaks  of  the  existence  of  two 
aitsiB  in  one  city  (ciTitate)  as  a  risible  sign  of 
Ike  Doaatist  schism.  Bat  his  words  should  per- 
kps  B0t  be  taken  in  their  literal  sense ;  for  in 
tk  time  of  SL  Basil,  there  was  more  than  one 
ahsr  in  Neo-Caesaxea ;  for  he,  speaking  (Hom.  19, 
Si  (fSnimBi)  of  a  persecution  of  Christians  in  that 
alj,  says  tiiat  "  altars  (BwtmrHipta)  were  orer- 

The  Greek  and  other  oriental  churches  have 
ffca  now  but  one  altar  in  each  church  (Roiau- 
^  LSL  Orietd.  L  182) ;  nor  do  they  consecrate 
tk  Eacharist  more  than  <moe  on  the  same  day 
IB  the  saoM  place.  They  hare,  howerer,  and  hare 
kid  tat  sereral  centuries,  minor  altars  in  iro^ir^ 
cA9|9(ai  or  side-chapels,  which  are  really  dis- 
tiact  hniUinga.  Such  side-chapels  are  generally 
froad  where  there  has  been  considerable  contact 
with  the  Latin  Church  (Neale,  Eastern  Clmrch, 

Some  writers,  as  Martigny  {Did.  des  Awkiq. 
ArA,  art.  Auidy,  rely  upon  the  **  aroosolia  " 
•r  ahar-iomhs  in  the  catacombs  as  proring  the 
eiriy  vse  of  many  altars:  two,  three,  and  more 
isdb  tombs  are  often  found  in  one  cijpt,  and  in 
mt  esse,  a  crypt  in  the  cemetery  or  St.  Agnes 
aasr  Soaie,  there  are  as  many  as  eleren  arco- 
SQlk  (Marehi,  Jfon.  dOle  Arti  prim.  Critt.,  tar. 
xnr.,  xzzri.,  xxxrii.),  eight  of  which,  according 
ts  Pidre  MarcHi,  might  hare  been  used  as  altars 
if.  191);  bat  there  seems  to  be  generally  a 
iticMwy  of  proof  that  such  tombs  were  actually 
w  isej,  nor  is  their  date  at  all  a  matter  of 
certaiaty  in  the  great  majority  of  cases. 

It  woold  appear  probable  that  the  practice  of 

eoasidcfiag  the  tomb  of  a  martyr  as  a  holy  place 

fitted  for  the  celebration    of  the  Eucharistic 

acrifiee,  and  such  celebration  as  an  honour  and 

emsolation  to  the  martyr  who  lay  below,  led  first 

to  the  use  of  sereral  altars  in  a  crypt  in  the 

olaeombs  where  more  than  one  martrr  might 

ifst,  aad  then,  whan  the  bodies  of  sereral  martyrs 

ittd  been  transferred  to  one  church  abore  ground, 

te  the  eoDstmction  of  an  altar  orer  each,  from 

s  wiA  to  leare  none  unhonoured  by  the  celebra- 

tioa  of  the  Eacharist  abore  his  remains.    Such 

dtag  were  preralent  as  early  as  the  beginning  of 

the  6fkh  centory,  as  may  be  seen  in  the  writings 

«t  ?t9^iiuB(Peri9teph.  Hymn.  XI.  r.    169- 

174;  Hymn.  m.  r.  211),  Pope  Damasus,  and  St. 

Maiimas,  Bishop  of  Turin  (Sermo  LXIII.  De  no- 

fair  isiiclm'Mm ;  r.  llarchi,  p.  142  et  seq.).    At 

that  period,  and  indeed  long  after,  the  disturbance 

•f  tht  rellfls  of  saints  was  held  a  daring  and 

sesredy  allowable  act,  and  was  prohibiteid  by 

ThtsdeaJns  and  much  disapprored  of  by  Pope 

Gngonr  the  Great ;  nor  was  It  until  some  oen- 

tai&  iatar  that  the  increasing  eagerness  for  the 

possession  of  such  memorials  was  gratified  by  the 
dismemberment  of  the  holy  bodies. 

It  has  been  contended  that  more  than  one 
altar  existed  in  the  Cathedral  of  Milan  in  the 
latter  part  of  the  fourth  century.     That  St. 
Ambrose  more  than  once  uses  the  plural  **al- 
taria"  in  connection  with   the  chui'ch  prores 
nothing,   for    ^^altaiia"    frequently  means  an 
altar;  but  in  describing  the  restoration  of  the 
church  to  the  orthodox  (an.   385),  afier  the 
attempt  of  the  Arians  to  occupy  it,  he  has  been 
understood  to  say  that  the  soldiers  rushing  in 
kissed  the  altar :  hence  it  is  ai^ed  that,  as  they 
could  not  I'each  the  altar  of  the  Bema  or  sanc- 
tuary, which  was  closed  to  the  people,  there 
must  hare  been  at  least'  one  altar  in  the  nare. 
But  the  words  ^  milites  irruentes  in  Altaiia  os- 
culis  significare  pacis  signum  "  {ad  Marcellinam, 
Ep.  33)  seem  rather  to  imply  that  the  soldiers 
rushing  into  the  Bema  signalized  by  their  kisses 
the  making  of  peace.     Altaria  is  used  in  the 
same  sense,  aa  equiralent  to  "  sanctuary,"  in  the 
Theodosian  Codex.    [Altabium.]    Howerer  this 
may  be,  at  the  end  of  the  sixth  century  we  find 
distinct  traces  of  a  plurality  of  altars  in  Western 
churches.    Gregory  of  Tours  {De  Qhria  Mar' 
tyrum  i.  83)  speaks  of  saying  masses  on  three 
tJtars  in  a  diurch  at  Braisne  near  Soissons ;  and 
Oregory  the  Grreat  {Epiat.  r.  50)  says  that  he 
heard  that  his  correspondent  Palladius,  bishop 
of  Saintonge,  had  placed  in  a  church  thii*teen 
altars,  of  which  four  remained  unconsecrated 
for  defect  of  relics.    Now  certainly  Palladius 
would  not  hare  begged  of  the  Pope,  as  he  did, 
relics  for  his  altars,  if  the  plurality  of  altars 
had  not  been  generally  allowed.    Moreorer,  the 
Council  of  Auxerre  of  the  year  578  (Can.  10; 
Bruns's  Cammes  ii.  238)  forbade  two  masses  to 
be  said  on  the  same  day  on  one  altar,  a  prohi- 
bition which  probably  contributed  to  the  multi- 
plication of  idtars,  which  was  still  furthcor  acce- 
lerated by  the  disuse  of  the  ancient  custom  of 
the  priests  communicating  with  the  bishop  or 
principal  minister  of  the  church,  and  the  intro 
duction  of  prirate  masses,  more  than  one  of 
which  was  frequently  said  by  the  same  priest  on 
the  same  day  (Walafrid  Strabo,  De  Reb.  Eccl. 
c  21).    Bade  {Ehi.  Ecd.  r.  20)  mentions  that 
Aoca,  bishop  of  Hexham  (deposed  an.  732),  col- 
lected for  nis  church  many  relics  of  apostles 
and  martyrs,  and  placed  altars  for  their  rene- 
ration,  "  distinctis  portidbus  ad  hoc  ipsum  intra 
mnros  ejusdem  eoclesiae,"    placing  a  separate 
canopr  orer  each  altar  within  the  walls  of  the 
church.    There  were  sereral  altars  in  the  church 
built  by  St.  Benedict  at  Aniane  {Acta  Sanctorum, 
Feb.  ii.  614). 

In  the  serenth  and  eighth  centuries  the  num- 
ber of  altars  had  so  increased  that  Charlemagne, 
in  a  Capitulary  of  the  years  805-6  at  Thionrille, 
attempted  to  restrain  their  excessire  multiplica- 
tion. See  Capitula  infra  EccUsiam,  c  6  (Migne'i 
Patrol.  97,  283). 

This  was  not  rery  efibctual,  and  in  the  ninth 
century  the  multiplication  of  altars  attained  a 
high  point,  as  may  be  seen  by  the  plan  of  the 
church  of  St.  Qall  in  Switzerland  [CBpiiOHl 
prepared  in  the  beginning  of  that  century,  fn 
this  are  no  less  than  serenteen  altars.  The 
will  of  Fortunatus  Patriarch  of  Grado  (dec 
c.  A.D.  825)  also  affords  proof  of  the  increase  in 
the  number  of  altars  then  in  actire  progress :  in 

f  2 




one  orator  J  he  placed  three  altars,  and  fire  others 
in  another  {Marin,  Com,  dei  Venezianif  t.  i. 
p.  270), 

VIII.  Places  of  Altars  in  Churches, — From  the 
earliest  period  of  which  ire  have  any  knowledge, 
the  altar  was  usually  placed,  not  against  the 
wall  as  in  modem  times,  but  on  the  chord  of  the 
apse,  when,  as  was  almost  invariably  the  case, 
the  church  ended  in  an  apse ;  when  the  end  of 
the  church  was  square,  the  altar  occupied  a 
corresponding  position.  St.  Augustine  therefore 
says  {Sermo  46,  c.  1.)  "  Mensa  Ghristi  est  ilia  in 
medio  posita."  The  ofBclating  priest  stood  with 
his  back  to  the  apse  and  thus  faced  the  congre- 
gation. In  St.  Peter's  at  Rome,  and  a  very  few 
other  churches,  the  priest  still  officiates  thus 
placed;  but  though  in  very  many  churches, 
particularly  in  Italy,  the  altar  retains  its  ancient 
position,  it  is  very  rarely  that  the  celebrant 
does  so. 

That  such  was  the  normal  position  of  the  altar 
is  shown  by  many  ancient  examples,  and  by  the 
constant  usage  of  the  Eastern  churches.  The 
ancient  rituals  invariably  contemplate  a  detached 
altar  as  when,  in  the  Sacramentary  of  Gregory, 
in  the  order  for  the  dedication  of  a  church  (p. 
148),  the  bishop  is  directed  to  go  round  the  altar 
(vadit  in  circuitu  altaris),  or  in  the  Sacramentary 
of  Gelasius  where  the  subdeaoon  (L.  1,  cxlvi.) 
is  directed,  after  having  placed  the  Cross  on  the 
altar,  to  go  behind  it  (vadis  retro  altare). 

Exceptions  at  an  early  date  to  the  rule  that 
the  altar  should  be  detached,  are  of  the  greatest 
rarity,  if  we  except  the  tombs  in  the  catacombs, 
whidi  have  been  supposed  to  have  been  used  as 
altars.  It  is  possible,  also,  that  in  small  chapels 
with  rectangular  terminations,  as  the  chapel 
of  St.  John  the  Evangelist,  annexed  to  the  bap- 
tistery of  the  Lateran,  the  altar  may  for  con- 
venience have  been  placed  against  the  wall. 
When,  however,  it  became  usual  to  place  many 
altars  in  a  church  it  was  found  convenient  to 
place  one  or  more  against  a  wall ;  this  was  done 
in  the  Cathedral  of  Canterbury  [Chuboh],  where 
the  altar  enclosing  the  body  of  St.  Wilfrid  was 
placed  against  the  wall  of  the  eastern  apse; 
another  altar,  however,  in  this  ease  occupied  the 
normal  position  in  the  eastern  apse,  and  the 
original  high  altar  was  placed  in  the  same 
manner  in  the  western  apse. 

In  the  plan  of  the  church  of  St.  Gall,  prepared 
in  the  beginning  of  the  ninth  century,  the  places 
of  seventeen  altars  are  shown,  but  of  these  only 
two  are  placed  against  walls. 

In  a  few  instances  the  altar  was  placed  not  on 
the  centre  of  the  chord  of  the  arc  of  the  apse  but 
more  towards  the  middle  of  the  church;  such 
was  the  case  in  S.  Paolo  f.  1.  m.  at  Rome,  if  the 
altar  occupies  the  original  position.  In  this  in- 
stance it  stands  in  the  transept.  In  some  other 
early  churches  at  Rome,  the  altar  occupies  a  posi- 
tion more  or  less  advanced.  The  Lib,  Pontif,  tells 
as  that  in  the  time  of  Pope  Gregory  IV.  (A.D.  827- 
844)  the  altar  at  S.  Maria  in  Trastevere  stood  in 
a  low  place,  almost  in  the  middle  of  the  nave  (in 
humili  loco  paene  in  media  testndine),  the  Pope 
therefore  removed  it  to  the  apse,  and  the  altar 
at  S.  Maria  Maggiore  seems  to  have  been  in  the 
time  of  Pope  Hadrian  I.  (a.d.  772-795),  as 
appears  from  the  account  in  the  same  book  of  the 
alterations,  effected  by  that  Pope  in  that  church. 
It  is  thought  by  some  that  in  the  large  circular 

or  octagonal  churches  of  the  fourth  and  fifth 
centuries,  as  S.  Lorenzo  Maggiore  at  Milan,  and 
S.  Stefano  Rotondo  at  Rome,  the  altar  was  placed 
in  the  centre. 

In  the  churches  of  Justinian's  period  con- 
structed with  domes,  there  is  usually,  as  at  SL 
Sophia's  Constantinople  and  S.  Vitale,  Ravenna,  a 
sort  of  chancel  intervening  between  the  central 
dome  and  the  apse ;  when  such  is  the  case,  the 
altar  was  placed  therein. 

IX.  Useof  Pagan  Altars  for  Christian  purpose*. 
— Pagan  altars,  having  a  very  small  superiicies, 
are  evidently  ill  suited  for  the  celebration  of  the 
Eucharist ;  nor  would  it  appear  probable  that  a 
Christian  would  be  willing  to  use  them  for  that 
purpose;  nevertheless,  traditions  allege  that  in 
some  cases  pagan  altars  were  so  used  (v.  Mar- 
tigny  art.  Autel},  and  in  the  church  of  Arilje  in 
Sei'via,  a  heathen  altar  sculptured  with  a  figure 
of  Atys  forms  the  lower  part  of  the  altar. 
(Mittheil.  der  K  JT.  Central  Comm.  tur  Erfor^ 
dohung  und  Erhdttung  der  Baudenkmalcy  Vienna, 
1865,  p.  6.)  Such  altars,  or  fragments  of  them, 
were,  however,  employed  as  materials  (par- 
ticularly in  the  bases)  in  the  construction  of 
Christian  altars.  Instances  are  stated  by  Mar- 
tigny  to  have  been  observed  in  the  churches  of 
St.  Michele  in  Vaticano  and  of  St.  Nicholas  de* 
Cesarini  at  Rome. 

X.  PoBTABLE  Altars  (aUaria  portatilia,  gesto' 
tonOf  viatica')  are  probably  of  considerable  anti- 
quity ;  indeed,  it  is  evident  that  from  the  time 
when  the  opinion  prevailed  that  the  Eucharist 
could  not  be  fitly  celebrated  unless  on  a  conse- 
crated mensa  or  table,  a  portable  altar  became  a 
necessity.  Constantino  the  Great  (Sozomen,  Hist, 
Eccl,  i.  8)  can*ied  with  him  on  his  campaigns  a 
church-tent,  the  fittings  of  which  no  doubt  in- 
cluded a  portable  altar,  as  the  participation  of 
the  mysteries  is  especially  mentioned.  Bede 
{Hist.  Eccl.  V.  10)  tells  us  that  the  two  Hewalds, 
the  English  missionaries  to  the  continental 
Saxons  (an.  692),  took  with  them  sacred  vessels 
and  a  consecrated  slab  to  serve  as  an  altar  (tabn- 
1am  altaris  vice  dedicatam) ;  and  bishop  Wulfram, 
the  apoetle  of  Friesland  (before  740),  was  accus- 
tomed to  carry  with  him  on  his  journeys  a  port- 
able altar,  in  the  midst  and  at  the  four  comers 
of  which  were  placed  relics  of  saints  (Jonas  is 
Suriu8*s  Hist.  Sanctorum  ii.  294).  The  portable 
altar  of  St.  Willebrord  is  described  by  Brower 
(Annal.  Trevirens.  an.  718,  §  112,  p.  364);  it 
bore  the  inscription:  "Hoc  idtare  Willebroidus 
in  honore  Domini  Salvatoris  consecravit,  supra 
quod  in  itinere  missarum  oblationes  Deo  offerrt 
consuevit,  in  quo  et  continetur  de  ligno  cruds 
Christi  et  de  sudario  capitis  ejus."  This,  how- 
ever, is  probably  not  a  contemporary  inscrip- 
tion, and  the  genuineness  of  the  relic  may  per- 
haps be  doubted.  St.  Boniface  also  carried  an 
altar  with  him  in  his  journeys.  And  the  m<mks 
of  St.  Denys,  when  accompanying  Charles  the 
Great  in  his  campaign  against  the  Saxons, 
carried  with  them  a  wooden  board,  which,  covered 
with  a  linen  cloth,  served  as  an  altar  (Anonymus 
de  Mirac.  S.  Dionysii  i.  20,  in  Mabillon,  Acta  88, 
Ben.  saec.  iii.  pt.  2,  p.  350). 

These  portable  altars  seem  to  have  been  in 
almost  all  cases  of  wood.  Not  until  the  latter 
part  of  the  eighth  century  do  we  find  iastanoss 
of  such  altars  being  made  of  any  other  material. 
The  capitulary  of  796  (quoted  above)  seems  to 



ajoiM  th>  on  of  It 

ic  tablets  Tor  portabls  w  wall 

pimiat  liL  t  3  ;  in  HudOBin' 
{xW)  my  pri«t  to  celebret* 
Rfthc  >lUr,  or  OD  ■  "  Ubula  ib  epiicopo  coiue- 
tnit,"  Tbicfa  tabl*  might  b«  "  de  momion  rel 
upiFCtn  (Dt  licio  honHtiKimo."  If  the  read- 
UfLc  comet,  th«  lut  t«nD  certilalj  seen»  to 
wliau  a  ddueentcd  CJ<)U  [AhtimenbIOM]  of 
Tcrf  ricb  matcru] ;  though  lOnie  (Binterim^a 
DritiirdigkrileK  it.  1,  106)  coDDect  "lidum" 
titk  "nUiciiu,"  uid  loppoH  tb>t  it  means  ■ 
lUck  pitce  of  vood.  An  "altare  portatiU"  ii 
■U  to  lure  been  given  by  Chul«  the  Bdd  to 
lit  Boouterj  of  St.  Denyi  Bt  Psria,  K|nare  in 
Aipc,  made  of  porphyry  Ht  in  gold,  aai  coD' 
Oi^iig  nlk*  of  SL  Juns  the  Less,  St.  Stephen, 
lal  St.  Vincent  ()'A.  107). 

AportsUa  alUr  of  wood  is  preMrred  in  the 
diDch  of  S.  Maria  in  Campitelli  at  Rome, 
■kich  ii  (lid  to  hare  beloDgnl  to  St.  Gregory 

lifttiBite  claim  to 

IOCS   not   appear  to   nare  a 

HI  high  atj  antiquity.     Pro- 

i«'ing  eiample  ia  tn  hn  found 

found  with  thi 

IktDlhat  which  was  found  with  the  bones  of 
St.  Cnthbert  (dec  A.I>.  687)  in  the  cathedral  of 
I>arhaBi,  and  doDbtlena  belonged  to  him:  it  is 
m  praerred  in  the  chapter  library.  The  hd- 
leicd  woodcut    will    render    any   detailed   d( 

luru  6  inches  by  &i, 
DTered  with  very  thi" 
scribed  in  hohob  . 
■ea.  The  aeniecrthe 
Ictten  DB  the  lilTer  hai  not  been  aatisfactorily 
■•ie  out  {t.  St.  CWAiffft.  by  James  P'-- 
fL  MU)  A  limilar  porUble  altar  i>  record. 
Ihhwod  of  Durham  (ifonuiwnta  ffiii.  Brii.  [ 
D>  to  hare  b«n  foaud  on  the  breast  of  St.  Acca, 
Bi>lM|i  of  Hgiham  (ob.  A.D.  T40),  when  his  body 
•aaeihniDed  jaort  than  300  yeun  afterwards. 
It  was  of  two  pieces  of  wood  joined  by  >il' 
•aila.  ud  on  it  waa  cut  the  inscription,  "  Alms 
Trititall  agie  Sophie  Sanctae  Marine."  Wbethr 
— ' '       '■      ■■.,  the  writer  adds,  is  o< 


TW  "Uhoot  "  slill  in  u 

n  the  Abysaini 

chnrchea  i*  a  sqiiare  ilab  of  wood,  itone  or  metal, 
on  which  the  elementa  are  couecrated,  in  bet,  ■ 
portable  altar.     [ArCA.] 

In  the  Greek  Church  the  substitute  fur  a  port- 
able altar  was  the  ANTluiiJismil. 

For  the  consecration  of  altars,  see  CONSEORA 


XI.  Zi[«nitur«.— Besides  the  works  quoted  JB 
this  ilrticla,  the  fbllowing  may  be  mentioned  i— 
J.  B,  Thiers,  DisicHaiUm  tur  let  Frincipaiu 
Auleb,  la  Clittire  da  Chirur  el  U>  Jvbti  dtt 
Bglitea :  Paris,  1688.  J.  Fabricius,  De  Arts  Va- 
tsruml^tnstunonun.-Helmstadt.ieSS.  O.Vcigt, 
ThyMiaiUriologia,  lev  De  AHaribui  Vetenan  ChHt- 
tianorvm:  Ed.  J.  A.  Fabriclns;  Hambnrg,  1T09. 
S.  T.  Schoulaad,  Histor.  SaclirichI  n>n  AOarea ; 
Leipzig,  ITIS.  J.  O.  Geret,  Dt  Vetenan  ChHs- 
lioMrum  AltarOmt :  Anspach,  1755.  J.  T.  Trei- 
b«r,  Dt  Sita  AUaritim  neriaa  Orientem:  Jena, 
1668.  Kaiser,  Diuertatio  De  Altaribia  Porta- 
taOaa:  Jena,  1695.  Heideloff,  Der  CkritO. 
Mlar:  NUrnberg,  I83S.  [A.  N.] 

ALTAE  CLOTHS  (li«ttamina,  pallia  or 
paliae  altarii.  In  Greek  writers,  'A^i^ia,  i/i^i- 
diT/iaTa,  irdfA^ia,  inrX^fivTa^  irtvrtd,  and  in 
authors  "  inlimae  aetatia,"  ri  Jcnntoafuto,  and  t1 
Tpawtio<l,ipa-).  Cloths  of  different  kinds,  and  of 
various  materials  (in  the  earliest  agea,  probably 
of  linen  only),  must  hare  been  used  In  connection 
with  the  celebration  of  Holy  Communion  iVnm 
the  very  earliest  times.  They  were  needed 
partly  (br  the  coTering  of  the  holy  table,  and  of 
the  oblations,  and  of  the  consecrated  elemente 
[CORPOltAl.K] ;  partly  also  for  the  claansiDg' of 
the  sacrtd  veuela,  and  the  like  [Hafpa].  The 
first  of  these  uses,  cf  which  we  haye  now 
more  particularly  to  speak,  is  referred  to  by  St. 
OpUtus,  Bishop  of  MileTis  in  Africa  (circ  370 
A.11.)  as  matter  of  general  notoriety.  "Who  is 
there,"  be  asks,  "  among  the  faithful,  who 
knows  not  that  during  the  celebration  of  the 
mrsteries  the  wood  of  the  altar  it  corered  with 
a  linen  cloth  (^  ipaa  ligna  linteamine  cooperiri,'  " 
De  Schiim.  Danat.  lib.  vi.  c  i.  p.  92.)  With 
this  we  may  compare  the  allasion  made  by 
Victor  Viteusis  (£e  Peruc.  Afric.  lib.  i.  cap.  12), 
Writing  in  the  year  487,  he  savs  that  Geoseric, 
the  Vandal,  seme  aiity  years  before,  sent  Pn>- 
culus  into  Zeugitana,  and  the  latter  requii'ed 
the  vessels  used  in  holy  ministry,  and  the  books, 
Co  be  giveo  up;  and  when  these  were  refused 
they  were  violently  seized  hv  the  Vandals,  who 
^'  rapaci  manu  cuncta  depopulahantur,  atqne  de 
palliis  altaria  proh  Defaal  camisias  (lAirll)  sibi 
ct  femoralia  fiiciebaut."  In  the  6th  century 
St.  Gregory  of  Tours  apeaks  of  an  altar,  with 
the  oblations  aponit,  being  covered  with  a  silken 
cloth  during  tbe  celebration  of  mass.  "Cam 
jam  altarium  cum  ohlationibne  palllo  serieo 
opertum  esset"  (Iliit.  Franc,  vii.  22;  compare 
Mabillon,  Liturgia  Qallicana,  p.  41).      A  littl- 

ing  right  of  lanctuary  in  the  church,  and  laying 
hold  on  the  "paliae  altaria"  for  his  protection. 
It  is  remarkable  that  at  Rome  no  mention  is 
found  of  any  pallia  altarit  among  the  many  do- 
nations to  churches  recorded  by  Anastaatus,  till 
after  the  close  of  the  6th  century.  Writing  of 
Vitalianns  Papa  (ted.  658-672),  Anasttslns  uya 
thai  in  bis  time  the  Emperor  Conatans  came  to  , 
Rome   and  went  to  St.  Peler't  in  state,  "  cum 




ezercitu  suo/'  attended  by  his  guards,  the  clergy 
coming  out  to  meet  him  with  wax  tapers  in  their 
hands ;  and  he  offered  upon  the  altar  '<  pallium 
auro  textile,"  or,  according  to  another  reading, 
**  pallam  auro  teztilem,"  after  which  mass  was 
celebrated (AnasL  Bibl,  135, 1. 15;  Migne,  P.  C,  C. 
tom.  128,  p.  775).  The  same  writer,  speaking 
of  Zacharias  Papa  (jud.  741-752),  says  that  he 
^  fecit  vestem  super  altare  beati  Petri  ex  auro 
textam,  habentem  nativitatem  Domini  et  Salra- 
toris  nostri  Jesu  Christi,  omavitque  eam  gemmis 
pretiosis."  The  earliest  monument  in  the  west, 
showing  an  altar  (or  holy  table)  set  out  for  the 
eelebration  of  "mass,"  is  of  the  10th  or  11th 
century  ( Vediarium  ChritHanumf  PI.  xliii.),  one 
of  the  fre8<M)es  in  the  hypogene  church  of  S. 
Clemente  at  Rome.  The  holy  table  is  there 
covered  with  a  white  cloth,  which  is  pendent  in 
front,  but  apparently  not  so  on  the  two  sides. 
A  richly  ornamented  border,  seyeral  inches  in 
breadth,  appears  on  the  lower  edge  of  this  "  lin- 
teamen  "  (if  such  be  intended)  as  it  hangs  down 
in  fVont  of  the  altar. 

The  allusions  in  Greek  writers  of  early  date 
correspond  in  character  with  those  abore  quoted. 
In  the  collection  of  Canons  Ecclesiastical  (2^ 
TojfM  Kaydywv)  formed  by  Photius  of  Constan- 
tinople, the  earliest  in  date,  bearing  upon  this 
point,  is  one  of  the  so-called  *'  Canons  of  the 
Apostles"  (Kay.  73)  to  this  effect :  "  Let  no  one 
alienate  for  his  own  private  use  any  vessel  of 
gold  or  of  silver,  which  has  been  set  apart  for 
holy  use"  (ayiwrBhp),  "or  any  linen"  (606r/iv); 
and  the  inference  we  naturally  draw  that  the 
"  linen "  here  spoken  of  has  reference  to  altar 
linen  (perhaps  also  to  ministering  vestments) 
is  confirmed  by  the  subsequent  Isnguage  of  the 
First  and  Second  Councils  of  Constantinople.  In 
Canons  1  and  10,  after  quoting,  the  "  Canon  of 
the  Apostles"  above  mentioned,  the  Council 
identifies  the  i$6tni  of  that  earlier  canon  with 
^  trtfiafffda  r^s  hyias  rpearifys  Mvr^,  "  the 
sacred  covering  of  the  holv  table."  On  the  other 
hand  a  passage  of  Theodoret,  which  has  been 
alleged  (Martigny,  Diet,  det  Aniiq,  Chr^iennes, 
in  voc  *  Autel  )  as  proving  the  use  of  rich  cloths 
for  the  altar  early  in  the  4th  century,  has  pro- 
bably a  very  different  meaning  from  that  attri- 
buted to  it.  The  word  SvvicurHipioy  in  early 
ecclesiastical  Greek  is  more  frequently  used  in 
the  sense  of  the  whole  space  immediately  about 
the  holy  table,  the  "sanctuary,"  than  of  the 
"  altar  "  itself.  When  therefore  Theodoret  states 
{Hist  Eocl,  lib.  i.  cap.  xxix.  a/,  cap.  xxxi.)  that 
at  the  consecration  of  a  church  at  Jerusalem,  in 
the  time  of  Constantino  the  Great,  ZtMKwriiuro 
t6  Ouo¥  9viri€urHipiop  fiMrtKiKois  r«  waparerd' 
trfuurw  iced  K€ifiiiklois  KtBoKoKK'^ois  xp^^^^h  ^^^ 
reference  is  in  all  probability  to  rich  curtains,  or 
"  veils,"  hung  about  the  sanctuary,  not  to  altar- 
cloths  properly  so  called.  Much  more  certainly 
to  the  purpose  is  a  passage  of  St.  Chrysostom 
(Horn,  1.  aL  li.  in  Matt.  cap.  xiv.  23,  24),  part 
of  a  homily  originally  delivered  at  Antioch,  in 
which  he  draws  a  contrast  between  the  cover- 
ings of  silk,  often  ornamented  with  gold  (xpvo'i^ 
waara  ivifixiifiarayt  bestowed  upon  the  holy 
table,  and  the  scanty  covering  grudgingly  given, 
or  altogether  refused,  to  Christ  in  the  person  of 
His  poor  members  upon  earth.  Among  the  Acts 
of  the  Council  of  Constantinople,  held  in  the  year 
536,  is   preserved  (Labbe's  Conct/ia,  by  Maasi, 

tom.  ix.  pp.  1102,  3)  a  curious  lettex  drawn  up 
by  the  clergy  of  the  church  of  Apamea  in  Syria 
Secunda.  They  complain  of  the  iniquitous  con- 
duct of  Severus,  bishop  of  Antioch,  and  of  their 
own  bishop  Petrus ;  and  amid  many  grave  charges 
brought  against  the  latter,  one  is  that  owing  to 
the  gross  carelessness  (worse  than  carelessness  is 
charged  by  the  letter)  with  which  he  celebrated 
the  Holy  Litui^,  the  purple  covering  of  the 
altar  was  defiled  (xcrrcxpwo'c  vr^furrt  rov  at- 
wrou  BtMruurnipiov  r^y  hXovpylha).  In  the  7th 
and  8th  centuries  we  find  evidence  that  these 
richer  coverings  of  the  altar  were  in  some  eases 
adorned  with  symbolic  ornaments  and  with  pic* 
tures  of  saints  (xBtpateriip^s  arfimp%  which  in- 
curred the  condemnation  of  the  Iconoclasts,  who 
carried  them  away  together  with  images  sod 
pictures  of  other  kinds.  So  we  learn  from  Oer- 
manus  of  Constantinople,  early  in  the  8th  century 
(Scti.  Germani  Patriarchae  de  SanctiB  Synodis,  6c. 
apud  Spicileg.  Bom,  A.  Mai,  tom.  viL  p.  62). 
Chi  the  other  hand,  in  times  of  grievous  puUic 
calamity,  we  read,  in  one  instance  at  least,  of  the 
altar  as  well  as  the  person  of  the  bishop  and  his 
episcopal  throne  being  robed  in  black.  So  Theo- 
doms  Lector  records  of  Acacins,  patriarch  ot 
Constantinople :  ical  lovr^v  ical  r6p  Bp6pop  col 
t6  Bwruurriptop  fitXttams  Mviuunv  iitt/^ltew. 
In  the  later  liturgical  offices  (see  Goar,  SvchoL 
Qraeo,  pp.  623,  627,  sqq.),  and  in  writers  such 
as  Symeon  of  Thessalonica  (circ  1420  A.i>.),  we 
find  mention  of  an  inner  covering  of  linen,  ksown 
as  KarAffopKOy  and  of  a  second  and  more  costly 
covering  without.  Patriarch  Symeou  makes 
i\irther  mention  of  four  pieces  of  cloth  on  each 
of  the  four  comers  of  the  altar.  "The  holy 
table  hath  four  pieces  of  woven  cloth  (rtvvapa 
liipjil  ^^dafitnos)  upon  the  four  corners  thereof; 
and  that  because  the  iiilness  of  the  Church  was 
formed  out  of  all  the  quarters  of  the  world ;  and 
on  these  four  pieces  are  the  names  of  the  four 
Evangelists,  because  it  was  by  their  instrument- 
ality that  the  Church  was  gathered,  and  the 
Grospel  made  circuit  of  the  whole  compass  of  the 
world.  But  the  [inner  cover]  called  KordLrapm^ 
has  an  outer  covering  {rpairf^o^6pop)  imme- 
diately above  it.  For  here  is  at  once  the  tomb, 
and  the  throne,  of  Jesus.  The  first  of  these  cover- 
ings is  as  it  were  the  linen  wherein  the  dead 
body  was  wrapped ;  but  the  second  is  as  an  outer 
garment  (ir«f></3oX^)  of  glory  according  to  that 
of  the  psalm,  said  at  the  putting  on  thereof^ 
*  The  Lord  is  king :  he  hath  put  on  beauteoot 
apparel '  "  (Symeon  of  Thessalonica,  apud  Goai, 
Euchol.  Graec.  p.  216).  Of  the  two  words  here  and 
elsewhere  employed  as  the  technical  desiznatioB 
of  these  two  altar-cloths,  the  first,  fcordiira^s, 
was  originally  used  of  an  inner  chiton,  or  tonic, 
worn  "  next  the  skin  "  (irar  jk  trdptca).  Thence  its 
secondary  usage  as  a  compound  word  (rh  umir 
trapKa)  in  speaking  of  any  inner  covering,  ashert 
of  an  inner  covering,  of  linen,  for  the  holy  table. 
The  use  of  the  word  rpcnrc^o^^por,  as  a  desig- 
nation for  the  more  costly  outer  cover,  belongs 
in  all  probability  to  a  comparatively  late  date. 
The  word  does  occur  in  earlier  writers,  but  is  a 
wholly  different  sense,  and  one  more  in  accord- 
ance with  classical  analogy.  [W.  B.  M.] 

ALTARIUM  (compare  Altab).  This  word 
is  sometimes  used  to  designate  not  merely  analtsr, 
but  the  space  within  which  the  altai*  stood.   For 


tadiME,  Ptrpctaoi,  Biihop  of  Tonn,  ballt  a 
laities  ii   hoDoor   of  St.   Uirtiu,    which    had 

[iiti;*  "(Btim  acta,  Iria  ia  sltsrjo,  qninquc  in 
afto'  {Qnforj  of  Tonr»,  Hut.  Franc,  ii.  1*). 
Raiaut  nmarka  npoo  th#  puaa^  that  by  '*  alta- 
oaB  '  w*  an  to  andBrstaiid  the  prefibyt«ry,  by 
'  La|  null "  tbe  nan.  Compan  HabilloD,  de  Lit. 
ML  L  B,  }  1,  p.  69.    TBema.] 

tkt  pinni  "  allaria  ii  alu  nied  in  a  aJmilAr 
MUt;  at  bf  St.  AmbiUR  in  the  puaagc  (Epitt, 
13)  qaotcd  under  ALTUt ;  aud  in  the  Theodoaias 
Cain,  Tbuv  (Lib.  ii.  lit.  tS,  Dt  Spalio  Eeclai- 
ai6d  ^jy^O  ^t  ia  prarided ;  "  Pateajit  aomini 
M  tdnpla  timentibiu ;  nee  sola  attaria,"  et& 
Hm  tqniTalent  voni  id  the  Qieek   venioD   ia 


cilcnded  ainae  1*  faDDd  in  aome 
widtn  laBgDBgsa,  t.g.  in  PortngncM  "  altar 
ma' (giat  or  high  altar)  is  nwd  in  the  auua 
tt  ekair  or  cbaocel  (Barton,  HigUaiult  of  tit 
Bmt^i.  138).  [A.K.] 

ALTINO  (near  Aqnileia),  Ooorcn.  or  (At- 
raoiE  CosciUUH),  A-D.  S02;  conaidared  aa 
Uitioiii  hj  Haul  (liu.  10»»-1102)i  ujd  to 
han  b«n  held  bf  the  Patriarch  of  Aquileia  to 
Bjipeal  to  Charlenuzne  for  protection  againat  the 
DvofTenice.  [A.  W.  B.] 

AKA  (.Iniiifa,  Hama,Hamvla;  compare  Germ. 

*  An**  Tica  aunt  in  qnibo*  aacra  ablatio  con- 
IbttBT,  nt  Tinum.  ....  Amala,  via  Tinariom. 
iBsla*  dicuDtor  qaibna  oSertnr  derotio  aire 
•Uilio,  (imile  arceolia"  (Papiaa,  in  Dncange'i 
fiJovtry,  a.  t.>  The  veaael  in  which  wine  for 
tW  cdibration  of  the  Encharlat  waa  offered  by 
tha  wonhippera. 

Tit  word  Ama  ia  Daad  by  Colomella  and  other 
daaacal  aathon,  bat  the  earlieit  instance  of  ita 
tat  at  a  iitut^cid  Toaael  which  bu  been  noticed 

■  ■■  the  Charta  Cornntiana  of  the  year  471 
(JTaMSoa  d«  St  Dipl.  Ti.  202),  where  "hamolae 
gUatariae"  are  mentioned.  "  Amae  argenteae  " 
an  ■■ntiontd  in  the  Orda  Samanut  t.  (p<  &) 
tBtag  the  Tiauli  which  were  to  be  brought 
ban  the  Charch  of  the  Saviour,  now  known 
a*  St.  John   I^tetaD,  for  the  Pontifical   Haaa 

■  Eaittr-Daj ;  and  is  the  direction*  fbr  the 
FacUfical  Man  itaelf  in  the  mme  OrtJb  (p.  10), 
n  fiad  that  after  the  Pope  had  entered  the 

itg  him  recciTed  the  amalae,  and  poared  the 
'  t  larger  chalice  (calicem  majorem) 
"   '     ''- -      'leacon;   and  i-  '- 
u  decked,  the  i 
•CHOB  tooJi   to*  fopea   amola  (compare  i 
laiiai,  E^oga,  5&i)  from  the  oblationary 
deetaa,  and  ponred  the  wine  throngh  the  itn 
(•■pa  eolam)  into  the  chalice  [ChujCB]  ;  then 
tkaa  «f  the  deaccrna,  of  the  primlcerina,  and  thi 
•thm.   Whether  the  "emae  u^CDteae"  arc  iden 
Hal  with  the  "  amnlae  "  may  perhapi  be  doubted 
kwt  at  any  rate  the  amalae  teem  to  have  beei 
ctndk-Tisaeli  proridad  for  the  pnrpoae  of  the 
^rtuij.     Amoog  the  preacnta  which  Pope  Ad- 
lia  (773-796)  made  to  the  chnrch  of  St.  Adrian 
M  B«ne,  the  LOur  PaMfada  (p.  346}  mution 
a^m  anam,"  and  alao  an  "amalamoffertoriam' 

\    ponnda. 

of  tilver  which  weighed  aiity^evei 
Thej  were,  however,  onen  of  mach  imaiier  aiie, 
ind  the  imall  eilver  Teateli  (nee  woodcats)  pra- 
lerred  in  the  Muieo  Crbtiano  ia  the  Vatican 
ire  deemed  to  be  amnlae.  They  tneaonre  only 
ibont  7  incbei  in  height,  ajid  may  probably  date 
f^m  the  5th  or  6th  century.  Bianchini  in  hia 
edition  of  the  Lib.  Fontif.  has  given  an  engniTing 
'  a  aimilar  Tsiael  of  larger  tise.  On  this  the 
iracle  of  Cana  ia  represented  in  a  tolerabiy 
good  style.  BiaBchinl  anppoaas  thli  to  bt  <rf 
the  fourth  centurj-. 

The  material  of  these  TetKlt  wai  nsoally 
silver,  but  sometimes  gold,  and  they  were  often 
adorned  with  gems.  Gregory  the  Great  (£piat. 
i.  42,  p.  539)  mentions  "  amalae  onychinae," 
meaning  probably  ressela  of  onyi,  or  giaas  imi- 
Mting  onyT.  [A.  M.] 

AMACIUB,  bishop,  dcpoaition  of;  Jaly  14 
{Mart.  BtdM).  [C] 

AMAKDU5,  Bishop  and  conl^aaor.  Satalis, 
Feb.  6  (Mart.  Bedat);  translation,  Oct.  2G  (ii.)^ 

Ht>  I 

le  Canon 


the  Gregorian  Saeramtntary.     (See  Heuard'. 
p.  284.) 

AMANTIUS.  (1)  Martyr  at  Boma,  oom- 
mamorated  Feb.  10  {Mart.  Bom.  Vtt.). 

It)  Of  NyoD,  commemorated  Jane  6  {Marl. 
Bitroa.,  Sdu).  [C] 

AMATOB,  Bishop  of  Auierre,  commemorated 
Nov.  2G  {Mart.  Hie^tm.^).  [C] 

AMATII8,  confessor,  oommamanted  Sept.  13 
(Marl.  Bedat).  [C] 

AMBITUS,  compass,  in  music.  (IbotifcM- 
ttu  oKmtat  tt  detcmtut.')  The  compaaa  of  the 
earliest  Charch  melodies  did  not  in  some  instances 
reach,  in  few  did  it  exceed,  a  Gflh.  "Principio 
cantilenas  adeo  simplices  fnSre  apud  primores 
Ecclcaiae,  ut  vii  diapeote  ascentu  ac  descensn 
implereut.  Cui  conauetudiai  proiime  accessisse 
dicontur  Ambrosiani.  Delude  paulatim  ad  Dia- 
pason deventnm,  verum  omnium  Modoram  ays- 
tema."  (Glareaaos,  Dodtcachonion,  lib.  i.  cap. 
lir.)      In  Gregorian  motic  the  octave  was  tns 




limit  {  the  foar  authentic  scales  [Authentic] 
moTing  from  the  key-note  to  its  Sve,  the  four 
plagal  [Pla(^al]  from  the  4th  below  the  key- 
note to  the  5th  above  it.  In  later  times  tUs 
compass  (ambitus)  was  much  extended.  A  me- 
lody occupying  or  employing  its  whole  compass 
was  called  Cantus  Perfectua;  falling  short  of  it, 
Cktntus  Imperfectus ;  exceeding  it,  Cardua  Piu»' 
qwxmperfectus.  Subsequently  other  interpre- 
tations (such  as  the  course  of  modulation  per- 
mitted in  fugue)  have  been  given  to  the  word 
ambitus.  With  these  we  are  not  now  concerned. 
(Gerbert,  Script,  Mus. ;  Forkel ;  Kock,  Mus, 
Lex.)  [J.  H.] 

AMBITUS  ALTARIS  ClcpaTctoi'yRenaudot, 
Lit,  Orient,  i.  182).  This  expression  is  some- 
times used,  as  apparently  by  Anastasius  (Lib, 
Pontif,  in  Vitd  Sergii  ll,),  for  the  enclosure 
which  surrounded  the  altar.  Pope  Sergius  II. 
(A.D.  844-877),  he  says,  constructed  at  St.  John 
Lateran  an  "ambitus  altaris"  of  ampler  size 
than  that  which  had  before  existed. 

It  would  seem  that  it  was,  in  some  cases  and 
perhaps  in  most,  distinct  from  the  presbyterium 
or  "  chorus  cantorum ;"  and  according  to  Samelli 
(Antica  Basilicographia,  p.  84)  there  was  usually 
between  the  presbyterium  and  the  altar  a  raised 
space  called  **solea."  Various  passages  in  the 
lAb,  Pontif, — e.g,  those  in  which  the  alterations 
made  by  Pope  Hadrian  I.  (a.d.  772-795)  at 
S.  Paolo  f.  1.  M.,  and  by  Pope  Gregory  IV.  (a.d. 
827-844)  at  Sta.  Maria  in  Trastevere,  are  de- 
scribed— show  that  the  position  of  the  altar  and 
the  arrangement  of  the  enclosures  were  not  alike 
in  all  cases.  It  seems  not  improbable  but  that  in 
the  lesser  churches  one  enclosure  served  both  to 
fence  round  the  altar  and  to  form  the  "  chorus." 

In  the  plan  prepared  for  the  church  of  St. 
Gall  in  the  beginning  of  the  9th  century  (v. 
woodcut,  s.  V.  Church)  an  enclosure  is  marked 
"  chorus,"  and  a  small  space  or  passage  intervenes 
between  this  and  an  enclosure  shutting  off  the 
apse,  within  which  stands  the  altar.  This  is  at 
the  west  end  of  the  church ;  at  the  east  end  the 
apse  is  in  like  manner  enclosed,  but  the  enclosure 
of  the  "chorus"  is  brought  up  to  the  steps 
leading  to  the  raised  apse  without  a  break.  A 
small  enclosure  is  shown  round  all  the  altars, 
except  those  which  are  within  the  enclosures  of 
the  apses. 

It  appears  not  unlikely  that  the  square  en- 
closure in  the  church  at  Djemla  in  Algeria 
[Ohurch]  may  be  such  an  "ambitus;"  Mr. 
Fergusson  considers  this  enclosure  a  cella  or 
choir,  and  says  that  it  seems  to  have  been  enclosed 
up  to  the  roof,  but  that  the  building  is  so  ruined 
that  this  cannot  be  known  for  a  certainty.  A 
choir  enclosed  by  solid  walls  would  be  a  plan  so 
anomalous  in  a  Christian  church  that  very 
strong  evidence  would  be  required  to  prove  its 
having  existed.  The  building  in  question  may, 
from  the  purely  classical  character  of  the  mosaic 
floor,  be  safely  assigned  to  an  early  date,  probably 
anterior  to  the  fourth  century. 

It  is  doubtful  whether  any  early  example  of 
an  "Ambitus  altaris  "  now  exists.  We  may  learn 
from  the  Lib.  Pontif.  that  they  were  usually  of 
stone  or  marble,  no  doubt  arranged  in  posts  or 
uprights  alternating  with  slabs  variously  sculp- 
tui'^d,  and  piercsd  in  like  manner  with  the 
presbyterium  at  S.  Cicmontc  in  Rome.     The  Lib. 

Pontif.  tells  us  of  the  Ambitus  which  aa  abon 
mentioned  Pope  Sergius  II.  constructed  at  St. 
John  Lateran,  that  he  "  pulchris  columnis  cum 
marmoribus  desuper  in  gyro  sculptis  splendide 
decoravit:"  many  fragments  of  marble  slabs 
with  the  plaited  and  knotted  ornament  charac- 
teristic of  this  period  are  preserved  in  the 
cloister  of  that  church,  and  may  probably  be 
fragments  of  this  "  Ambitus." 

In  the  richer  chnrches  silver  oolumna  bearing 
arches  of  the  same  metal  were  often  erected  on 
the  marble  enclosure,  and  from  these  arches  hung 
rich  curtains,  and  frequently  vessels  or  crowns 
of  the  precious  metals ;  repeated  mention  of  such 
decorations  may  be  found  in  the  Lib.  Pontif,^  and 
a  passage  in  -the  will  of  Fortunatos  Patriarch  of 
Grade  (Hazlitt,  Hist,  of  the  Republic  of  Venice, 
vol.  i.  App.),  who  died  in  the  early  part  of  the  9th 
century,  describes  a  like  arrangement  very  clearly 
in  the  following  words:  "Post  ipsum  altare  alium 
parietem  deauratum  et  deargentatum  similiter 
longitudine  pedum  xv.  et  in  altitudine  pedes  iv.  et 
super  ipso  pariete  arcus  volutiles  de  argento  et 
super  ipsos  arcus  imagines  de  auro  et  de  argento." 

This  expression  "ambitus  altaris"  may  per- 
haps also  sometimes  stand  for  the  apse  as  sui^ 
rounding  the  altar.  [A.  N.] 

AMBO  (GT.''Afi$»y,  from  ikvafialy^iw).  The 
raised  desk  in  a  church  from  which  certain 
parts  of  the  service  were  read.  It  has  been 
also  called  tr^pyoSf  pulpitum,  suggestus.  By 
Sozomen  (Eccles.  Hist.  iz.  2,  p.  367)  the  amlw 
is  explained  to  be  the  ^  fivfia  rwy  kywyvwarw " 
— the  pulpit  of  the  readers.  From  it  wefe  read, 
or  chanted,  the  gospel,  the  epistle,  the  Ibts  of 
names  inscribed  on  the  diptychs,  edicts  of  bishops, 
and  in  general  any  communications  to  be  made 
to  the  congregation  by  presbyters,  deacons,  or 
subdeaoons;  the  bishop  in  the  earlier  centuries 
being  accustomed  to  deliver  his  addresses  from 
the  cathedra  in  the  centre  of  the  apse,  or  from  a 
chair  placed  in  front  of  the  altar ;  St.  John  Chry- 
sostom  was,  however,  in  the  habit  of  preaching 
sitting  on  the  ambo  (lirl  rov  ifiPuwos,  Socrates 
Eccl,  Hist.  vi.  5),  in  order  that  he  might  be 
better  heai*d.  Full  details  as  to  the  use  of  the 
ambo  will  be  found  in  Sarnelli  (Antica  BasilioO' 
grafia,  p.  72),  and  Ciampini  ( Vet.  Mon.^  t.  i.  p. 
21  et  seq.);  but  the  examples  which  they  describe 
are  probably  later  by  several  centuries  than  the 
period  with  which  we  are  now  concerned,  and 
the  various  refinements  of  reading  the  gospel 
from  a  higher  elevation  than  the  epistle,  and 
the  like,  are  probably  by  no  means  of  very  early 
introduction.  Two  and  even  three  ambones  some- 
times existed ;  one  jeas  then  used  for  the  goepel, 
one  for  the  epistle,  and  one  for  the  reading  of 
the  prophetical  or  other  books  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment (Martigny,  Diet,  des  Antiq.  Chret.).  In  the 
old  church  of  St.  Peter's  there  was,  however, 
but  one,  which  Platner  (BeschreUmng  von  Bom) 
thinks  was  a  continuance  of  the  ancient  usage. 

Something  in  the  nature  of  an  ambo  or  desk  no 
doubt  was  in  use  from  a  very  early  period. 
Bunsen  (Basiiiken  des  Christlichen  Boms,  p.  48) 
expresses  his  opinion  that  the  ambo  was  origin- 
ally moveable.  In  the  earlier  centuries  much  of 
the  church  furniture  was  of  wood,  and  the  am- 
bones were  probably  of  the  same  msiterial. 
Wherever  a  "  presbyterium  "  or  "  chorus  can- 
torum" (i.e.  an  enclosed  space  in  front  of  the 


iha  racmd  far  the  nH  of  the  inferior  elerg;) 


in  of 

The  amboDen  la  S.  Clemente  at  Rm 

ifferent  periods ;  the  imallsr  and'ier  nuy 

perhsp  be  of  tba  nmt  data  M  the  cm  rni  with 

"  ■  '   't  1<  connected  (6th  century  ?),  but  there 

diflerence  in  the  character  of  the  work. 

The  larger  dates  probablj  froin  the  12th  centor}', 

u  no  doaU  does  alio  that  in  S.  Lorenzo  f.  1.  M.  at 

1  which  lh«  Abbe 

ISartigaj  (Did.  des  Aaliq.  C'hrfl.)  niies  u  proy- 

iog  the  high  anLiquitjr  of  this  last,  viz.  that  a 

part  of  its  base  is  I'onned  from  a  tas-relief  relating 

to  pagnn  secrifices,  cannot  be  considered  at  having 

much  weight,  ai  a  part  of  the  superstructure  ii 

"  nned  from  a  glib  bearing  an  earlj  Chriitinn 

scription,  and  ai  the  whole  style  and  character 

the  work  ace  sd  et id Batlj  those  in  use  at  Rome 

uHng  the  12Ih  and  13th  centuries. 

The  lesser  ond  earlier  am  bo  at  S.  Clemente  hiu 

twodeik^^ne,  the  moit  elevated,  looking  towariii 

the  altar,  the  other  in  the  contrary  direction; 

the  later  ambo  has  a  semi-heiagonal  projection 

I  each  tide,  and  is  ascended  by  a  stair  at  each 

id.     This  latter  plan  seems  to  have  been  the 

ore  usual ;  the  ambones  at  Ravenna  and  those  at 

ome  of  the  12th  and  I3th  centuries  are  all  thus 


In  the  plan  for  the  ehnrch  of  St.  Gall  (c.  A.D. 

820),  the  ambo  is  placed  in  the  middle  of  the 

e  but  near  its  eastern  end.  in  front  of  the 

enclonnre  marked  "  chorus,"  an 

A  tall  ornamented  column  is  ofteo  found  at- 
tached to  the  amiM  ;  on  this  the  paschal  candle 
was  Gied.  This  usage  may  have  existed  fivm 
on  early  period,  but  perhaps  the  earliest  existing 
eiample  of  such  a  column  is  one  preserved  In  the 
museum  of  the  Lateran  at  Rome,  which  however 
is  probably  not  older  than  the  11th  century.  It 
is  engraved  by  Ciampini  (  Vet.  Hon.,  t.  i.  pi.  lit.). 

According  to  Sumelli  (Aul.  Bat.  p.  64),  the 
word  smbo  is  the  proper  eipression  for  the  raised 
platform  or  chorus  cantorum  ;  he  however  gives 
no  authorities  for  this  use  of  the  word.   [A.  N.] 

AMBROSE.  0)  Bishop  of  Uilan,  confeuoT, 
commemorated  April  4  (ifari.  £om.  Vet.,  Bienm., 
Btdic);  Dec,  7  (Co/.  Ilyiant.). 

(2)    Bishop,  commemorated  Kov.  30  (_Marl. 



AMBROSIAN  MUSIC,  the  earliest  music 
used  in  the  Christian  Church  of  which  we  have 
any  account,  and  so  named  after  Ambrose,  bishop 
of  MiluD  (374-39S),  who  introduced  it  to  his 
diocese  about  the  year  386,  during  the  reign  of 

The  notions  prevailing  among  musical  and 
other  writers  respecting  the  peculiarities  of 
Ambrosian  music  are  based  rather  on  conjectnra 
than  knowledge.     It  may  tie  considered  certain 

Gregorian  music  which,  about  two  centuries 
later,  almost  everywhere  superseded  it.  Indeed 
has  been  doubted  whether  actual  melody  at 

til  ei 


conjectured  that 

■i— monotone  with 
I  Eoci.t;9iAEricua, 
a  ima  oi  music,  or  mode  ot  musical  utterance, 
which  Gregory  retained  for  collects  and  responses, 
but  which  he  rejected  as  too  simple  for  psalms 
and  hymns.  On  the  other  hand,  it  has  been 
aipied  mora  plausibly  that,  to  whaleier  eitent 
the  Acrciiiu  or  Jfodtu  choraliUi-  legendi  may 




nave  been  used  in  Ambrosian  music,  an  element 
more  distinctly  musical  entered  largely  into  it ; 
that  a  decided  cantusy  as  in  Gregorian  music,  was 
used  for  the  psalms ;  and  that  something  which 
mii|;ht  even  now  be  called  melody  was  employed 
for  (especially  metrical)  hymns.  That  this  me- 
lody was  narrow  in  compass  [Ambitdb],  and 
little  varied  in  its  intervals,  is  probable  or  cer- 
tain. The  question  however  is  not  of  quality^ 
but  of  kind.  Good  melody  does  not  of  necessity 
involve  many  notes ;  Rousseau  has  composed  a 
very  sweet  one  on  only  three  (^Conaolations  des 
Misirea  de  ma  Viej  No.  53). 

The  probability  that  this  last  view  of  Ambro- 
sian  music  is  the  right  one  is  increased  by  the 
accounts  of  its  effect  in  performance,  given  in 
the  Benedictine  Life  of  St.  Ambrose,  drawn  from 
his  own  works,  wherein  one  especial  occasion  is 
mentioned  on  which  the  whole  congregation  sang 
certain  hymns  with  such  fervour  and  unction 
that  many  could  not  restrain  their  tears — an 
incident  confirmed  by  an  eye-witness,  St.  Augus- 
tine. "How  did  I  weep,"  he  says,  "in  Thy 
hymns  and  canticles,  touched  to  the  quick  by 
the  voices  of  Thy  sweet  attuned  Church  I  The 
voices  flowed  into  mine  ears,  and  the  truth  dis- 
tilled into  my  heart,  whence  the  affections  of  my 
devotions  overflowed,  and  tears  ran  down,  and 
happy  was  I  therein."*  It  is  diflicult  to  attri- 
bute to  mere  "musical  speech,"  however  em- 
ployed, such  effects  as  these,  even  upon  the 
rudest  and  least  instructed  people,  &  fortiori,  on 
persons  like  Augustine,  accomplished  in  all  the 
learning  and  the  arts  of  his  time.  The  hymns 
and  canticles  must  surely  have  been  conjoined, 
and  the  voices  attuned  to  a  sweeter  and  more 
expressive  song.  "Dulcis  est  cantilena,"  says 
Ambrose  (^Op.  t.  i.  p.  1052)  himself,  "quae  non 
corpus  effeminat,  sed  mentem  animamque  con- 
firmat."  Whatever  its  properties,  its  usefulness, 
or  its  dignity,  no  one  would  apply  the  epithet 
dulcis  to  the  Accenhu  Ecclesiasticus,  or  speak  of 
it,  or  anything  like  it,  as  cantilena. 

That  neither  Augustine  nor  any  contemporary 
writer  has  descril^  particularly,  or  given  us 
any  technical  account  of,  the  music  practised  bv 
the  Milanese  congregations  of  the  end  of  the  4th 
century,  however  much  we  may  regret  it,  need 
hardly  cause  us  any  surprise.  We  are  very  im- 
perfectly informed  about  many  things  nearer  to 
us  in  point  of  time,  and  practically  of  more  im- 
portance. Augustine  has  indeed  told  us  in  what 
manner  the  psalms  and  hymns  were  sung  in  the 
church  of  St.  Ambrose,  and  that  this  manner  was 
exotic  and  new.**  But  of  the  character  of  the 
song  itself—- in  what  the  peculiarity  of  the  Cantua 
Ambrosianus  consisted — ^he  tells  us  nothing.  Pos- 
sibly there  was  little  to  tell ;  and  the  only  pecu- 
liarity consisted  in  the  employment  in  psalmody 
of  more  melodious  strains  than  heretofore -~ 
strains  not  in  themselves  new,  but  never  before 

•  "Qaantam  flevi  In  hymnis  et  cantids  tals,  suave 
sonantls  Eoclesiae  tuae  ▼oclbos  commotos  acrtter  I  Voces 
lllae  inflaebaot  auribus  mds,  et  eliqnabatnr  Veritas  In  oor 
menm ;  et  exaestnabat  hide  aflectos  pletatis,  et  canrebant 
laerimae,  et  bene  mihl  erat  cnm  eis."— A  Avguttini 
Cot\fei»ianum,  Uh.  Ix.  cap.  vL  e.  14. 

k  "Tone  hymnl  et  pMlmi  nt  'canerentiir'  ienm^tum 
wiorem  orieniaUum  jNirttum.  ne  populus  maerorls  Caedlo 
ooDtabeaoeret,  institatuni  est;  et  ex  Ulo  in  bodiemnm  re- 
tentom.  multis  Jam  ac  pene  umaiboa  gregibus  tais,  et  per 
cetera  orbis  imitantibaa."— OvV.,  lib.  Ix.  cap.  7-15. 

so  employed ;  for,  "  in  the  first  ages  of  Christi 
anity,''  says  St.  Isidore,  "the  psalms  were  r^ 
cited  in  a  manner  more  approaching  speech  thaa 
song."*  In  this  view  most  writers  on  Ambresiau 
music  have  concurred ;  that  it  was  veritable 
song,  in  the  proper  musical  sense  of  the  word, 
not  musical  speech  or  "half-song;"  and  that, 
not  only  was  it  based  on  a  scale  system  or  tonsF 
lity  perfectly  well  understood,  but  that  ite 
rhythmos  was  subject  to  recognised  laws.  S. 
Ubaldo,  the  author  of  a  work  {Diaqvintio  dt 
caniu  a  D.  Ambroaio  in  Mediolanensem  eodesiam 
introductOy  Mediolani,  1695)  especially  devoted 
to  Ambrosian  music,  says  expressly  that  St.  Am- 
brose was  not  the  first  to  introduce  antiphoui 
singing  into  the  West,  but  that  he  did  introduce 
what  the  ancients  called  Cantua  ffarmonicua,  ob 
account  of  its  determined  tonality  and  variety  oi 
intervals,  properties  not  needed  in,  and  indeel 
incongruous  with,  musical  speech.  With  thr 
Cantua  Harmonicua  was  inseparably  connectea 
the  Caniua  Hhj/thmicua  or  Metricua;  so  that,  by 
the  application  of  harmonic  (•*.  e,  in  the  modem 
sense,  melodic)  rule,  a  kind  of  melody  was  pnn 
duced  in  some  degree  like  our  own.  That  Am- 
brosian  music  was  rhythmical  is  irrefragably  at- 
tested by  the  variety  of  metres  employed  by 
Ambrose  in  his  own  hymns,  and  that  such  w» 
held  to  have  been  the  case  for  many  centuries  is 
confirmed  by  Guido  Aretinus  and  John  Cotton 
(11th  century). 

The  first  requisite  of  melody  is  that  the  sonndi 
composing  it  b«  not  only  in  the  same  "  system," 
but  also  in  some  particular  scale  or  succ^sioii, 
based  upon  and  moving  about  a  given  sonnd. 
The  oldest  scales  consisted  at  the  moet  of  foor 
sounds,  whence  called  tetrachords.  The  inflo- 
ence  of  the  tetrachord  was  of  long  duration ;  it 
is  the  theoretical  basis  even  of  modem  tonalitr. 
Eventually  scales  extended  in  practice  to  penta- 
chords, hexachords,  heptachords,  and  ultimatelj 
octachords,  as  with  us.  The  modem  scale 
may  be  defined  as  a  succession  of  sounds  con- 
necting a  given  sound  with  its  octave.  The 
theory  and  practice  of  the  octachord  were  fami- 
liar to  the  Greeks,  from  whose  system  it  is 
believed  Ambrose  took  the  first  four  octachords 
or  modes,  viz.  the  Phrygian,  Dorian,  Hypolydian, 
and  Hypophrygian,  called  by  the  first  Christian 
writers  on  music  Protus,  Deuterus,  Tritus,  and 
Tetrardus.  Subsequently  the  Greek  provincial 
names  got  to  be  misapplied,  and  the  Ambrosian 
system  appeared  as  follows : 

Pbotdb  ob  Dokian. 




^        -"^ 




Dkutkkus  ob  Prrtoiav. 



^      ra 



Tsmjs  OB  AsoLZAir. 

Tbtbabdus  ob  Mtxoltmav. 



g^        ^ 

These  scales  differ  essentially  from  our  scales, 

*  **  Ita,  at  proDuntlanti  vkinlor  eaaet,  qnam  pnHenll  * 
-'De  OffiCt  cap.  vii. 




Mftjor  or  miaor,  of  D,  E,  F,  G,  which  are  Tina- 
ally  tnafpodtions  of  one  another,  or  identical 
Kuet  at  a  higher  or  lower  pitch,  the  seats  of 
wImw  two  lemitoDes  are  always  in  the  same 
piaeesi— between  the  3rd  and  4th  and  the  7th 
nd  8th  MMinds  seyerally.  Whereas  the  Greek 
aad  Inhroaiaa  aeales  abore  are  not  only  unlike 
AM  another  (the  seats  of  the  semitones  being  in 
all  difleient),  but  they  are  also  unlike  either  our 
■sden  typical  major  scale  of  C,  which  has  its 
snsitoaes  between  the  3rd  and  4th  and  7th  and 
8th  sounds,  or  our  typical  minor  scale  of  A, 
vUch  has  one  of  its  semitones  always  between 
tkc  2nd  sad  3rd  aounda,  another  between  the  5th 
wd  6th  or  the  7th  and  6th,  and  in  its  chromatic 
fcfiB  between  both. 

TmcAi  JLuoB  SoALs: 



^.      fi^'^"=f 

TmcAXi  MnoB  Soali. 

The  1st,  2nd,  3rd,  and  4th  Ambrosian  scales 
or  tones  therefore  are  not  what  we  now  call 
^kcys,"  but  **  modes,"  differing  from  one  another 
as  tne  modem  major  and  minor  modes  differ,  in 
tbt  plaees  of  their  semitones.  Melodies  there- 
kn  in  this  or  that  Ambrosian  *'  tone "  have  a 
fariety  of  character  analogous  to  that  which 
distiBguisheB  our  major  and  minor  modes  so  very 
videly.  Thus  tenderness  is  the  popular  attri- 
b«te  of  the  minor  mode ;  strength  and  clearness 
ars  those  of  the  major.  In  like  manner  one 
Aadbrosiaa  tone  was  supposed  to  be  characterised 
by  dignity,  another  by  languor,  and  so  on. 

The  rhythmua  of  Ajnbrosian  melody  is  thought 
by  BOOM  to  haTe  oonaisted  only  in  the  adaptation 
to  long  and  short  syllables  of  long  and  short 
■otek  "Of  what  we  call  time,"  says  Forkd 
{GttcL  der  Mtuikf  iL  168), — the  proportion 
between  the  different  divisions  of  the  same 
ndody, — ^the  ancients  had  no  conception." 
He  doei  not  tell  ns  how  they  contrived  to  march 
or  to  dance  to  timeless  melodies — ^melodies  with 
tve  beats  in  one  foot  and  three  in  another,  or 
three  feet  in  one  phrase  and  four  in  another,  nor 
bov  vast  congregations  were  enabled  to  sing 
tbeiB ;  and  if  anything  is  certain  about  Ambrosian 
toBg  it  is  that  it  was  above  all  things  oongrega- 

Whether  Ambrose  was  acquainted  with  the 
■se  of  musical  characters  is  uncertain.  Probably 
be  was.  The  system  he  adopted  was  Greek,  and 
be  eoald  hardly  make  himself  acquainted  with 
Gieek  music  without  having  acquired  some 
kaowledge  of  Greek  notationt  which,  though  in- 
tricate in  its  detail,  was  simple  in  its  principles. 
But  cren  the  invention,  were  it  needed,  of  cha- 
nctcn  capable  of  representing  the  compara- 
tinly  few  sounds  of  Ambrosian  melody  could 
have  been  a  matter  of  no  difficulty.  Such  cha- 
nden  needed  only  to  represent  the  pitch  of 
tbcN  sounds ;  their  duration  was  dependent  on. 

and  sufficiently  indicated  by,  the  metre.  Copies 
of  Ambrosian  music-books  are  preserved  in  some 
libraries,  which  present  indications  of  what  may 
be,  probably  are,  musical  characters.  Possibly 
however  these  are  additions  by  later  hands.  It 
is  certain  that,  in  the  time  of  Charlemagne,  Am- 
brosian song  was  finally  superseded,  except  in 
the  Milanese,  by  Gregorian.  The  knowledge 
of  the  Ambrosian  musical  alphabet,  if  it  ever 
existed,  may,  in  such  circumstances,  and  in  such 
an  age,  have  easily  been  lost,  though  the  melo- 
dies themselves  were  long  preserved  tradition- 
ally.  [J.  H.] 

AMBB06IANXJM.— This  word  in  old  litur- 
gical writings  often  denotes  a  hymn,  from  S. 
Ambrose  having  been  the  first  to  introduce 
metrical  hymns  into  the  service  of  the  Church. 
Originally  the  word  may  have  indicated  that  the 
particular  hvmn  was  the  composition  of  S. 
Ambrose,  and  hence  it  came  to  signify  any  hymn. 
Thus  S.  Benedict,  in  his  directions  for  Noctums, 
says,  '*  Post  hunc  psalmus  94  (Venite)  cum  anti- 
phonft,  aut  certe  decantandus.*  Inde  sequatur 
Ambroskmum :  Deinde  sex  psalmi  cum  anti- 
phonis."  Also,  S.  Isidore  d«  Divin,  off.  lib.  i. 
c  1,  §  2,  speaking  of  hymns,  mentions  S. 
Ambrose  of  Milan,  whom  he  calls  **  a  most  illus- 
trious Doctor  of  the  Church,  and  a  copious  com- 
poser of  this  kind  of  poetry.  Whence  (he  adds) 
from  his  name  hymns  are  called  Aml^skms" 
(unde  ex  ejus  nomine  hymni  Ambrasiani  appel- 
lantur).  [H.  J.  H.] 

AMEN  (Heb.  }DK).    The  formula  by  which 

one  expresses  his  concurrence  in  the  prayer  of 
another,  as  for  instance  in  Deut.  xxvii.  15. 

1.  This  word,  which  was  used  in  the  services 
of  the  synagogue,  was  transferred  unchanged  in 
the  very  earliest  age  of  the  Church  to  the 
Christian  services  [compare  Alleluia]  ;  for  the 
Apostle  (1  Cor.  xiv.  16)  speaks  of  the  Amen  of 
the  assembly  which  followed  the  thjcapttrrloj  or 
thanksgiving.  And  the  same  custom  is  traced 
in  a  series  of  authorities.  Justin  Martyr  (Apol. 
i.  c  65,  p.  127)  notices  that  the  people  present 
say  the  Amen  after  prayer  and  thanksgiving; 
Dionysius  of  Alexandria  (in  Enseb,  H,  E,  vii.  9,  p. 
253,  Schwegler)  speaks  of  one  who  had  often 
listened  to  the  thanksgiving  (^tbxapurrid),  and 
joined  in  the  Amen  which  followed.  Cyril  of 
Jerusalem  {CaUcJusmus  Mystag,  5,  p.  331)  says 
that  the  Lord's  Prayer  is  teaied  with  an  Amen. 
Jerome,  in  a  well-known  passage  (Prooemium  in 
lib.  ii.  Comment,  Ep.  Oai,,  p.  428)  speaks  of  the 
thundering  sound  of  the  Amen  of  the  Roman 

2.  The  formula  of  consecration  in  the  Holy 
Eucharist  is  in  most  ancient  liturgies  ordered  to 
be  said  aloud,  and  the  people  respond  Amen,  Pro- 
'uably,  however,  the  custom  of  saying  this  part 
of  the  service  secrete — afterwards  universal  in 
the  West — had  already  begun  to  insinuate  itself 
in  the  time  of  Justinian ;  for  that  emperor  ordered 
^Novella  123,  in  Migne's  Patrol,  tom.  72,  p.  1026), 
that  the  consecration-formula  should  be  said 
aloud,  expressly  on  the  ground  that  the  people 
might  respond  Afiten  at  its  termination.  [Com- 
pare Canon.]     In  most  Greek  liturgies  also, 

•  This  Is  explained  as  *'  oninino  ptotrahendo  et  ab  vno 
ant  a  plniibas  moroM*  or  as^fn  directum  dne  Antl- 
pbDni."    Jroiteiu  </e  Jfii.  Jfon.  fit.,  Lib.  L  cap.  IL  22. 


n  the 

X/HOTti."  tbe  receirer  answen  Ainm.  So,  too, 
ID  the  Clemeutiae  Liturgy,  sflar  the  ucriptioa 
of  Glory  to  God  (ApoK.  Cmtt.  liii.  13,  p.  215, 
Uttun).  (Bona,  Dt  Jtelxu  Liturgicii,  1.  JL  cc.  5, 
1!,  "•)  [C] 

AHICE  (_Anuctm,  HumeraU,  Saperfnimenh 
or  Ephed,  AnaMadiim,  Aiu^xl'igittm,  Amgotai- 
Mil).  S  I.  The  word  Amictus  Is  employed  in  clu- 
■icsl  writen  as  a  geaeral  term  for  tmy  cater 
garmeat.  Thus  Virgil  employ*  it  {Am.  iii.  405) 
in  ipcnkiD^  of  the  togi,  oroamfiitHl  with  pnr|iU, 
the  end  of  which  wu  thrown  about  the  head  by 
prieati  and  other  olGcisl  personi  when  engaged 
ID  acts  of  «acrific«.  (See  for  eiainple  "  the 
Emperor  incrificiDg,"  from  thecolumn  of  Trajaa, 
Vtat.  Christ,  pi.  iii.)  The  umo  general  usage 
may  be  tmced  In  the  earlier  ecclesiastical  wriUr*, 
M  in  St.  Jerome,  and  in  Gregory  of  Tours,  who 
uses  the  word  in  ipenking  of  a  bride'i  Teil.  St. 
Isidore  of  Setille  (circ.  6:i0  a.d.)  nowhere  em- 
ploy«  the  word  aa  the  designation  of  any  par- 
ticular garment,  SAcred  or  otherwise.  But  in 
defining   Che  meaning  of  an^iboladium  (a  Gi 

a  Uter 

ititied  w 

ent),  he 

quo  humeri  operiuntur,  quod  Gneci  et  Latini 
tiodonem  Tocant."  {Origina,  lii.  25.)  With 
thia  may  be  compared  St.  Jerome  on  leaiab,  cap. 
iii.,  where  in  referring  to  the  dreu  of  Hebrew 
women,  he  says.  "  Habeat  aindonei  quae  rouantur 
amictoria."  This  usage  of  "  amictorium,'*  and 
Its  equiyalent  "  anaboTadium,"  in  speaking  of  a 


II  preiHi 

tbe  9 Eh  century,  vhen  it  is  compared  by  Rabaaus 
Uaurus  (such  seems  to  bn  his  menuing)  with  the 
■'supeihiunenle"  of  Leiiticat  use  {Dt  Imtit. 
Cler.  Lib.  I.  cap.  15).  Rabnnu),  howoTer,  does 
not  use  the  word  "amictns,"  though  he  svems 
evidently  to  refer  lo  the  restment  elsewhere  so 
culled.  Amalarias  of  Meti,  writing  about  tbe 
aame  time  (circ.  825  a.d.),  speaks  of  the  "  amio- 
tus"  aa  being  the  first  in  order  of  the  vestmenU 
of  the  Church,  "primum  vestimentilm  nostrum 
quo  collum  andique  cingimus."  Hence  iti  sym- 
bolism in  his  eyes  as  implying  "castigatioTocis," 
the  due  restraint  of  the  voice,  whose  organs  are 
in  the  throat  (Dt  Eccl.  Of.  ii.  17.).  Walafiid 
Stnibo  writing  tome  few  years  later  (he  was  a 
pupil  of  Rabanus),  enumerates  the  eight  resl- 
ments  of  the  Chnrch,  but  without  including  in 
them  the  amice  (i'e  Scb.  Ecd.  c  'H.\  But  in  all 
ihe  later  liturgical  writ«n  the  restment  it  named 
under  some  one  or  other  of  the  various  designa- 
tions enumerated    at  tbe   head     " 

n  this 

y  then 

till  nearly  the  close  of  the  Snion  period.  It  is 
not  mentioned  in  the  Pontifical  of  Egbert.  In 
a  Inter  Anglo-Saion  Pontifical  (of  the  lOth  cen- 
tury, Dr.  Rock  says,)  among  tbe  vestments 
enumerated  occurs  mention  of  the  "supei'- 
bumerole  sen  poderem,"  an  eipreesion  which  hoa 
been  supposed  to  point  to  the  amice,  though  the 
use  of  "  poderia,"  as  an  alternatire  name,  seems 
to  make  thi>  somewhat  duubtfuL     (Quoted   bj 

— — ..^  ..„,  »,u„,c  -.u,  originally  a  squue  gi 
oblong  piece  of  linca,  somewhat  such  u  tint 
which  forma  the  background  in  the  accompany' 
lag  woodcut,  and  was  probably  worn  nearly  as 
■howD  in  Fig.  1,  so  as  to  cover  the  seek  and 

Dr.  Rook,  Church  of  our  Falhert,  vol.  I.  p.  Ati 
from  the  ArcluuiJiigiii,  voL  iiv.  p.  2S.) 

g  2.  Shtpt  of  the  Anuct,  itt  Material,  and  onu 

shoulders.  Early  in  the  10th  century(A.D.  S^.l) 
we  hear,  for  the  first  time,  of  omanienls  of  gohl 
ontheamice.  {TtaiiineiitiiKn  Iteeuifi  Epacopi  in 
Higne's  Putrologlit,  torn,  ciiiii.  p.  468,  "caligu 
et  landaliaa  pari*  duo,  amictcs  [sic]  cum  aurs 
quattaor.")  Thia  ornament  was  probably  id 
"aurifrigium"  or  "orfrev."  From  the  11th 
century  onwards  the  richer  amices  were  adorned 
with  embroidery,  and  at  times  even  with  pre- 
cious Btonei.  lliese  onuunente  were  attached  to 
a  portion  only  of  the  amice,  ■  comparatively 
emntl  patch,  iinown  as  a  piaga,  or  parura  (i.  el, 
paralura)  being  fastened  on  (see  Pig.  4  in  wool- 

^0  appear  as  a  kind  of  collar  above  Uie 

e  Fig.  3%     An  eiample  is  given  of  late 

he  shape  of  the  parara,  as,  from 

tbe  material,  very  early  amioet 

later   limes   as   "  mil  aria  "  or  "co 
Rock,  Ch.  ofourFatUrt,  i.  470). 

§  3.  How  kd™.-AII  the  cnrliei 
the  amice  ore  such  as  to  imply  that 
on  the  neck  and  shoulders  only. 
Autun  (writing  ore.  1125  A.D.)  is  t 
speaks  of  it  as  being  placed  on  the  \ 
merale  quod  in  Lege  Ephot,  apud 

:  illo  c 

collum  !< 

humeroH  (onde  et  Hnmerale  dicitur)  cooperil. 
in  pcctore  copulatum  duahns  vittia  ad  mammillsi 
cingiL  Per  Humeralc  qaod  capili  mpmiiv 
spes  caelestium  intelligilur."  {Qraana  atamne.  i. 
c  201.)  It  appeara  to  have  been  tempotarili 
placed  on   the  head  (as  shown  la  Fig.  2  of  the 

arranged,  after  which  it  was  turned  down  ■ 
that  the  pamra  might  appear  in  its  preprr 
place.  To  this  position  on  the  head  is  to  be 
referred  it*   later   aymboliam   as   ■   Mmct  t* 




.21,  >» 

cUntMi.  "  Amictns  pro  galea  capat  obnnbit.' 
Dnnndi  SaHtmale  iii.  1.  For  other  sjinbol- 
inns  tee  InnooeBt  IIL,  De  Sacro  AUari$  MysteriOy 
L  ee.  36  and  50.  (The  woodcut  above  is  from 
t>r.  Bock's  QwAichte  der  iiturgi8(Aen  Gewander, 
a  iL  TaC  iL)  [W.  B.  M.] 

AMICUS,  confessor  at  Lyons,  commemorated 
Jalr  U  {MarL  Hitrm.),  [C] 

AMMON.    (1)  Commemorated  Feb.  7  (Jtfar^ 

(f )  Coomiemorated  Feb.  9  ( Jf.  Sfieron,,  Bedae). 

(3)  *Afifnow,  the  deacon,  with  the  forty  women 
ktt  disciples,  martyrsy  commemorated  Sept.  1 
(CUL  fy^aU.). 

(4)  Commemorated  Sept.  10  (if.  Hiercn^ 

(9)  Ifartrr  at  Alexandria,  Dec  20  (Mart. 
Bam.  r€t.y  Bedaey  [C] 

AMHONABLA,  martyr  at  Alexandria,  com- 
BMmorated  Dec  12  (Mart.  Bom,  Vet.).        [C] 

AMMONIUS.  (1)  Martyr,  Jan.  31  (Mart. 
Biero^L,  Btdaey. 

(5)  bifant  of  Alexandria,  commemorated  Feb. 
n  (Mart.  Bom.  Vet.). 

(t)  Conmiemorated  Oct.  6  (Jf.  Hieron.).  [C.J 

AMOS,  the  prophet,  commemorated  June  15 
(CeL  Byzant.).  [C] 

AMPELU8  of  Messana,  commemorated  Nov. 
»(MarL  h'om.  Vet.).  [C] 

Tais  word  appears  to  be  confined  to  Galilean 
writert.  And  this  fact,  coupled  with  its  Greek 
derivation,  pointing  as  this  does  to  a  very  early 
period  for  its  introduction,  is  noticeable,  as  one 
umn%  many  instances  of  diversities  of  usage 
ia  miaor  matters,  characteristic  of  the  Galilean 
diiirek,  and  indicating  an  origin  distinct  from 
that  of  other  western  churches. 

1 2.  /brm  cf  the  vestment,  and  its  prevailing 
me.    There  are  three  passages  to  which  refer- 
caoc  may  here  be  made  as  determining  all  that 
caa  vith  certainty  be   known  with  regard  to 
the  vestment  now  in  question.    St.  Remigius, 
Archbishop  of   Aries,  dying    about   500  A.D., 
left  to  his  successor  in  the  see  **  Amphibalum 
slbom  paschalem,"    a    white    amphihalus    for 
«e  OB   Sundays    and     high     festivals.      (For 
'pnchalu'  see  Dncange  in  voc.)    We  cannot 
here  conclude  with   alMoIute  certainty  that  it 
■  of  a  vestment  for  church   use  that  he  is 
yking,  though  the  context  seems  to  imply 
this.    (The  quotation  is  from  the  Testamentum 
S.  XemdgU  Semensis,  apud   Galland,  BiMiothec. 
PeL,  torn.  X.  p.  806.)    But  in  the  passages  that 
feUov  this  meaning  is  beyond  doubt.     In  a  life 
Hi  &  Bonittts  (o/tos  S.  Bonus),  f  circ  710,  A.D. 
vrittra,  as  it  is  supposed,  by  a  contemporary 
(Ada  Sandorvm  Jamuw.,  d.  xv.  p.  1071  sqq.)^  we 
ire  told  that  the  saint  was  much  given  to  weep- 
ia;  even  in  chmrch;  so  much  so,  that  the  upper 
ptrt  of  his  amphibalua,  which  served  as  a  cover- 
hg  tat  his  head,  was  found  to  be  wet  with  the 
tetn  he  shed.    **  Lacrimarum  ei  gratia  in  sacro 
•«  deerat  officio  ita  ut  amphibali  summitas,  qua 
apot  tegebator,   ex  profusione  earum  madida 
rideretor."    This  **  upper  part "  of  the  amphi- 

Wlas  wu  evidently  a  kind  of  hood  (like  that  of 

the  casula),.  separable,  m  some  sort,  irom  the 
rest  of  the  garment.  For  the  saint  is  repre- 
sented as  appearing  afler  death,  in  a  vision,  to  a 
certain  maiden,  devoted  to  God's  service,  and 
sending  through  her  a  message  to  the  "  mother  '* 
of  the  neighbouring  monastery,  bidding  her  keep 
by  her  (no  doubt  as  a  relic)  that  part  of  his 
amphibalus  which  covered  his  head.  "  Ut  pai'- 
tem  amphibali  moi  qua  caput  tegitur,  secum  re- 

Even  in  this  passage,  however,  though  it  is 
evidently  spoken  of  as  worn  in  church,  and 
during  the  "  holy  office,"  it  does  not  follow  that 
a  sacerdotal  vestment,  distinctively  so  called,  is 
there  intended.  The  mention  of  the  hood  (or 
hood-like  appendage)  as  worn  over  the  head 
.points  rather  to  use  in  the  choir.  But  in  a 
fragmentary  account  of  the  Galilean  rite,  of  un- 
certain date,  but  probably  of  the  9th  or  10th 
century,  the  word  amphibalus  is  used  as  equiva- 
lent to  the  **  casula,"  then  regarded  as  specially 
belonging  to  sacerdotal  ministry.  ^*  The  casula, 
known  as  amphibalus,"  the  writer  says,  "  which 
the  priest  puts  upon  him,  is  united  from  top  to 
bottom  .  .  .  it  is  without  sleeves  .  .  . 
joined  in  front  without  slit  or  opening  .  .  . 
*  Casula,  quam  amphibalum  vocant,  quod  sacer* 
dos  induetur  (nc),  tota  unita  .  .  .  Idee 
sine  manicas  (sic)  quia  sacerdos  potius  benedicit 
quam  ministrat.  Ideo  unita  prinsecus,  non  scissa, 
non  aperta,'"  &c.  (See  Martene,  ITiesattrus 
Anecdotorum,  torn,  y.) 

From  the  above  passages  we  may  infer  that 
"amphibalus"  was  a  name,  in  the  Gallican 
church  of  the  first  eight  or  nine  centuries,  for 
the  more  solemn  habit  of  ecclesiastics,  and  par- 
ticularly for  that  which  they  wore  in  offices  of 
holy  ministration.  Having  regard  to  its  (pro- 
bably) Eastern  origin,  and  to  its  subsequent  iden- 
tification with  the  casula,  we  shall  probably  be 
right  in  thinking  that  it  resembled  in  shape  the 
white  phenolia,  in  which  Eastern  bishops  are  re- 
presented in  mosaics  of  the  6th  century,  in  the 
great  church  (now  Mosque)  of  St.  Sophia  at 
Constantinople.  For  these  last  see  the  article 
Vestments  (Greek),  later  in  this  work,  and 
Salzenberg's  AUchristliche  BaudenkmeUe^  plates 
xxviii.  and  xxix.  [W.  B.  M.] 

AMPHILOCHIUS,  bishop  of  Iconium,  com- 
memorated Nov.  23  (Cal.  Byzant.).  [C.] 

AMPIDIUS,  commemorated  at  Rome  Oct.  14 
(Mart.  Bieron.).  [C] 

AMPLIAS,  **  Apostle,"  commemorated  Oct. 
31  (Cal.  Byzant.).  [C] 

AMPODIUS,  commemorated  Oct.  11  (Mart. 
Hieron.).  [C] 

AMPULLA  (Probably  for  amb-oOa,  from  iU 
swelling  out  in  everr  direction),  a  globular  yes- 
sel  for  holding  liquid.  In  ecclesiastical  language 
the  word  denotes  — 

1.  The  flasks  or  cruets,  generally  of  preciooa 
i  metal,  which  contain  the  wine  and  water  used 
at  the  altar.  The  word  "  pollen,"  used  in  some 
districts  of  Germany  to  designate  these  vessels 
(Binterim's  DenkwOrdigkeiten,  iv.  1.  183)  is  pro- 
bably derived  from  ^  Ampullae." 

WHien  the  custom  of  making  offerings  of  wine 
for  the  Holy  Communion  ceased,  ampullae  seem 
to  hare  taken  the  place  of  the  larger  Amab 


Tha  notion  of  th«  ampullae  thamulTia  hiTin; 
bacD  large  Teuela  it  probablj  fonodad  an  thi 
ancicDt  stymoli^,  "ampulla,  qnaii  Ta»  am' 
plum;"  an  atfmologf  which  Walafrid  Stnbo 
(Z>(  Reh.  Ecd.  c  24)  adapU  to  the  &cta  i  '  " 
own  tima  hj  reTeraicig  it, "  ampulla  qoasl  f 
ampU."  Ths  Gnt  mention  of  ampnllae  aa  allai^ 
TioBak,  appear*  to  be  in  the  Zt6cr  Pontifcaiit 
(c  110)  In  the  life  of  John  III.  (669-573),  who 
it  said  to  hate  ordered  that  the  oratoriea  of  the 
martyn  In  tbo  citf  of  Roma  ihonld  be  nippHail 
with  altar-plate,  incloding  ampnllae  [al.  amnUe] 
from  the  Latann  church. 

2.  Hore  commanlf  the  word  ampnlla  deuotea 
a  veiael,  A^icuSat,  UMd  for  holding  conaeciated 
oil  orchrinn.  In  thia  eenw  It  !■  used  b;  Optatus 
HileTitaaua  (jMntra  Donntidai  ii.  19,  p.  42), 
when  he  tella  na  that  an  "ampulla  chriunatia" 
thrown  from  a  window  by  the  Donatuta  mire- 
culouilj  remained  unbroken.  In  the  Gregorian 
Sacramentary  (p,  65),  in  the  direction!  for  the 
benediction  of  Chrimi  on  the  "  Feria  V.  poat 
Palmu,"  or  Thnrsday  In  H0I7  Week,  "  ampnllaa 
dno  cam  oleo"  an  ordered  to  be  prepared,  the 
better  of  wbidi  ia  to  be  preeented  to  the  Pope. 

By  ftr 

kind  ii  that  which  was  laid  to  have'been  broUKlil 
bj  a  dors  from  heaTeu  at  the  baptiam  of  Gloria, 
and  which  waa  used  at  the  coronation  of  the 
Frank  kin^.  Hincmar,  in  the  service  which  he 
drew  up  for  the  coronation  of  Charlea  the  Bald 
(840),  speaka  of  the  first  Christian  king  of  the 
Franka  having  been  anointed  and  consecrated 
with  the  hcaf  en-descended  chrism,  whence  that 
which  he  himself  uaed  waa   derired  ("caelitoa 

tns  et  in  regem  sacraloa"),  aa  if  of  a  thing  well 
anown.  lu  Flodoard,  who  wrote  in  the  first 
half  of  the  10th  century,  we  find  the  legend  fully 
developed.  He  tolls  na  (/f,si.  Eceki.  Nemmtlt, 
i.  13,  in  Migne's  Patroi.  vol.  135,  p.  52  c.)  that 
at  the  Baptiam  cfClovis,  the  clerk  who  bore  the 
chrism  wsa  prevented  by  the  crowd  from  reach- 
ii^  his  proper  station;  and  that  when  the 
moment  for  uortion  arrived,  St.  RemI  raised  his 


eyes  to  heaven  and  prayed,  when  "  eece  nbltii 
colnmba  cea  nil  advolat  Candida  Tostro  dafenas 
ampullam  caelestis  doni  chrismate  replatam." 
This  aacnd  ampulla  (the  "Saint*  AmpouUe'^ 
waa  preaentedin  the  abbey  of  SL  Bemi,at  Reimi, 
and  Died  at  the  coronation  of  the  succesiive  kiip 
of  France.  It  was  broken  in  1793,  bat  em 
then  a  fragment  waa  said  to  have  been  praerved, 
and  waa  used  at  the  coronation  of  Charlet  X. 
The  ampolla  represented  in  the  woodcut,  from 
Honia,  it  said  to  be  of  the  Tth  century,  ll  it 
of  a  metal  resembling  tin,  and  hta  engrarid 
upon  it  a  representation  of  the  Adoration  oTlht 
Hagi  and  of  the  Shepherds,  with  the  inscrlptim. 
TOUoiN,  having  boan  used  for  preservlne  Holr 

OiL    [Oil,  Holt.]  [c.] 

AMULETS.  The  aarlieat  writer  in  whom 
the  word  occun.  is  Pliu]'  (f/.X.  iiii.  4, 19  ;  ai. 
15,  47,  et  nl.\  and  Is  used  by  him  in  the  sense  of 
a  "  charm  "  againat  poisons,  witchcraft,  and  tht 
like  ("  venefidomm  amnleta  ").  A  Latm  deriva- 
tion has  been  suggested  for  it  as  being  thil 
"quod  malum  amolitur."  Modern etymologiiti. 
however,  connect  both  the  word  at  well  ta 
the  thing  with  the  East,  and  derive  it  from  ths 
Arabic  hanimalet  (—  a  thing  snspendod).  tbt 
practice  which  the  word  implies  had  been  in  Ibe 
Christian  Church,  if  not  from  the  firat,  yet  •• 
soon  aa  the  Paganiim  and  Judaism  out  of  which 
it  had  emerged  began  again  tn  find  their  way 
into  it  as  by  a  process  of  infiltration,  and  the 
history  of  amulets  presents  a  strange  pictore  of 
the  ineradicable  tendency  of  mankind  to  fall  back 
into  the  bluest  auperstitions  which  seem  to  belong 
only  to  the  savage  bowing  before  his  ftiidn. 
Man  has  a  dread  of  unseen  powers  around  him — 
demons,  spectres,  a 


That  belief 


o  preserve  him 

a  alte- 

Eathcr    arbitnry.      When    the    laraetitea    left 
gypt,  tbcy  came  fi^m  a  people  who  had  car- 
ried Uiis  idea  to  an  almost  unequalled  eitcat. 
The    •carabaeus,   the   hawk,   the   serpent,  the 
uraena,  or  hooded  snake,  an  open  eye,  out^nad 
wings,   with   or    without    formulae    of  prayer, 
deprecating  oc  invoking,  are  found  in  countlea 
variety  in  all  onr  musenms,  and  seem  to  hsve 
been  home,  some  on  the  breast,  some  suapendcd 
by  a  chain  round  the  neck.     The  law  orUoaca, 
by  ordering  the  ZicilA,  or  blue  fringe  on  the  gar- 
ita  which  men  wore,  or  the  papyrus  scnilb 
i>  tests  (Exod.  liii.  2-10,  11-17;  Dent  ri. 
4-g,  13-22),  which  were  to  be  aa  fh)ntlets  « 
their  brows,  and  hound  upon  their  amis,  known 
.ater  Jewa  as  the  Ttp/iiiUm,  or  when  nailed  on 
r  door  posts  or  the  walls  of  their  housei  ai 
Uttuaa,  sought,  as  by  a 
3   men   who   had    been 
usages  to  higher  thoaghts,  and  to  turn  what  had 
been  a  sDperstition  into  a  witness  for  the  truth. 
The  old  tendency,  however,  crept  in,  and  it  aeemt 
clear  that  aome  St  least  of  the  ornaments  named 
by  Isaiah  (iii.  23),  especially  the  DVrh,  were  of 
the  nature  of  amulets  (fiti.  Diet.  A>uixn).  Aid 
the  later  ^vXarripia  of  the  S.  T.,  though  an  at- 
tempt baa  been  made  by  aome  archaeologista  le 
explain  the  naoM  ai    though   they    iiaiiiiiiM 




BMi  fvkU^tuf    rhv    >4funf  (Schoitg^n)  were, 
tkcre  OB  be  little  doubt,  to  called  as  **pre- 
wermdrm"  against  demooa,  magic,  and  the  evil, 
cje.*    Tikioiigb  the  whole  hiatory  of  Rabbinism, 
the  tcBdencj  was  on  the  increaae,  and  few  Jews 
Miered  themselret  free  from  evil  spirits,  unless 
the  bed  en  which  thej  slept  was  guarded  hj  the 
JfitfUM.    Mystic  figures — ^the  saoed  tetragram- 
BMtea,  the  shield  of  Darid,  the  seal  of  Solomon — 
with  cabalistic  words,  AGLA  (an  acrostic  formed 
froB  the  initial  letters  of  the  Hebrew  words  for 
^Thoa  art  nighty  for  ererlasting,  O  Lord"), 
Ibncalan.  and  the  like,  shot  up  as  a  rank  after- 
growth.   Greek,  Latin,  Eastern  Heathenism,  in 
Kin  manner,  supplied  Tarious  forms  of  the  same 
eage.  Everywhere  men  lived  in  the  dread  of 
the  &acinatioa  of  the  **  evil  eye."  Sometimes  in- 
^iriihial  men,  sometimes  whole  races  (e.g,  the 
Thika  of  Pontos)  were  thought  to  possess  the 
peirer  of  smiting  youth  and  health,  and  causing 
them  to  waste  away  (Plutarch,  Stpnpaa,  ▼.  7). 
ind  against  this,  men  used  remedies  of  rarions 
kinds,  the  'E^ciria  ypdfifiortt^   the  fhalhts  or 
foQuum.    The  latter  was  believed  to  operate  as 
direrting  the  gnre  which  would  otherwise  be 
ittd  OB  that  which  kept  it  spell-bound  (Plu- 
tarch, Lc;  Varr.  de  Linff.  Lat,  vi.  5X  but  was  pro- 
bably connected  also  with  its  use  as  the  symbol 
•f  life  as  against  the  evil  power  that  was  working 
te  destroy  life.     It  is  obvious  that  superstitions 
if  this  kind  would  be  foreign  to  Christian  life  in 
its  first  parity.    The  "  bonfire  '*  at  Ephesus  was 
a  pretest  against  them  and  all  like  usages  (Acts 
m.  19).    They  crept  in,  however,  probably  in 
the  firrt  instance  through  the  influence  of  Juda- 
ing  or  Orientalizing  Gnostics.    The  followers 
if  Basilides  had  their  mystical  Abraxas  and  Jal- 
dahaoth,  which  they  wrote  on  parchment  and 
md  as  a  charm  [C%r.  Biogr.  art.  Basilides]. 
Searahaei  have   been   found,   with    inscriptions 
(Jao,  Sahaoth,  the  names  of  angels,  Bellerman, 
Cher  die  Soarahaeen,  L  10)^  indicating  Christian 
ciatioBS  of  this  nature.^    The  catacombs  of 
hare  yielded  small  objects  of  various  kinds 
that  were  used  apparently  for  the  same  purpose, 
a  brottse  fish  (connected,  of  course,  with  the 
■jitic  anagram   of  IxeTS),   with    the  word 
Ifl2Aa  on  it,  a  h;tuJ  holding  a  tablet  with 
ZHCE2,  medals  with  the  monogram  which  had 
figored  OD  the  hbarwa  of  Constantine  (Aringhi, 
£ma  Svbterraneoy  ri.  23  ;  Costadoni,  Del  Pesce^ 
ri.  n.,  iii.,  19 ;  Martigny,  s.  v.  Poisemi).    In  the 
East  we  find  the  practice  of  carrying  the  Gospels 
iPifiida  or  ^leryydkta  /uKp^)  round  the   neck 
as  fsAflrHlfaa  (Chrysost.  Horn.  Ixiiii.  in  Matt.) ; 
and  Jerome  (in   Hatt.   iv.   24)  confesses  that 
he  had  himself  done  so  to  guard  against  disease. 
When  the  passion  for  relics  set  in  they  too  were 
CBployed,  and  even  Gregory  the  Great  sent  to 
TVcodeliiida  two  of  these  ^uXorr^pia,  one  a  cross 
eoBtainittg  a  fragment  of  the  true  cross,  the  other 
a  box  containing  a  copy  of  the  Gospels,  each  with 
Greek  avocations,  as  a  charm  against  the  evil 
ipirita  or  lamiae  that  beset  children  (Epp.  xii.  7). 
la  an  these  cases  we  trace  some  Christian  asso- 

•  TUi  li  disthietly  stated  In  the  Jemsalem  Qenuua 
(BeacklbL3,4>  Oomp.  the  exbaastlve  article  fay  Leym 
«B 'Aytaklerlcn*  in  Henog. 

^TkeBMBttoDoT'tbe  horns  of  the  Scarabaens  "  as  att 
mdti  \f  Vtiaj  {B,  N.  xaviiL  4)  shews  how  widely  the 
iU  ^gypdao  feeling  aboot  It  bad  spread  fai  the  first 

ciations.  Symbolism  passes  into  superstition. 
In  other  instances  the  old  heathen  leaven  was 
more  conspicuous.  Strange  words,  ir^plepyoi 
X^poKrripts  (Basil,  in  Ps.  xlv.,  p.  229  A),  names 
of  rivers,  and  the  like  (Chrysost.  Horn,  Ixxiii.  in 
Matt.),  "ligaturae*'  of  all  kinds  (August.  Tract  vii. 
in  Jixmn.),  are  spoken  of  as  frequent.  Even  a 
child's  caul  (it  is  curious  to  note  at  once  the 
antiquity  and  the  persistency  of  the  superstition)^ 
and  the  iyK6\'K'ior  Mvfta  became  an  kyK6Kwiov 
in  another  sense,  and  was  used  by  mid  wives  to 
counteract  the  ^  evil  eye  "  and  the  words  o{  evil 
omen  of  which  men  were  still  afraid  (Balsamon, 
in  Cone.  Trutt.j  c  61).  Even  the  strange  prohibi- 
tion by  the  Council  just  referred  to  of  the  practice 
of  "  leading  about  she  bears  and  other  like  beasts 
to  the  delusion  (vphs  iraiywtow)  and  injury  of  the 
simple,"  has  been  referred  by  the  same  writer 
(ibid.)f  not  to  their  being  a  show  as  in  later 
times,  but  to  the  fact  that  those  who  did  so  car- 
ried on  a  trade  in  the  ^vKaucHipiOj  which  they 
mnde  from  their  hair,  and  which  were  in  request 
as  a  care  for  sore  eyes. 

Christian  legislation  and  teaching  had  to  carry 
on  a  perpetual  warfare  against  these  abuses. 
Constantine  indeed,  in  the  transition  stage  which 
he  represented,  had  allowed  *'  remedia  humanis 
quaesita  corporibus "  (^Ood,  Theodos.  ix.  tit.  16, 
8.  3),  as  well  as  incantations  for  rain,  but  the 
Council  of  Laodicea  (c.  36)  forbade  the  clergy 
to  make  ^Xaicrfipta,  which  were  in  reality  ''8c(r- 
furrfipia  for  their  own  souls."  Chrysostom  fre- 
quently denounces  them  in  all  their  forms,  and 
lays  bare  the  plea  that  the  old  women  who  sold 
them  were  devout  Christians,  and  that  the  prac- 
tice therefore  could  not  be  so  very  wrong  (Jicm, 
viii.  in  Coloss.  p.  1374 ;  Hom^  vi.  c  Jud. ;  Hem, 
Ixii.  p.  536,  in  Matt.  p.  722).  Basil  (/.  c.)  speaks 
in  the  same  tone.  Augustine  (/.  c.  and  Serm,  ccxv. 
De  Temp.")  warns  men  against  all  such  '*  diabolioa 
phylacteria."  Other  names  by  which  such  amulets 
were  known  were  ircpiairra,  wtptdfifiarcu  We 
may  infer  from  the  silence  of  Clement  of  Alex- 
andria and  Tertullian  that  the  earlier  days  of  the 
Church  were  comparatively  free  from  these  super- 
stitions, and  from  the  tone  of  the  writers  just  re- 
ferred to  that  the  canon  of  the  Council  of  lAodicea 
had  been  so  far  efiectual  that  the  clergy  were  no 
longer  ministering  to  them.  [E.  H.  P.] 

ANAOHORETAE.    [Hermit.] 

ANACJLETUS,  the  pope,  martyr  at  Rome, 
commemorated  April  26  (Mart,  Potn,  Vet.),  [C.j 

ANAGTOBON  C/^dxropop  from  Maeretp), 
the  dwelling  of  a  king  or  ruler.  In  classical 
authors,  generally  a  house  of  a  god,  especially 
a  temple  of  the  Eleusinian  Demeter  or  of  the 
Dioscuri ;  also,  the  innermost  recess  of  a  temple, 
in  which  oracles  were  given  (Lobeck*s  Aglaopha^ 
mus,  i.  pp.  59,  62).  Eusebios  {Panegyr,  c.  9) 
applies  the  word  to  the  church  built  by  Constan- 
tine at  Antioch,  whether  as  equivalent  to  /Boo'i- 
Xfff^,  or  with  reference  to  the  unusual  size  and 
splendour  of  the  church,  or  with  a  reminiscence 
of  the  classical  use  of  the  word,  is  difficult  to  say. 
(Bingham's  Antiquitiea,  viii.  1.  §  5.)  [C.J 


Tertullian  is  the  earliest  writer  who  mentions 
this  office  as  a  distinct  order  in  the  Church  (De 
Praescr,  c.  41).  It  would  seem  that,  at  first,  the 
public  reading  of  the  Scriptures  was  performed 




indifierently  by  presbytei's  and  deacons,  and  pos- 
sibly at  times  by  a  layman  specially  appointed 
by  the  bishop.  From  Tertullian's  time,  how- 
ever, it  was  included  among  the  minor  ordei-s, 
and  as  such  is  frequently  referred  to  by  Cyprian 
i^Epp,  29,  88,  &c.).  It  is  also  one  of  the  three 
minor  orders  mentioned  in  the  so-called  ApoB- 
tolical  Canons,  the  other  two  being  the  {ncohii- 
Kovos  and  the  ^fdkrris.  The  Scriptures  were 
read  by  the  Anagnostes,  from  the  pulpitum  or 
tnbunal  ecclesiae.  If  any  portion  of  the  sacred 
writings  was  read  from  the  altar,  or  more  pro- 
perly from  the  bema  or  tribunal  of  the  sanc- 
tuary, this  was  done  by  one  of  the  higher  clergy. 
By  one  of  Justinian's  Novels  it  was  directed 
that  no  one  should  be  ordained  reader  before 
thi*  age  of  eighteen  ;  but  previously  young  boys 
wCa'c  admitted  to  the  office,  at  the  instance 
of  their  parents,  as  introductory  to  the  higher 
functions  of  the  sacred  ministry  (Bingham, 
Thorndike).  [D.  B.] 

ANANIAS.  (1)  Of  Damascus  (Acts  ix.  10), 
commemorated  Jan.  25  {Mart.  Rom.  VeU^ ;  Oct. 
1  (Co/.  ByzanL);  Oct.  15  (<7.  Armen.), 

(2)  Martyr  in  Persia,  April  21  {Mart.  Rom,  Vet), 
(8)  Mai*tyr,  with  Azarias  and  Misael,  Dec.  16 
(/&.);  April  23  {MaH,  Bedae);  Dec.  17  (Col, 
Byzant.).  [C] 

ANAPHORA.  QKvax^ood,  The  word  i^va- 
^4peiv  acquired  in  later  Greek  the  sense  of 
"  lifting  up "  or  "  offering :  '*  as  avcup4p€iv  $v- 
ffiasy  Heb.  vii.  27 ;  1  Pet.  ii.  5 ;  ianupepuy  th- 
Xapurriav,  €v<piifilay,  Ho^oKoyiaVj  Chrysostom  in 
Suicer,  s.  v.  'Avoupopd  was  also  used  in  a  cor- 
responding sense ;  in  Ps.  1.  21,  [LXX],  it  is  the 

equivalent  of  the  Hebrew  TO]),  *'  that  which 

goeth  up  on  the  altar.") 

1.  In  the  sense  of  "lifting  up"  Anaphora 
came  to  be  applied  to  the  celebcation  of  the 
Holy  Eucharist;  whether  from  the  "lifting 
up'*  of  the  heart  whicli  is  required  in  that 
service,  or  from  the  "oblation"  which  takes 
place  in  it ;  probably  the  latter. 

In  the  liturgical  diction  of  the  Copts,  which 
has  borrowed  much  from  the  Greeks,  the  word 
Anaphora  is  used,  instead  of  liturgy,  to  designate 
the  whole  of  the  Eucharistic  service,  and  the 
book  which  contains  it ;  but  more  commonly  its 
use  is  restricted  to  that  more  solemn  part  of  the 
Eucharistic  office  which  includes  the  Consecration, 
Oblation,  Communion,  and  Thanksgiving.  It  be- 
gins with  the  "  Sursum  Corda,"  or  rather  with 
the  benediction  which  precedes  it,  and  extends 
to  the  end  of  the  office,  thus  corresponding  with 
the  Preface  and  Cai70N  of  Western  rituals. 

The  general  structure  of  the  Anaphorae  of 
Oriental  liturgies  is  thus  exhibited  by  Dr.  Keale 
{Eastern  Church,  Introduction,  i.  463). 

7%e  Great  Evcharittic  Prayer— 

1.  The  Preface.    [Sdrsuk  Corda.^ 

a.  The  Prayer  of  the  Trlomidial  Hymn.  [Paxfacb.] 

3.  The  Trlamphal  Hymn.    [Sakotus.] 

4.  Oommemoratfon  of  our  Lmrd's  Life. 

5.  OommemoraUon  oflnstitatlon. 

The  OmeeeraJtioi^- 

6.  WoTxls  of  Institution  of  the  Bread, 
f .  Words  of  Institution  of  the  Wine. 

8.  Oblation  of  the  Body  and  Blood. 

9.  Introductory  Prayer  for  the  Descent  of  the 

Holy  Ghost 
10.  Prayer  for  the  Change  of  Elementa 

The  Great  Mereeeeary  Prayer— 

11.  General  Infeerceaaloo  for  Qnicik  and  Dead. 

12.  Prayer  before  the  iMtl'a  Prayer. 

13.  The  Lord's  l^rayer 

14.  The  EmboltMinus. 

The  Commumion — 

15.  The  Prayer  of  mdlnatlon  (rius  m^oAoc  kXA- 


16.  Td  ayta  nli  ayibc«  and  Elsratton  of  UosL 

17.  ITie  Fraction. 

18.  The  Confession. 

19.  The  Communion. 

20.  The  Antldoron ;  and  Prayers  of  Tbank^ving. 

This  table  exhibits  the  component  parts  of  the 
Anaphorae  of  all,  or  nearly  alC  the  Eastern  litur^ 
gies,  in  the  state  in  which  they  have  come  down 
to  us ;  but  different  parts  are  variously  de 
veloped  in  different  liturgies,  and  even  the  order 
is  not  always  preserved ;  for  instance,  in  the 
existing  Nestorian  liturgies,  the  general  inter- 
cession is  placed  before  the  invocation  of  the 
Holy  Ghost,  and  other  minor  variations  are  found. 
The  principal  of  these  will  be  noticed  under  their 
proper  headings. 

It  is  in  the  Anaphorae  that  the  characteristics 
are  found  which  distinguish  different  liturgies 
of  the  same  family;  in  the  introductory 'or  pro 
anaphoral  portion  of  the  liturgies  there  is  much 
less  variety.  "In  every  liturgical  family  there 
is  one  liturgy,  or  at  most  two,  which  supplies 
the  former  or  pro-anaphoral  portion  to  all  the 
others,  and  such  liturgies  we  may  call  the  normal 
offices  of  that  family ;  the  others,  both  in  MSS. 
and  printed  editions,  commence  with  the  '  Prayer 
of  the  Kiss  of  Peace,'  the  preface  to  the  Ana- 
phora "  (Neale,  Eastem  Church,  i.  319).  Thus, 
when  the  liturgy  of  Gregory  Theologus  or  of 
Cyril  is  used,  the  pro-anaphoral  portion  is  taken 
from  that  of  St.  Basil ;  the  Ethiopian  Church  has 
twelve  liturgies,  which  have  the  introductory 
portion  in  common ;  the  numerous  Syro-Jaoobite 
liturgies  all  take  the  introductory  portion  from 
that  of  St.  James;  the  three  Nestorian  from 
that  of  the  Apostles.  Further  particulars  will 
be  found  under  Canon  and  Communion. 

2.  The  word  kva^opd  is  sometimes  used  in 
liturgical  writings  as  equivalent  to  the  aiip  or 
Chalice-veil ;  and  has  found  its  way  in  this  sense, 
cori-upted  in  form  {Nuphir")  into  the  Syrian 
liturgies.    (Renaudot,  Lit.  Orient,  ii.  61.)   [C] 

AN  ASTASIA.  (1)  Martyr  under  Diocletian. 
Her  Natalie,  an  ancient  and  famous  festival,  falls 
on  Dec.  25  {Mart.  Rom,  Vet,,  Ifieron,,  Bedae), 
Her  name  is  recited  in  the  Gregorian  Canon. 
The  proper  office  for  her  festival,  in  the  Gre- 
gorian Sacram,  (p.  7),  is  headed,  in  Mi^rd's 
text,  Missa  in  Mane  prima  Nat.  DonL,  site  S. 
Anastasiae;  and  is  inserted  between  the  SKsta 
In  Vigilia  Domini  in  Node  and  the  Missa  In  Die 
NatcUis  Domini,  The  titles  in  the  other  lifSS. 
are  equivalent.  In  the  Byzantine  Calendar  she 
is  commemorated  as  <f>c^fuuco\vrpla,  dissolver  of 
spells  on  Dec  22  (see  Neale's  Eastern  Ckvrdi, 
Introd.  786). 

(2)  Of  Rome,  da-iofjidpTvs,  commemorated  Oct 
29  {Cal.  Byzant.),  [C] 

ANASTASIS.— The  Orthodox  Greek  Church 
commemorates  the  dedication  of  the  Church  of 
the  Anastasis  by  Constantino  the  Great  (*£7irai- 
I'la  rov  Naov  r^s  ayias  row  Xpurrov  koI  6cov 
^fx&v  * KvoffrAffews)  on  Sep.  13.    (Daniel,  Coda 




IT.  268.)  This  festival  refers  to  the 
of  the  Qmrch  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre, 
«  of  the  Besurection  of  the  Lord,  at  Jerusalem, 
AJtL  335.  (Ensebivs,  Vita  CoHgUmtini,  iii.  26  ff.) 
A  MDilar  oaiM  was  given  to  the  room  where 
Gregory  of  Nasianzns  preached  at  Constantinople, 
lAervaids  converted  into  a  magnificent  church. 
(Gibbon's  ^ome,  iiL  367,  ed.  Smith.)  [C] 

AKASTA8IU8.  (1)  The  monk,  martyr  in 
Penis,  commemorated  Jan.  22  (^CcU.  Byzant^ 
Mart  Rom,  Vet.^  Hieron.^ 

(S)  Ssint,  April  1  (Mart,  Bedae), 

(S)  The  pope,  April  27  {Mari,  B.  V.,  Bedae) ; 
Oct  28  {CaL  Armen.). 

(4)  Saint,  May  2  ( Jf.  Bedae). 

(i)  The  Comicalarins,  martyr,  Aug.  21  (Mart. 

(9)  Commemorated  Ang.  26  (M.  Hienm.). 

(T)  Bishop,  Got.  13  (^M.  Bedae,  Bieron.).   [C] 

ANATHEMAf  the  greater  exoommunica- 
ika,  saswering  to  Cherem  in  the  Synagogue, 
m  the  lesaer  form  did  to  Niddni,  «>.  Separation : 
tkb  latter  is  called  k^fopuffihs  in  the  ConstHutiona 
tf  the  Afo$tk9. 

The  excision  of  obstinate  offenders  from  the 
Christisn  fellowship  was  grounded  npon  the 
voids  of  Christ—^  If  he  will  not  hear  the  Church, 
kt  him  be  as  a  heathen  man  and  a  publican." 
So  St.  Grmry  interprets  them — **  let  him  not 
be  oteemed  for  a  brother  or  a  Christian  " — ^  vi- 
deBeet  pcccator  gravis  et  scandalosus,  notorius 
ait  socosatns  et  convictus  " ;  being  reproved  by 
the  bishop  in  the  public  assemblies  of  the  Church, 
if  be  will  not  be  humbled  but  remains  incorri- 
gible and  perseveres  in  his  scandalous  sins — 
**  tan  anathemate  feriendus  est  et  a  corpore  £c- 
deaise  ieparandos"  (St.  Gregory  in  Ps.  v.),  and 
St  Augustine  (Troci  zxvii.  in  Johan.)  vindicates 
this  severity  of  discipline  on  the  Church's  part 
ia  radi  a  case — "  quia  neque  influxum  habet  a 
cftpHe,  neque  participat  de  Spiritu  ChristL" 

This  application  of  the  word  Anathema  to  the 
**  g:reatcr  excommunication  "  was  warranted,  in 
tbe  belief  of  the  ancient  Church,  by  St.  Paul's 
ose  of  it  (Gal.  i.  8,  9),  and  the  discipline  itself 
beiag  distinctly  warranted  by  our  Lord's  words, 
as  well  as  by  other  passages  in  the  New  Testa- 
nest,  the  anathema  was  regarded  as  cutting 
a  nai  off  from  the  way  of  salvation ;  so  that 
■akn  he  received  the  grace  of  repentance  he 
woald  certainly  perish. 

A  nilder  aense,  however,  of  the  word  Ana- 
tbcna,  as  uaed  by  St.  Paul,  has  not  been  without 
its  deieadcrs,  both  among  our  own  Divines  as 
Haaunood  and  Waterland,  and  by  (hx>tius.  The 
kttcr  writer,  oommenting  on  Rom.  iz.  3,  gives 
tbe  following  interpretation :  ^'Uoc  didt :  Yelim 
MB  nodo  earere  honore  Apostolatds,  verum 
contemptissimus  esse  inter  Christianos, 
sant  qui  exoommunicati  sunt." 
Aad  as  to  the  effect  of  the  Ecclesiastical  Ana- 
tboM — It  is  maintained  by  Vincentins  Lirinen- 
m  tbat  it  did  not  bear  the  sense  of  cursing 
anoag  the  ancient  Christiana,  as  Cherem  did 
SBoag  the  Jews. 
It  is  certain,  however,  that  the  word  Ana- 

tbana  b  uniformly  employed  by  the  LXXas  the 
•^vivalcBi  of  Cherem ;  and  it   can   hardly  be 

iMrtiooed,  therefore,  that  where  it  occurs  in 

^  V.  T.  H  must  be  understood  in  the  deeper 
nlating  to  the  spiritual  condition — 

and  not  merely  to  exclusion  from  Church  prfvl* 
leges,  whatever  may  have  been  the  force  subse- 
quently attached  to  the  word,  as  expressing  the 
most  solemn  form  of  ecclesiastical  excommuni- 
cation. On  this  point  and  on  the  history  of  the 
word  in  general,  the  reader  is  reforred  to  Light- 
foot  on  Galatians  ;  Thomdike,  voL  iL  338 ;  Bp. 
Jeremy  Taylor  {Ductor  Dybitantium}.  For 
'Avd^fu,  see  Votive  OFrE&iNOS.         [D.  B.J 

ANATOLIA,  martyr,  commemorated  July  \f 
(Mart.  Bom.  Vet).  [C]  ' 

ANATOLIUS,  bishop,  commemorated  July  3 
(MaH.  Bom.  Vet.).  [C] 

ANAXABBE  (Stnoda  of)^  a.o.  431,  to  con- 
firm the  deposition  of  St.  Cyril,  and  those  who 
held  with  him.  Another  was  held  there  two 
years  later,  as  at  Antioch,  to  make  peace  with 
St.  CyriL  f  E.  S.  F.] 

ANCHOB  (AS  Sthbol).  The  anchor  is  an 
emblem  very  frequently  used,  from  the  earliest 
ages  of  Christianity,  in  symbolism.  As  the  anchor 
is  the  hope  and  often  the  sole  resource  of  the 
sailor,  the  ancients  called  it  sacred;  to  weigh 
anchor  was,  "Anchoram  aacram  solvere."  St. 
Paul  adopts  an  obvious  symbolism,  when  he 
says  (Heb.  vi.  19)  that  we  have  hope  as  '*  an 
anchor  of  the  soul  both  sure  and  stedfast ;"  so 
that,  in  its  special  Christian  sense,  the  anchor 
would  seem  to  be  an  emblem  of  hope. 

By  the  early  Christians  we  find  it  used,  some- 
times with  reference  to  the  stormy  ocean  of 
human  life,  but  mora  often  to  the  tempests  and 
the  fierce  blasts  of  persecution  which  threatened 
to  engulf  the  ship  of  the  Church.  Thus  the 
anchor  is  one  of  the  most  ancient  of  emblems ; 
and  we  find  it  engraved  on  rings,  and  depicted 
on  monuments  and  on  the  walls  of  cemeteries  in 
the  Catacombs,  as  a  type  of  the  hope  by  which 
the  Church  stood  firm  in  the  midst  of  the  storms 
which  surrounded  it.  In  this,  as  in  other  cases, 
Christianity  adopted  a  symbol  from  Paganism, 
with  merely  the  change  of  application. 

The  symbols  on  sepulchral  tablets  often  con* 
tain  allusions  to  the  name  of  the  deceased.  The 
Chevalier  de  Rossi  (Ik  Monum.  IXeTN  exhtb.  p. 
18)  states  that  he  has  three  times  found  an 
anchor  upon  tituli  bearing  names  derived  from 
Spes  or  4\irls ;  upon  the  tablet  of  a  certain 
ELPIDIVS  (Mai,  Coliect  Vatican,  v.  449),  and 
upon  two  others,  hitherto  unpublished,  in  the 
cemetery  of  Priscilla,  of  two  women,  EIPIZVSA 
and  Spes.  In  some  cases,  above  the  transverse 
bar  of  the  anchor  stands  the  letter  £,  which  is 
probably  the  abbreviation  of  the  woni  *Z\irls. 
Further,  we  find  the  anchor  associated  with  the 
fith,  the  symbol  of  the  Saviour  [IXBTS].  It  is 
clear  that  the  union  of  the  two  symbols  expresses 
'*  hope  in  Jesus  Christ,"  and  is  equivalent  to  the 
formula  so  common  on  Christian  tablets,  "  Spes 
in  Christo,"  <<  Spes  in  Deo,"  ''Spes  in  Deo 

The  transverse  bar  below  the  ring  gives  the 
upper  part  ofthe  anchor  the  appearance  of  acrtu; 
ansata  [Crobb]  ;  and  perhaps  this  form  may  have 
had  as  much  influence  in  determining  the  choice 
of  this  symbol  by  the  Christians  as  the  words  of 
St.  Paul.  The  anchor  appears,  as  is  natural,  very 
frequently  upon  the  tombs  of  martyrs.  (See 
Lupi,  Severae  Epitaphium^  pp.  136, 137 ;  Boldetti, 
OMemaxioid^  366,  370^  &c.;  Fabretti,  Inaorith 




tionum  Explic,  568»  569 ;  and  Martigny,  DicL 
des  Antiq.  Chr^,  s.  v.  *  Ancre.*)  [C] 

ANCYRA. — Two  svnods  of  Ancyra  are  re- 
corded ;  the  first  of  which  stands  at  the  head  of 
those  provincial  synods  whose  canons  form  part 
of  the  code  of  the  universal  Church.  It  was 
held  under  Yitalis  of  Antioch,  who  signs  first ; 
and  of  the  18  bishops  composing  it,  several 
attended  the  Nioene  Council  subsequently. 
Twenty-five  canons  were  passed,  about  half  of 
-which  relate  to  the  lapsed,  and  the  rest  to  dis- 
cipline generally  (v.  Beveridge,  Synod,  ii.  ad  /.). 
The  date  usually  assigned  to  it  is  a.d.  814. 
Another  synod  met  there,  A.D.  858,  composed 
of  semi-Arians.  They  condemned  the  second 
Synod  of  Sirminm,  accepted  the  term  homoi- 
0U8i(M„  and  published  12  anathemas  against  all 
who  rejected  it,  together  with  a  long  synodical 
letter.  Another  synod  of  semi-Arians  was  held 
there,  A..D.  375,  at  which  Hipsius,  Bishop  of 
Parnassus,  was  deposed.  [E.  S.  F.] 

are  commemorated  by  the  Aimenian  Church  on 
June  20,  as  fellow-martyrs  with  Theodotion,  or 
Theodoras,  of  Salatia,  the  first  Bishop  of  Ancyra 
of  whom  we  have  any  account.  (Neale,  Eastern 
Church,  Introd.  p.  800.)  [C] 

gers, Council  of.] 

LOT,  Council  op.] 

ANDELOT,  COUNCIL  OP  (Andelaense 
Conciliuh),  near  Langres ;  summoned  by  Gun- 
tram,  King  of  Orleans  (at  a  meeting  to  ratify  a 
compact,  also  made  at  Andelot,  between  himself 
and  Childebert,  Nov.  28  or  29,  587),  for  March  1, 
A.D.  588,  but  nothing  further  is  recorded  of  it,  and 
possibly  it  was  never  held  at  all  (Greg.  Turon., 
ffist.  Fr.  ix.  20;  Mansi,  ix.  967-970).  [A.  W.  H.] 

AND0C5HIUS  or  AND0CIU8,  presbyter, 
commemorated  Sept.  24  (^Mart.  Hieron., 
Bedae),  [C] 

ANDREAS.  (1)  Martyr,  commemorated 
Aug.  19  (^Mari.  Rom,  Vet). 

(2)  King,  Hedar  16  =  Nov.  12  {Ccd,  Ethiop,), 

(8)  The  general,  with  2953  companion  mar- 
tyrs, commemorated  Aug.  19  (jCai,  Byzant,), 

(4)  Of  Crete,  htnoyAinvs,  Oct.  17  {Cal, 
Byz.),  [C] 

ANDREW,  Saint,  Festival  op. — As  was 
natural,  the  name  of  the  **  brother  fisherman  " 
of  St.  Peter  was  early  held  in  great  honour. 
He  is  invoked  by  name  as  an  intercessor  in  the 
prayer  ^  Libera  nos  "  of  the  Roman  Canon,  with 
the  Virgin,  St.  Peter,  and  St.  Paul ;  and  his 
principal  festival  was  anciently  placed  on  the 
same  level  as  that  of  St.  Peter  himself  (Krazer, 
De  Liturgiis,  p.  529).  His  "Dies  Natalis,"  or 
martyrdom,  is  placed  in  all  the  Martyrologies, 
agreeing  in  this  with  the  apocryphal  Acta  Andreae, 
on  Nov.  30.  It  is  found  in  the  Calendar  of  Car- 
thage, in  which  no  other  apostles  are  specially 
commemorated  except  St.  Peter,  St.  Paul,  and 
St.  James  the  Great ;  and  in  St.  Boniface's  list 
of  Festivals,  where  no  other  apostles  are  named 
except  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  (Binterim*s  Denk- 
wurdigkeiten,  v.  i.  299).  The  hymn  "  Nunc  An- 
dreae solemnia,"  for  the  festival  of  St.  Andrew, 
is  attributed  to  Venerable  Bede.     Proper  offices 


for  the  Vigil  and  Festival  of  St.  Andrew  an 
found  in  the  Sacramentaries  of  Leo  and  Gregory. 
In  the  latter  (p.  144)  there  is  a  clear  allusion  to 
the  Acta  (see  Tischendorf's  Acta  Apost.  Apocry* 
pha,  p.  127X  where  it  is  said  that  the  saint  frankij 
proclaimed  the  truth,  "nee  pendens  taoeret  in 
cruce;"  and  in  the  ancient  Liber  Jtesponsalis, 
which  bears  the  name  of  Gregory,  is  one  equally 
clear  to  the  same  Acta  in  the  words  of  St.  Aii- 
drew's  prayer,  "  Ne  me  patiaris  ab  impio  jndice 
deponi,  quia  virtutem  sanctae  cinicis  agnovi "  (p. 
836).  A  trace  of  the  influence  of  these  same  Ada 
is  found  again  in  the  Gallo-Gothic  Missal  (pro- 
bably of  the  8th  century),  published  by  Mabillon, 
in  which  the  '*  contestatio,  or  preface  (Litttrgia 
Gall.  lib.  iii.  p.  222),  sets  forth  that  the  Apostle, 
**  post  iniqua  verbera,  post  carceris  saepta,  alli- 
gatus  suspendio  se  purum  sacrificium  obtulit 
.  .  .  Absolvi  se  non  patitur  a  cruce  .  .  .  turba 
.  .  .  laxari  postulat  justura,  ne  pereat  populus 
hoc  delicto ;  interea  fundit  martyr  spiritum." 
The  Armenian  Church  commemorates  St.  Andrew 
with  St.  Philip  on  Nov.  16. 

The  relics  of  the  apostle  were  translated,  pro- 
bably in  the  reign  of  Constaniius,  though  some 
authorities  place  the  translation  in  that  of  Con- 
stantine  (compare  Jerome,  c.  Vigilantitany  c.  6, 
p.  391,  who  says  that  Constantius  translated  the 
relics,  with  Paulinus,  Carm,  26,  p.  628),  to  Con- 
stantine's  great  "Church  of  the  Apostles"  at 
Constantinople,  where  they  rested  with  those  of 
St.  Luke;  the  church  was  indeed  sometimes 
called,  from  these  two  great  s&ints,  the  church 
of  St.  Andrew  and  St.  Luke.  Justiniin  built 
over  their  remains,  to  which  those  of  St.  Timothr 
had  been  added,  a  splendid  tomb. 

The  Martyrohgium  Hieronymi  places  the  trans- 
lation of  St.  Andrew  on  Sept.  3,  and  has  a 
"  Dedicatio  Basilicae  S.  Andreae  *'  on  Nov.  3 ;  but 
most  Martyrologies*  agree  with  the  Martynh 
logium  Bomanum  in  placing  the  translation  on 
May  9.  Several  Martyrologies  have  on  Feb.  5 
an  "  Ordinatio  Episcopatus  Andreae  Apostoli,*'  in 
commemoration  of  the  saint's  consecration  tx) 
the  see  of  Patras  (Florentinus,  in  MariyroL 
Hieron,  p.  300 ;  Baronius,  in  Martyrol.  Romano, 
Nov.  30,  p.  502 ;  Tillemont,  Mem,  Eccles.  i.  320, 
589 ;  Binterim's  DenkwHrdigh^ten,  v.  i.  503,  £). 

As  was  natural  in  the  case  of  so  distinguished 
a  saint  as  the  first-called  Apostle,  churches  werp 
dedicated  in  honour  of  St.  Andrew  in  early  times. 
Pope  Simplicius  (c.  470)  is  said  to  have  dedicated 
a  basilica  at  Rome  in  his  honour  (Ciampini,  Vd. 
Monum,  i.  242);  and  somewhat  later  (c  500) 
Pope  Symmachus  converted  the  '^Vestiarium 
Neronis "  into  a  church,  which  bore  the  name 
"  S.  Andreae  ad  Crucem."  This  was  not  far  from 
the  Vatican  (Ciampini,  De  Sacris  Aec^,  p.  86). 
Later  examples  are  frequent. 

The  representation  of  St.  Andrew  with  the 
decussate  cross  (X)  as  the  instrument  of  his 
martyrdom  belongs  to  the  Middle  Ages.  Id 
ancient  examples  he  appears,  like  most  of  the 
other  apostles,  simply  as  a  dignified  figure  in 
the  ancient  Roman  dress,  sometimes  bearing  a 
crown,  as  in  a  5th-century  Mosaic  in  the 
church  of  St.  John  at  Ravenna  (Ciampini,  Vetera 
Monumenta,  torn.  i.  tab.  Ixx.  p.  235),  sometimes 
a  roll  of  a  book,  as  in  a  9th-century  Mosaic 
figured  by  Ciampini  (u.  s.  torn.  ii.  tab.  liu. 
p.  162),  where  he  is  joined  with  the  favoored 
disciples,  SS.  Peter,  and  James,  and  John.   [C] 

AKDRONIGUS.    (1)   Saint,   April  5  (Jf. 

(f )  Maj  13  (jr.  H%er<m.\ 

(S)  *«  Apostle,"  with  Junia  (Rom.  xri.  7),  com- 
owBonted  May  17  (Got/.  Byzant) ;  inyention 
of  their  relics,  Feb.  22  (/%.,  Neale). 

(4)  Commemorated  Sept.  27  (Jf.  JTieron.). 

(5)  "Holy  Father,"  Oct.  9  (CW.  5y«an«.). 

(6)  Martrr,  oommeroorated  Oct.  10  {Mart, 
niertM.);  Oct.  11  (Jf.  J?om.  Tet.);  Oct  12  (Col, 
ByzoMt),  [C] 

ANE6IU8,  of  Africa,  commemorated  March 
31  {Mart  Hier^M.),  [C] 



ANGELS  and  ARCHANGELS,  in  Cimis- 
TikS  .\ST.  The  representations  of  angels  in 
Christ Un  art,  at  various  periods,  reproduce  in 
a  remarkable  manner  the  ideas  concerning  them, 
which  from  time  to  time  have  prevailed  in  the 
Church.  In  one  and  all,  however,  we  may  trace, 
thoiu^  with  varioos  modifications  of  treatment, 
tt  embodied  commentary  npon  the  brief  but  ex- 
jmssive  declaration  concerning  their  nature  and 
office  which  is  given  in  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews 
fi.  H).  Worship  or  service  rendered  unto 
tiod  (XciTovp>ro),*  and  work  of  ministration 
(ItMtork)  done  on  6od*s  behalf  to  men,  these  are 
the  two  spheres  of  angelic  operation  suggested  in 
Holy  Scripture,  and  these,  under  various  modifi- 
catioQS  ^  curioosly  characteristic  of  the  successive 
ai*ei  in  which  they  are  found,  oome  before  us  in 
X  lories  of  monuments  extending  from  the  fourth 
to  the  close  of  the  14th  century. 

§2.  Firti  three  Centuries.  Existing  monu- 
Beats  of  early  Christian  art,  illustrative  of  our 
preeat  subject,  are,  for  the  first  500  years,  or 
more,  almost  exdoaively  of  the  West,  and,  with 
oac  or  two  doubtful  exceptions,  all  these  are  of 
a  date  subsequent  to  the  "  Peace  of  the  Church," 
Dfider  CoBstantine  the  Great,  and  probably,  not 
earlier  than  400  A.D.  As  a  special  interest 
attaches  to  these  earliest  monuments,  it  may  be 
well  here  to  enumerate  them.  The  earliest  of  them 
all,  if  I/Agincourt's  judgment  (Histoirey  etc.  vol. 
T.  Peintnrey  PL  vii.  No.  3.)  may  be  trusted,  is 
a  mooument  in  the  cemetery  of  St.  Priscilla,^ 

■  Hdx  L  14.  karovpyuci.  wruyMra  awoaTtXX6iiMva  tit 
iMaamv.  The  distinction  of  the  two  words  noticed 
above  la  lost  in  oar  EngUab  TersioiL  It  is  well  brought 
urn  \j  Orign.  osnL  CeUum,  lib.  v.  (quoted  by  Blngbam. 
JmHq^  book  xUL  cap.  liL  ^  2,  note  2).  See  this  further 
QtiMXBted  in  the  descrfpUoo  of  woodcut  in  ^  6  below. 

^  AtaMOt  (almost,  if  not  altogether)  for  the  first  four 
oBtaffies  (mo  f  a>  tbey  subserve  purposes  of  dogma  ((  3) 
is  dte  Mb oentary;  tbey  are  Scriptural  still,  but  also  in 
oaecMe  kgmdary  (f  4)  in  the  6tb.  From  that  time  for- 
wardcaaonlcal  and  apociTpbal  Scripture  and  mediaeral 
hsmd  are  mixed  up  togietiier.  We  find  them  imperial 
hi  Chaiactcr,  or  saeerdotal  and  Utnigical,  an  the  caae  may 
he;  vbile  in  the  later  middle  ages  even  feudal  notious 
vwe  characteristically  mixed  up  with  the  traditions  con- 
ttraiBf  then  derived  frxm  Holy  Scripture.  (For  this  last 
a»  JaaMaoo.  Sacred  and  Legendary  Art,  3rd  edit  vol.  i. 
p  M,  qooting  from  71  PeifeUo  Leffmdario.) 

'  Tbe  AbW  If  artigny  (  Z>ie<umfui^  Ac  M  me. « Anges  0 
with  evident  doubt  of  the  date  assigned  to  this 
D^Aginooort  himaelf  in  hta  description  gives  no 
pankalan  as  to  the  source  from  which  his  drawing  was 
fafwed.  Neither  esriier  nor  later  antiquariea  know  any- 
Wog  of  Hi  history.  And  this  being  so,  an  unsupported 
as  to  Its  date,  resting  on  the  authority  of  D'Agin- 



dating,  as  he  thinks,  from  the  second  centitry* 
It  is  a  representation  of  Tobias  and  the  angel. 
(This  same  subject,  suggestive  of  the  ^*  Guardian 
Angel,"  reappears  in  some  of  the  Vetri  Antichi, 
of  the  4th  and  5th  century.)  Another  fresco  of 
early  but  uncertain  date  in  the  cemetery  of 
St.  Priscilla  (Aringhi,  £.  S.  ii.  p.  297)  has  been 
generally  interpreted  as  representing  the  Annun- 
ciation. The  angel  Gabriel  (if  such  be  the  inten- 
tion of  the  painter)  has  a  human  figure,  and  the 
dress  commonly  assigned  to  Apostles  and  other 
Scriptural  personages,  but  is  without  wings,  or 
any  other  special  designations.  With  these 
doubtful  exceptions,  no  representations  of  angels, 
now  remaining,  are  earlier  than  the  fourth  cen- 
tury, and  probably  not  earlier  than  the  fifth. 

§3.  Fourth  and  fifth  Centuries.  There  was  an 
interval  of  transition  from  this  earlier  period, 
the  limits  of  which  are  Indicated  by  the  (Council 
of  llliberis,'  a.d.  305,  on  the  one  hand,  and  on 
the  other  by  the  Christian  mosaics  of  which  we 
first  hear  '  at  the  close  of  that  century,  or  early 
in  the  next.  The  first  representation  of  angels 
in  mosaic  work  is  supposed  (by  Ciampinus  and 
others)  to  be  that  of  the  Church  of  S.  Agatha  at 
Ravenna.  These  mosaics  Ciampinus  admits  to  be 
of  very  uncertain  date,  but  he  believes  '  them  to 
be  of  the  beginning  of  the  5th  century.  (See  his 
Vetera  Mtmumenta,  vol.  i.  Tab.  xlvi.)  The  first 
representations  of  the  kind  to  which  a  date  can 
with  any  certainty  be  assigned,  are  those  in  the 
CThurch  of  S.  Maria  Major  at  Rome,  put  up  by 
Xystus  III.  between  the  years  432  and  440  a.d. 
In  those  of  the  Nave  of  this  Church  (Ciampini 
V,  M.  tom.  i.  Pll.  1.  to  Ixiv.)  various  subjects  from 
the  Old  Testament  have  their  place ;  and  amongst 
others  the  appearance  of  the  three  angels  to 
Abraham \P1.  li.)  and  of  the  ''Captain  of  the 
Lord's  Hosts"  (by  tradition  the  archangel 
Michael)  to  Joshua  (PI.  Ixii.).  But  on  the 
**Arcus  Triumphalis"ff  of  this  same  Church, 
there  is  a  series  of  mosaics,  of  the  greatest  pos- 
sible interest  to  the  history  of  dogmatic  theology; 
and  in  these  angels  have  a  prominent  part. 
This  series  was  evidently  intended  to  be  an  em- 

court  alone,  carries  but  little  weight.  The  same  sntiiect  is 
reproduced  in  the  Gemetery  of  8&  Thraao  and  Satuminus 
(Ferret,  vol.  UL  pL  zxvL). 

d  The  37th  canon  forbids  the  painting  upon  waUs  the 
objects  of  religious  worship  and  adoration.  "  Placnit  plo- 
tnras  In  ecclesia  ease  non  debere,  ne  quod  oolitnr  et  adoratur 
in  parietlbna  depingatur."  Roman  writers,  for  obvious 
reasons*  seek  to  explain  away  the  apparent  meaning 
of  this  prohibition.  As  to  this,  see  Bingham,  C.  A., 
book  viii.  cap.  viii.  ^  6. 

*  Paullinus,  bishop  of  Nola,  early  in  the  6th  century, 
describes  at  mudi  length  In  a  letter  (E^  zil.)  to  bis  friend 
Sevens  the  decorations  with  which  he  had  adorned  hla 
own  church.  His  descriptions  accord  clo&ely  with  some 
of  the  actual  monuments  (aaroophagi  and  mosaic  pictures) 
of  nearly  oontemporaiy  date^  which  have  been  preserved 
to  our  own  time. 

'  The  form  of  the  Nimbus  here  assigned  to  our  Lord 
seems  to  indicate  a  later  date. 

s  By  the  "  trinmpbal  arch"  of  a  Roman  church  is 
meant  what  will  correspond  most  nearly  with  the  chancel 
arch  of  our  own  churches.  It  was  frill  in  view  of  the 
assembled  people  on  entering  the  church.  And  for  the 
first  six  centuries  (or  nearly  that  tlmey  It  was  reserved 
exclusively  for  such  subjects  as  had  Immediate  reference 
to  our  Lord ;  more  particularly  to  His  triumph  over  stn 
and  death,  and  Hla  sesskn  as  King  In  heaven.  See 
farther  on  this  sul^ect  Ciampini,  V.  M,  torn.  I.  p.  198,  sqq 

G  3 




bodiment  in  art  of  the  doctrine  decreed  jiut 
preyioufilj  in  the  Conncil  of  Ephesns,  A.D.  431. 
The  angels  represented  in  the  scenes  of  ''The 
Annunciation/'  the  Worship  of  the  Magi  (see 
woodcQt  ^  annexed),  and  the  Presentation  in  the 
Temple,  are  here  made  to  serve  to  the  declaration 
of  what  had  just  before  been  proclaimed,  viz. : 
that  He  who  was  bom  of  Mary  was  not  a  mere 
man  in  whom  the  Word  of  God  might  afterward 
take  up  his  abode,'  but  was  himself  God,  as  well 
as  man,  two  natures  united  in  one  person.  The 
angels  throughout  are  represented  as  ministering 
as  it  were  in  homage  to  a  king.  Even  in  the 
Annunciation,  not  Gabriel  only  is  represented, 
but  two  other  angels  are  seen  standing  behind 
the  seat  on  which  the  Virgin  Mary  is  placed. 
Of  these  Ciampinus  rightly  says,  that  they  are  to 
be  regarded  as  doing  homage  to  the  Word  then 
^come  incarnate,  '*  Duo  illi  ....  astant,  sive 
Gabrielis  asseclae,  sive  Deiparae  custodes,  aut 
potius  incamato  tunc  Verbo  obsequium  ez- 
hibentes."  They  embody,  as  he  observes,  the 
thought    expressed    by    St.  Augustine.      ''All 

angels  are  created  beings,  doing  service  nnte 
Christ.  Angels  could  ho.  sent  to  do  Him  homage, 
(ad  obsequium)  could  be  sent  to  do  Him  senioe, 
but  not  to  bring  help  (as  to  one  weak  or  helpleai 
in  himself):  and  so  it  is  written  that  angds 
ministered  to  Him,  not  as  pitying  one  that  needed 
help,  but  as  subject  unto  Him  who  is  Almightj." 
(S.  Aug.  in  PscU.  Ivi.) 

§  4.  Sixth  Century,  Between  500  A.D.  snd 
600  A.D.,  the  following  examples  may  be  died : 
the  triumphal  arch  of  the  Church  of  SS.  Cosiniis 
and  Damianus  at  Rome  (Ciampini  V,  M,  torn.  iL 
Tab.  XV.)  circ.  530  A.D.,  and  fifteen  years  later  the 
mosaics  of  S.  Michael  the  archangel  at  Ravenna, 
i&ui  Tab.  zvii.).  In  the  apse  of  the  tribune  is 
a  representation  of  Cur  Lord,  holding  a  lofty 
cross,  with  Michael  r.  and  Gabrihel  (stc)  1.  On 
the  wall  above,  the  two  archangels  are  ^ain 
seen  on  either  side  of  a  throne,  and  of  one  seated 
thereon.  These  two  bear  long  rods  or  stares, 
but  on  either  side  are  seven  other  angels  (four  r. 
and  three  1.)  playing  upon  trumpets,  lliere  is 
here  an  evident  allusion  to  Rev.  viiL  2,  6,  "  I  saw 

Wonbip  of  fhe  lUgl.  fron  8.  HuiA  Ibdor  at 

the  seven  angels,  which  stand  before  God,  and  to 
them  were  given  seven  trumpets."  Comp. 
Ezek.  X.  10,  Tobit  xii.  15,  and  Rev.  i.  4;  iv. 
5.  (Ciampini  V,  M.  ii.,  xvii.,  comp.  Tab.  xix.) 
Michael  and  Gabriel  appear  yet  again  on  the 
arch  of  the  Tribune  of  S.  ApoUinaris  in  Classe 
(jhid.  Tab.  xxiv.);  and  there  are  representations 
of  the  four  archangels,  as  present  at  the  Worship 
of  the  Magi,  in  the  S.  ApoUinaris  Novus  (ibid. 
Tab.  xxvii.)  towards  the  close  of  that  century. 
To  this  period  abo  is  to  be  assigned  the  diptych 
of  Milan,^  which  is  remarkable  as  containing  an 

k  For  farther  paitlcalars  as  to  this  see  $  15  below. 

i  See  Cyril.  Alex.  BpixL  ad  Jfonochos,  in  whicb  the 
patriarch  of  Alexandria,  the  chief  opponent  of  Nestorius, 
represents  in  these  terms  the  doctrine  condemned  at 

k  Fignred  and  described  in  Bngatl,  Memone  di  S.  Cd$o 
Mcartire,  Append,  tab.  1.  and  ii.  The  particular  group 
above  referred  to  is  fignred  in  Martlgny.  IHctiomtaire,  tc, 
under  'Annondation.'  The  whole  diptych  is  pnblished 
to  tkcslmile  of  fictile  ivory  by  the  Amndel  Society. 

embodiment  (probably  the  first  in  CJhristian  art) 
of  legends  concerning  the  appearance  of  Gabriel 
to  the  Virgin  Mary,  derived  ftom  the  Apocryphal 


§  6.  From  600  to  800  A,D,  Art  moan- 
ments  of  this  period  are  but  few  in  number. 
For  examples,  bearing  upon  our  present  subject, 
see  Ciampini  V,  M,  vol.  ii.  Tabb.  xxxi.  and 
xxxviii.  and  D'Agincourt,"  Peinturej  torn,  v^ 
PI.  xvi.  and  xvii.  They  contain  nothing  to  call 
for  special  remark,  save  that,  in  the  8th  centuiy 
particularly,  the  wings  of  angels  become  more 
and  more  curtailed  in  proportion  to  the  body; 
a  peculiarity  which  may  serve  as  an  indication  of 
date  where  others  are  wanting.  Cue  such  ex- 
ample in  sculpture,  of  Michael  and  the  Dragon,  ii 
referred  to  below,  §  10, 

§  6.  Eastern  and  Greek  Bepresentations.  Early 
monuments  of  Christian  art  in  the  East  are  nn- 

»  See  also  his  pL  z.  and  xlU  containing  fireeooes  of  Iat> 
bat  uncertain  date  from  the  oataoomba 

fatoitdy,  my  m%  thi  ual  of  the  Icoiuiclut4, 



It  ■  btar  period  of  Smccni  and  Turki, 
f  bi^  &ti]  to  miDf ,  wbich  might  othtr- 
D  pnierTcd.  The  earlieat  eiuoplo 
a  Un*k  ut  ii  ■  repmaDtation  of  an  angal  in 
•  US.  of  Geneui  in  the  Imperial  Lihnry  at 
TiegH^  helieTrd  to  be  of  the  4th  or  5th  rrnturj. 
It  ii  fifond  bj  Stretu  lyA^coart,  Pn'nturv, 
Fl  ill.  It  ii  a  hnmui  figan,  winged,  and  with- 
«al  limboi   or  other  >ii«<^  attribats.      The 

Serf  sirord,  etc.,  epoken  of  in  Gen.  iiL  ig  th«r* 
repmenled  not  aa  a  nword,  in  the  hand  of  th< 
aogel,  bat  u  ■  great  wheel «  of  fire  biilde  him. 
Neit  in  date  to  this  is  an  intexutiag  picture  of 
the  Aicengion,  Id  a  S3rriac  MS.  of  the  GogpeU, 
written  and  illumioaUd  in  the  fear  586  l.D.  at 
Zagba  in  Mesopotamia.  We  hsTc  engraTed  tbia, 
oa  embodying  thoae  Oriental  types  of  the  angel 
form  which  hare  been  characteriitic  of  Eaitem 
and    Greek   art   iiom   that   time   to   thli.       It 

wQI  be  ieen  that  the  SaTioor  u  here  repre- 
■Bted  in  glory.  And  the  variooa  angelic  powers 
^fscar  in  three  dlBerent  capacitiea.  Beneath  the 
hct  of  the  Sarionr,  and  forming  ai  It  were 
a  chariot  npon  which  He  riiee  to  HeaTen,  iawhat 
tkt  Greeks  oil  the  Tetramorphon.  The  head 
■ad  thi  hand  of  a  man  (or  rather,  according  to 
Gntk  (raditiou,  of  an  angel),  the  heads  of  an 
•i^  a  lion,  and  an  oi,  are  united  by  wings  that 
an  fill  attjm  (eomp.  Ezekiel  i.  IS).  On  either 
Bde  of  these  again  are  two  pairs  of  £ery  wheels, 
"~''  '  vithin  wheelr"  as  suggested  again  by  the 
Eiak.    L    16       Thae    serve    - 

symbolic  representations  of  the  order  of  aneelt 
known  as  "thrones"  (comp.§  T  below),  and  of  the 
cherabim.  Of  the  sli  other  angels,  here  repre- 
sented in  haman  (brm,  and  winged,  fonr  are  min- 
istering to  Onr  Lord  (KinevprfovrTft),  either  by 
active  terrice,  as  the  two  who  bear  Him  np  Id 

COsmp.  V 

le  moealo  of  the  BL  Vllalia  at  B 
nil.  111.),  In  the  npper  part  ol 
KQ  spboldlnc  a  m jiUd  ■  wlieel." 


s^boUsiD  Inlendsl,  rightlj  deicrfin  Lt  irj  the  words 



their  hands,  or  hj  adoration,  as  two  othsrs  who  are 
offering  Him  crowns  of  victory  (^rr^^xtvoi).  Two 
others,  lastly,  have  been  sent  on  work  of  ministry 
to  men  (comp.  note  *  above),  and  are  seen,  as 
St.  Lake's  narrative  suggesU,  asking  of  the 
eleven  disciples,  *'Why  stand  ye  here  gazing 
up  into  heaven?"  and  the  rest.  (The  central 
figure  of  the  lower  group  is  that  of  the  Virgin 

§  7.  The  Celestial  Hierarchy  of  Dionysius. 
The  best  comment  on  the  picture  last  described  is 
to  be  found  in  the  *  Celestial  Hierai'chy '  of  Diony- 
sius.  The  whole  number  of  celestial  beings  are 
to  be  divided  (so  he  tells  us),  into  three  orders,  in 
each  of  which  a  triple  gradation  is  contained.  In 
the  first  order  are  contained  the  *Hhrones,"  the 
seraphim  and  cherubim.  And  these  are  con- 
tinually in  the  immediate  presence  of  God,  nearer 
than  all  others  to  Him,  r^ecting,  without  inter- 
vention of  any  other  created  being,  the  direct 
effulgence  of  His  glory.  Next  to  these,  and  of 
the  second  order,  are  dominions,  authorities, 
powers  (ffupK^TifTcs,  i^o^ffiau,  Zvvdfuis),  forming 
a  link  between  the  first  and  the  third  order.  To 
these  last  (principalities  [apx^*  archangels, 
and  angels)  he  assigns  that  more  immediate  ex- 
ecution of  the  divine  purposes  in  the  sphere  of 
creation,  and  towards  mankind,  which  in  the 
belief  of  religious  minds  is  generally  associated 
with  the  idea  of  angelic  agency. 

This  teaching  of  Dionysius,  regarded  as  it  was 
both  in  East  and  West  as  of  all  but  apostolic 
authority,  has  served  as  a  foundation  upon  which 
all  the  later  traditions  have  been  built  up.  And 
this  language,  with  the  additional  comments 
quoted  in  the  next  section,  will  give  the  reader 
the  key  to  much  that  would  be  otherwise  obscure 
in  the  allusions  of  Greek  fiithers,  and  in  the 
forms  of  Greek  art. 

§  8.  Angels  in  later  Greek  Art.  The  language 
of  the  *Epfi'tiy€ia  r^s  (trfpa^piicfisj  •  or  *  Painter's 
Guide'  of  Panselinos,  a  monk  of  Mount  Athos  in 
the  11th  century,  may  be  regarded  [see  under 
ApOffTLEs]  as  embodying  the  unchanging  rules  of 
Greek  religious  art  from  the  8th  century  to  the 
present  time.  Taking  up  the  division  quoted 
above,  the  writer  says,  as  to  the  first  order,  that 
'*  the  thrones  ai'e  represented  as  wheels  of  fire, 
compassed  about  with  wings.  Their  wings  are 
full  of  eyes,  and  the  whole  is  so  arranged  as  to 
produce  the  semblance  of  a  royal  throne.  The 
cherubim  are  represented  by  a  head  and  two 
wings.  The  seraphim  as  having  six  wings, 
whereof  two  rise  upward  to  the  head,  and  two 
droop  to  the  feet,  and  two  are  outspread  as  if  for 
flight.  They  carry  in  either  hand  a  hexapteryx,  p 
inscribed  with  the  words  *Holy,  Holy,  Holy.' 
It  is  thus  that  they  were  seen  by  Isaiah."  Then, 
after  describing  the  "  Tetramorphi,"  he  proceeds 
to  speak  of  angels  of  the  second  order."  These 
are  dominions,  virtues,  powers.  '*  These,"  he 
says,  '*are  clothed  in  white  tunics  reaching  to 
the  feet,  with  golden  girdles  and  green  outer 
robes.  4    They  hold  in  the  right  hand  staves  of 

»  Obtained  by  M.  Didron  in  MS.  at  Mount  Athos,  and 
published  by  him  in  a  FVench  translation. 

9  The  "  flabellum  "  or  **  lau  "  of  the  Greeks  was  called 
iiaoT^pvi,  aa  containing  the  representation  of  a  aix- 
wlqged  seraph.  The  "thrones,"  represented  as  wheels 
(with  wings  of  flame),  described  by  Panselinos,  may  be 
soeii  In  the  second  of  the  iilnstrations  of  this  article. 

«  Outer  robes.    **  Dcs  dtules  vertes,"  aays  M.  Didron. 


gold,  and  in  the  left  a  seal  formed  thus  (^  ."< 

Then,  of  the  third  order,  (principalities,  arch- 
angels, angels),  he  writes  thus.  ^  These  are 
represented  vested  as  warriors,  and  with  golden 
girdles.  They  hold  in  their  hands  javelins  and 
axes;  the  javelins  are  tipped  with  iron,  ai 

§  9.  Attributes  of  Angels.  There  are  two 
sources  from  which  we  may  infer  the  attributes 
regarded  as  proper  to  angels  in  early  times ;  the 
description  given  of  them  in  the  treatise  of 
Dionysius  already  quoted,  and  the  actual  monn- 
ments  of  early  date  which  have  been  preserved 
to  our  times.  As  to  these  Dionysius  writes  that 
angels  are  represented  as  of  human  form  in  regard 
of  the  intellectual  qualities  of  man,  and  of  his 
heavenward  gaze,  and  the  lordship  and  dominioD 
which  are  naturally  his.  He  adds  that  bright 
vesture,  and  that  which  is  of  the  colour  of  fire, 
are  symbolical  of  light  and  of  the  divine  likeness, 
while  sacerdotal  vesture  serves  to  denote  their 
office  in  leading  to  divine  and  mystical  omtem- 
plations,  and  the  consecration  of  their  whole  life 
unto  God.  He  mentions,  abo,  girdles,  staves  or 
rods  (significant  of  royal  or  princely  powerX 
spears  and  axes,  instruments  for  measurement  or 
of  constructive  art  (r&  yfwfi€TpiKa  teal  rcrro- 
vtKOi  ffKtvri),  among  the  insignia  occasionallT 
attributed  to  angels.  If,  from  the  pages  of 
Dionysius,  we  turn  to  actual  monuments,  we  find 
the  exact  counterpart  of  his  descriptions.  They 
may  be  enumerated  as  follows : — 1.  The  kaman 
form.  In  all  the  earlier  monuments  (enumerated 
above,  §§  3,  4),  angels  are  represented  as  men, 
and  either  with  or  without  wings.  In  this 
Christian  art  did  but  follow  the  suggestions  of 
Holy  Scripture.  But  St.  Chrysostom  expresses 
what  was  the  prevailing  (but  not  the  universal) 
opinion  of  early  Christian  writers,  when  he  sajs 
{De  SacercL  lib.  vi.  p.  424  D)  that  although 
angels,  and  even  God  Himself,  have  ofttimes 
appeared  in  the  foim  of  man,  yet  what  was  then 
manifested  was  not  actual  flesh,  but  a  sembUace 
assumed  in  condescension  to  the  weakness  of 
mankind*  (o&  (rapxhs  itkfideia  &AA&  ffvyxafrir 
ficurts).  Both  in  ancient  and  in  modem  art 
examples  are  occasionally  found  of  angels  thus 
represented  as  men,  without  any  of  the  special 
attributes  enumerated  below.  2.  Wings.  As 
heavenly  messengers  ascending  and  descending 
between  heaven  and  earth,  angels  have,  with  a 
natural    propriety'   as    well  as  on   Scriptural 

But  we  suspect  that  in  the  original  he  found  oroKax,  a  vord 
which  Qreek  writers  never  use  in  the  technical  sense  o( 
"stoles"  (the  ecclesiastical  vestment  known  aa  ttda  in 
the  West  since  the  8th  century). 

r  This  is  what  was  known  in  mediaeval  times  as  the 
**  Signaculum  Dei,"  or  Seal  of  God.  Such  a  seal  la  npn- 
sented  in  the  hand  of  Lucifer  b^ore  hisfdUt  in  tboBortm 
Ddiciarum,  a  MS.  once  in  the  Library  of  Straabourg- 

*  With  this  agrees  the  language  of  TertulUan,  DeJtamt- 
rectione  CamiSt  cap.  Izii. :  **  Angell  aliqua&do  tanquam 
homines  fliernnt,  edendo  et  bibendo^  et  pedes  lavacro  por* 
rigendo,  kumanam  enim  induenaU  svperficiam^  sdvs 
intus  substantia  propria,  igltur  si  angell,  facU  tanifaam 
homints,  in  eadem  substantia  tpirUus  permansenmt,"  kc 
Similar  language  reappears  in  other  Latin  Fathers. 

t  Comp.  Philo^  Quaea.  in  Excd.  zxv.  20. «  rov  0nv 
ircurai  SvvdfMts  vrcpo^vovm  r^  arw  irpov  r&r  Hotiv* 
oSau  y\t.\6iiuam.L  tc  xal  e^U/icrai.  And  very  beaatifhllr 
elsewhere  he  speaks  of  Uie  angels  as  going  up  and  down 
beiweeii  heaven   and   earth,  and  conveying  (&ayycA- 




MtlMritj,*  been  represented  in  all  ages  of  the 
chtuth  «  foroished  with  wings.     We  may  add 
t^t  thb  mode  of  expressing  the  idea  of  ubiquity 
lol  power,  as  superhuman  attributes,  had  pre- 
T  tiled  in  heathen  art  from  the  earliest  times, 
aal  that  in  East  and  West  alike.     Examples  of 
thu  ia  Assyrian   art   are   now  £eimiliar  to  us. 
Stnlisr  figures  are  found  in  Egypt.    They  were 
ktf  eommon  in  classical  art.     Yet  Mercury,  as 
tM  messenger  of  the  gods,  had  wings  upon  his 
teet ;  sod  little  winged  genii  were  commonly  repre- 
sented in  decoratire  work,  and  thence  were  trans- 
^rred  (probably  as  mere  decorations)  into  early 
Qiristian'  works  of  art.     As  to  the  number  of 
ikat  wings,  two  only  are  to  be  found  in  all  the 
orlier  representations.     We  do  not  know  of  any 
enmpic  of  four,  or  of  six  wings,  earlier  than  the 
9th  century,  though  the  descriptions  given  in  Holy 
Scripture  of  the  '^  Living  Creatures"  with  six 
vings.  and  the  four-winged  deities  of  primitive 
£aiteni  art,  might   natnrally   have   suggested 
sadb  representations.    As  to  later  representations 
of  cherubim  and   seraphim,  and  the  like,  see 
belov,  section   14.      3.   Vesture.     The   vesture 
usig^  to  angels,  in  various  ages  of  the  Church, 
kii  ew  been  such  as  was  associated  in  men's 
minds  with  the  ideas  of  religious  solemnity,  and 
m  ihe  later  centuries,  of  sacerdotal  ministry.     In 
Holj  Scripture  the  vesture  of  angels  is  described 
js  white  (Matt,  xzviii.  3 ;  John  xx.  12 ;  Rer.  iv. 
4;  XV.  6),  7  and  in  mosaics  of  the  5th  and  6th 
/atones,  at  Borne  and  Ravenna  (where  first  we 
ean  determine  questions    of    colour  with   any 
aoeuacyX  ^^  ^^  white  vestments  generally 
.  auigaed  to  them  (1^>^S  ^^^^^  <^<^  pallium),  ex- 
actly resembling    those  of  apostles.      But   in 
■Misics,  believed  to  be  of  the  7th  century  (St. 
Sophia  at  Theasalonica)*  angels  have  coloured 
himstia  (outer  robes)  over  the  long  white  tunic, 
sad  their  wings,  too,  are  coloured,  red  and  blue 
being  the  prevailing    tints.      And    these   two 
eolous  had,  long  ere  that  time,  been  recognised 
SI  iavesled  with  a  special  significance,  red  as  the 
eoloar  of  flame,  and  symbolical  of  holy  love 
Vesritss),  blue  as  significant  of  heaven,  and  of 
btsvealy  contemplation    or   divine    knowledge. 
Aad  ia  the  later  traditions  of  CThristian  art  (from 
the  9th  century  onwards)*  these  two  colours 
vers  ss  a  general  rule  assigned,  red  more  espe- 
raJly  to  the  seraphim  as  the  spirits  of  love,  and 
bine  to  the  cherubim  as  spirits  of  knowledge  or 
of  contemplation ;  while  the  two  colours  com- 
boMd,  as  they  often  are  found,  are  regarded  as 

0  the  Uddings  of  tbe  Fatber  to  His  cbildreD,  and 
the  raDts  of  the  children  to  their  Father. 

■  &e  the  pssagfn  In  Exodus,  laal&b.  and  Esekiel  already 
ntemd  to ;  and  compare  the  expression  In  Rev.  xiv.  0,  of 
m  ntfAJifimg  (vctq^mmk)  tbere. 

■  For  examples  see  Arin^i,  Rcma  StMerraneOf  torn.  L 
Pfn  321,  •  1  s ;  torn.  U.  p.  1«7.  Oompare  p.  29.  where  similar 
£gvv«t  vltbont  winp^  are  introduced  in  an  ornamental 

y  See  Qamplnl,  Y.  M.  iL  pp  58  and  64.  He  epeaks  of 
'tnieae*'  and  *  pallia  "  as  being  wbito ;  and  of  **  stoles  " 
{nali7  stripes  oo  the  tnnicX  and  wings  of  violet 

*  Tcxkr  and  Pollan,  Bytantine  ArehUeciurt^  pL  xL 
Omsfut  the  cnrious  picture  of  the  Holj  Family,  a  bishop 
t«r  (Khcreockaiastic),  and  two  angeln.  from  Urgub,  figured 
ia  pitas  V,  where  the  robes  of  the  angels  are  white,  their 
vi&9  Woe  and  reiUlsh  yellow. 

■  'TlkediKinctJoaof  hoe  in  the  red  and  blue  angels  we 
And  vfaolly  omltled  towards  the  end  of  the  16th  century  " 
(Ufa.  J«nMSoo,  Sacred  and  Legendary  Arty 

suggesting  the  union  of  the  two  qualities  of  love 
and  knowledge,  the  perfection  of  the  angelic 
nature.  It  should  be  added  that  the  vestments 
of  angels  have  not  unfre^uently  such  ornament 
appended  to  them  as  was  of  ordinary  usage  from 
time  to  time  in  ecclesiastical  dress,  viz.,  coloured 
stripes  on  the  tunic,  in  the  earlier  centuries, 
afterwards  oraria  or  stoles,  and  even  "omophoria," 
the  distinctive  insignia  of  episcopal  office  in  the 
East.  4.  The  Nimbus,  In  the  early  Greek  MS. 
already  noticed,  §  6,  and  in  one  or  two  early 
representations  in  the  catacombs  at  Rome,  angels 
are  represented  without  the  Nimbus.  But  from 
the  middle  of  the  5th  century  onward,  this  orna- 
ment is  almost  invariably  assigned  to  them. 
[Nimbus.]  6.  The  Wand  of  Power.  Only  in 
exceptional  instances  during  the  first  eight  cen- 
turies, are  angels  represented  as  bearing  anything 
in  the  hand.  Three  examples  may  be  cited,  in 
mosaics,  >>  of  the  6th  century,  at  Ravenna,  in 
which  angels  attendant  on  our  Lord  (see  §  3) 
hold  wands'  in  their  hands,  which  may  either 
represent  the  rod  of  divine  power,  or,  as  some 
have  thought,  the  "golden  reed" — the  "mea- 
suring reed,"  assigned  to  the  angel  in  Rev.  xxi. 
15,  as  in  Ezek.  xl.  3.  The  representations  of 
archangels,  particularly  of  Michael,  as  warriors 
with  sword,  or  spear,  and  gii*dle,  are  of  later  date. 
6.  Instruments  of  Music.  One  early  example 
has  been  already  referred  to  (§  4)  of  a  Ravenna 
mosaic,  in  which  the  "  Seven  Angels "  are  repre- 
sented holding  trumpets  in  their  hands.  In  the 
later  traditions  of  Christian  art,  representations 
of  angels  as  the  "Choristers  of  Heaven"  have 
been  far  more  common,  various  instruments  of 
music  being  assigned  to  them. 

§  10.  Michael. — The  archangel  Michael  is  first 
designated  by  name  in  mosaics  of  the  5th  cen- 
tury, at  Ravenna  (Ciampini,  vol.  ii.  pi.  xvii.  and 
xxiv.).  And  in  other  cases  where  we  see  two 
angels  specially  marked  out  as  in  attendance  on 
our  Lord,  we  may  infer  that  Michael  and  Gabriel 
are  designated.  For  the  names  of  these  two 
alone  are  prominent  in  Holy  Scripture.  And 
according  to  a  very  ancient  tradition,  traced  back 
to  Rabbinical  belief,  perpetuated  as  many  such 
ti*aditions  were  in  the  East,  and  thence  handed 
on  to  Western  Christendom,  these  two  arch- 
angels pei'sonified   respectively**   the  judgment 

b  Ciampini,  V.  M.  IL  tab^  xvil..  xix.,  and  xxiv.  Oom- 
pare in  his  plate  xlvi.  of  vol.  i.  the  mosaic  at  S.  Agatha, 
whidi  we  believe  to  be  of  nearly  the  same  date. 

e  In  the  church  dedicated  in  the  name  of  the  archangel 
Michael  at  Ravenna,  in  the  year  546,  an  indication  of 
special  honour  is  given  to  him  by  the  small  cross  np(»i  his 
wand,  which  is  wanting  In  that  of  Gabriel  (damp.  7.  M. 
11.  tab.  xvii.). 

^  In  yet  other  traditions  the  mercy  of  God,  and  more 
particularly  His  healing  grace,  is  ministered  by  Raphael. 
There  is  great  variety  in  the  older  Jewish  tradltiona 
According  to  one  (Joma,  p.  37,  quoted  by  Buhmer  in 
Herzog**  Encycl^  when  the  three  angels  appeared  to 
Abraham,  Miclutel,  as  first  in  rank,  occupied  the  central 
place,  having  Gabriel,  as  second,  on  his  right  hand,  and 
Raphael,  as  third  in  rank,  on  bis  left  This  place  on  the 
nyM  hand  of  God  is  elsewhere  assigned  to  Gabriel,  as 
being  the  augel  of  bis  jmoer  (oomp.  Origen.  mpl  dpx<^r, 
i.  8),  and  to  Raphael  that  on  the  left  (m«r  the  heart),  as 
being  the  angel  of  His  mercy.  And  again  in  Pbllo  {Quaest. 
in  Gtn.  ill.  24),  the  two  cherubim  on  either  side  of  tlie 
mercy-seat  represent  respectively  the  messengers  of  tho 
Wrath,  and  of  the  Men^,  of  the  Lord  (comp  Fxod.  xxxl v. 


aod  ths  mercj  of  Cod,  ud  wen  thererore  fitif 
pUixd,  Ulcbnel,  u  the  uig*l  of  power,  on  the 
riebt  haad,  Oabriel,  nsuir  to  the  haart,  oa  tlis 
left  haDd.  For  the  ipeciil  tnditioai  eonceniing 
"St.  Michul,"  hia  appeaisucn  in  Tiaioa  at 
Mount  Gilguio  id  Apulia,  to  St.  Qregory  the 
ar«at  on  the  mole  of  HadrUn,  now  the  cutle  of 
St,  Angelo,  and  to  Aub«rt,  Bishop  of  AmDchn 
in  706,  A.D.,  at  "  Moont  St.  Michel"  in  Nor- 
mandj  (to  thi<  our  OWD  St.  Hichael'a  Moant 
owea  ita  d«>igiiaUoD),  »e  Jamwon'i  Sacr^  and 
Legendary  Art,  pp.  EM  aqq.  The  old««t  «i- 
ampla  in  acalptiire  »f  St.  MicliMl  treadiog  under 
foot  tha  dragon  (lee  Rar.  lii.  7,  8),  ia  on  the 
parch  of  the  CaCbadral  of  Chalazia,  believed  to  be 



of  the  Tth  eentnr;'.  (Vigani  aboTe.]  Later 
pictarca  often  repmeat  St.  Michael  ai  Che  angel 
of  judgmaat,  holding  Kalee  in  his  hand,  in  which 
soul*  are  weighed. 

§  11.  Gabriel  (Heb.  "  Man  of  God,")  aa  the 
measenger  more  eapecially  of  comfort  and  of  good 
tiding!,  occnpiea  a  prominent  place  in  the  New 
Teatameut,  ai  announcing  the  birth  both  of  John 
the  Btlptlst  to  Zachariai  and  of  our  Lord  to  the 

Virgin  Mary.)  In  the  language  of  Taaso  he  li 
"  I'AngBlo  Annnniiatore,"  Thongh  only  twico 
(u  &r  u  I  have  observed)  deeignated  by  name 
in  taiiy  Christian  Art  (Ci        ■■-■.■■-. 

v.),  yet 

a  the  V 

i»  he,  of 

Gonru,  who  Is  to  be  understood.  By  a  singalar 
fate,  having  been  regarded  by  Mahomet  as  his 
immediate  inspirer,  he  is  looked  upon  in  many 
port*  of  the  f^t  aa  the  great  protecting  angel 
of  Islamiam,  and,  aa  such,  in  direct  oppoeition  to 
Michael  the  protector  of  Jews  and  Christians. 

§  13.  Siiphael  (Heb.  the  Besler  who  ia  from 
Oud,  or  "Divine  Henler")  is  mentioned  in  the 
iiMtk  of  Tobit  u<  "one  of  the  seven  holy  an^ls 
which  go  in  and  out  b«fore  the  glory  of  the  Holy 
One,"  cap.  lii.  15.  Through  the  infliience  of 
this  beautiful  Hebrew  story  of  tobiia  and 
Raphael,  his  name  became  aauKlAted  in  early 
times  wilh  the  idea  of  the  guardian  angel.    Jut 

inch  he  is  twice  figured  Is  the  &i 
and  allnaions  to  the  same  story  are  freqneU 
in  the  Vttri  AntiiAi.  [Olis,  CaBiBruM.]  ta 
mediaeval  Greek  art  the  three  archangels  already 
named  are  sometime*  represented  together,  de- 
signated by  their  initial  letten  M,  r,  and  f, 
Michael  as  a  warrior,  Gabriel  as  a  prince,  acvi 
Raphael  as  a  priest — the  three  supporting  be- 
tween them  a  youthfiil  figure  of  oar  Lord,  bioK 
self  represented  with  winga  as  the  "angeliis' 
or  mesienger  of  the  will  of  God.     (Figured  in 

§  13.  Uriel.  (The  Fire  of  Ood.)  The  fourth 
archangel,  named  Urisl  in  Esdnu  ii.  4,  has  been 
much  leas  prominent  in  legend  and  in  art  than 
the  three  already  named.*  He  is  regarded  as 
charged  more  particnlarly  with  the  interpreta- 
tion of  God's  will,  of  judgments  and  propbeoes 
(with  reArence,  doubtlesa,  to  Eadraa  ii.).  Thoe 
"archangels"  of  Christian  tradition  are  to  the 
Jcwa  the  first  four  of  those  "Seven  Angels'  who 
see  the  glory  of  God  (Tobias  iiiL  15);  the  other 
three  being  Chamuel  (be  who  sees  God),  Jophiel 
(the  beauty  of  God),  and  Zadkiel  (the  righteooi- 
nesi  of  God).  Bat  these  last  three  namea  have 
never  been  generally  realised  either  in  East  or 
Weat.  And  in  the  first  example  of  the  repre- 
sentation of  these  Seven  Angels  in  Christian  art 
they  are  distinguished  from  the  two  archangeb 
Michael  and  Gabriel,  who  hold  wands,  while  te 
the  seven,  as  already  noticed,  §  4,  trumpets  an 
assigned.     (Ciampini,  V.  M.,  ii.,  pi.  iviL) 

§  14.  Serapiim  and  Chtmbim.  The«  two 
names  appeiu,  the  first  in  Isaiah  vi.  2  (there  only), 
and  the  latter  in  Eiodus  iir.  18,  where  In 
are  spoken  of,  and  in  Eiekiel  i.  4-14,  who  speaks 
of  four  (compare  the  four  "  living  creatures  " 
of  Rev.  ir.  S).     They  have  been  perpetuateJ  in 

Christian  usage,  and  the  descriptioni  given  of 
them  in  Holy  Scripture  have  been  embodied 

SJioaeoftbe  cherubim  or  fonr"  living  creatutw," 
rst,  and  somewhat  later  those  of  the  seraphim) 

They  were  regarded  (see  above  §  3)  aa'the  spiriU 
nf  love  and  of  knowledge  respectively.  For  fuller 
details  concerning  the  two  in  Holy  Scripture  see 

"  From  the  name  o(  Uriel  belnffUUJelcmvii,  tbeftHnlb 
srchu^cel  it  ile*i£na(«d  La  some  nHdlseval  moanmsilB 
(JuuFSuD. .'--.  uvl  /..  jM.  |k  >9)  sa  -  5(  CtaniNiL" 



•Dictiouiy  of  the  BtUe.'  In  art  tfaej  do  not 
tspfmr  u  Angei  forms,  with  sny  special  modi- 
6cstM&  of  the  ordinary  tj|)e,  as  far  as  we  have 
tbterred,  in  any  earlier  representation  tl\an  that 
af  tJM  Sjrriac  11 S.  already  described  and  figured. 
Liter  modifications  of  &is  oldest  type  may  be 
leen  in  Jameson,  &.  and  L.  Art,  p.  42  sqq., 
froa  which  the  cat  giren  abore  is  taken; 
D^il^iaooart,  Sculpture,  pi.  xii.  16  (the  diptych 
tf  Bsmboaa,  9th  century),  Peinture,  pL  1.  3 
(Greek  US.  of  12th  century).  Cherubic  repre- 
ntatioos  of  the  four  **  Liring  Chreatures"  will 
be  Rpsraiely  treated  under  Evangelistb. 

{ 15.  Tk€  Ilhuiratiotu  to  t/us  Article,  Great 
ialcRst  attaches  to  the  mosaic  of  Xystus  III., 
vUck  fiums  the  first  of  the  illustrations  to  this 
axtide,  from  its  bearing  upon  the  history  of 
doctrine,  and  especiaUy  of  the  cultus  of  the 
Vii^  Hary,  and  as  restorations  made  in  the 
toM  of  Benedict  XIY.  (1740-1758)  have  pro- 
dieei  ooasiderable  changes  in  the  mosaic  here 
iifired,  it  will  be  well  to  state  the  authority 
far  the  present  representation.  The  only  pub- 
liikd  picture  of  the  mosaic  in  its  older  state 
(tkst  here  reproduced),  is  a  very  rude  engraving 
a  CSaa^iini,  Vetera  Momtmenta,  i.  p.  200,  Tab. 
iluL  In  some  important  particulars  of  archaeo- 
k^ieal  detail  his  engraving  varies  from  the  care- 
My  diBwn  and  coloured  pictures,  from  which 
tkc  Ulnstiation  abore  given  has  been  taken.  But 
ii  the  general  arrangement  and  outline  of  the 
%ires  the  two  are  in  accord.  The  coloured 
dnwiags  of  which  we  speak,  form  part  of  a  ool- 
kekfeoa  (in  two  large  folio  volumes)  which  was 
■ade  by  Pope  Clement  XI.  when  Cardinal 
Albaao.  These,  with  a  number  of  other  volumes 
fflrtsiaiHg  dawira]  antiquities  of  various  kinds, 
were  pozdiased  at  Rome  by  an  agent  of  George  III., 
sal  sie  now  in  the  Royal  Library  at  Windsor. 

The  second  of  the  illustrations  (from  a  Syriac 
MSl)  is  from  a  photolithograph,  reproducing  the 
enthne  given  by  Seroux  d'Agincourt,  Feinture,  pi. 
nriL  That  author  speaks  of  it  as  ^^  caique  sur 
foriginsl,''  and  from  a  comparison  with  an  exact 
tapf  made  from  the  original  by  Professor  West- 
wood,  we  are  able  to  Touch  for  the  perfect  accu- 
nejof  the  present  illuatration.         [W.  B.  M.] 

ANGEL3  OF  CHUBGHES— Bishops.  It 
does  lot  appear  that  the  bishops  of  the  Primitive 
Qivdi  were  commonly  spoken  of  under  this 
titie,  Bor  indeed  did  it  become  in  later  times  the 
oHiaary  designation  of  the  episcopal  office.  In- 
oUaeet,  however,  of  this  application  of  it  occur 
IB  tlie  earlier  Church  historians,  as,  e.  g,^  in  So- 
mtcSf  who  so  styles  Serapion  Bishop  of  Thomais 
(Lib.  ir.  c.  23).  The  word  Bydei  also,  which  is 
Ssxoa  for  angel  or  messenger,  is  found  to  have 
bees  iimiUrly  employed  (see  Hammond  on  Rev, 
i.  20)^  Bat  though  no  snch  instances  were 
iortheoniiag,  it  would  prove  nothing  against  the 
neeived  interpretation,  as  it  may  be  considered, 
of  the  memorable  vision  of  St.  John,  recorded  in 
the  first  three  chapters  of  the  Apocalypse,  in 
vlueh  he  is  charged  to  convey  the  heavenly 
■esasge  to  each  of  the  seven  churches  through 
it«  **  Angel."  It  should  be  remembered  that 
the  laagnage  of  this  vision,  as  of  the  whole 
hook  to  which  it  belongs,  is  eminently  mystical 
ud  sjmbolical ;  the  woid  ^  Angel,"  therefore, 
as  being  transferred  from  an  hearenly  to  an 
CBithlj  ministry,  though  it  would  rery  signifi- 



cantly  as  well  as  honourably  characterize  the 
office  so  designated,  could  yet  scarcely  be  ex- 
pected to  pass  into  general  use  as  a  title  of 
individual  ministers.  By  the  same  Divine  voice 
from  which  the  Apostle  receives  his  commission 
the  "mystery"  of  the  vision  is  interpreted. 
"The  seven  stars,"  it  is  declared,  "are  the 
angels  of  the  seven  churches ;  and  the  seven 
candlesticks  which  thou  sawest,  are  the  seven 
churches."  The  symbol  of  a  star  is  repeatedly 
employed  in  Scripture  to  denote  lordship  and 
pre-eminence  (e,g.  Num.  xxiv.  17).  "There  shall 
come  a  star  out  of  Jacob,"  where  it  symbolises 
the  highest  dominion  of  all.  Again,  the  actual 
birth  of  Him  who  is  thus  foretold  by  Balaam  is 
announced  by  a  star  (Matt.  ii.  2 ;  cf.  Is.  xiv.  12). 
Faithful  teachers  are  "  stars  that  shall  shine  for 
ever  "  (Dan.  xii.  8) ;  false  teachers  are  "  wander- 
ing stars  "  (Jude  13),  or  "  stars  which  fi^  from 
heaven  "  (Rey.  vi.  13,  viiL  10,  xii.  4).  Hence  it 
is  naturally  inferred  from  the  use  of  this  symbol 
in  the  present  instance  that  the  "angels"  of  the 
seven  churches  were  placed  in  authority  over 
these  churches.  Moreover,  the  angel  in  each 
church  is  one,  and  the  responsibilities  ascribed 
to  him  correspond  remarkably  with  those  which 
are  enforced  on  Timothy  and  Titus  by  St.  Paul 
in  the  Pastoral  Epistles.  Again,  this  same  title  is 
given  to  the  chief  priest  in  the  Old  Testament, 
particularly  in  Malachi  (it  7), — ^where  he  is  stylea 
the  angel  or  messenger  of  the  Lord  of  Hosts, 
whose  lips  therefore  were  to  keep  knowledge, 
and  from  his  mouth,  as  from  the  oracle,  the 
people  were  to  "  seek  the  law,"  to  receive  know- 
ledge and  direction  for  their  duty.  To  the  chief 
minister,  therefore,  of  the  New  Testament,  it  may 
be  fairly  argued,  the  title  is  no  less  fitly  applied. 

By  some,  however,  both  among  ancient  and 
modern  writers,  the  word  "  angel "  has  been 
understood  in  its  higher  sense  as  denoting  God's 
heavenly  messengers;  and  they  have  been  supposed 
to  be  the  guardian  angels  of  the  several  churches 
— their  angels — ^to  whom  these  epistles  were  ad- 
dressed. It  is  contended  that  wherever  the 
word  angel  occurs  in  this  book,  it  is  employed 
unquestionably  in  this  sense ;  and  that  if  such 
guardianship  is  exercised  over  individuals,  much 
more  the  same  might  be  predicated  of  churches 
(Dan.  xii.  1).  Among  earlier  writers  this  inter- 
pretation is  maintained  by  Origen  (Horn.  xiii.  in 
Luc,  and  Horn.  xx.  in  Num.)  and  by  Jerome  (in 
Mich,  vi.  1,  2).  Of  later  commentators,  one  of 
its  most  recent  and  ablest  defenders  is  Dean 
^Iford.  But  besides  the  obvious  difficulty  of 
giving  a  satisfactory  explanation  to  the  word 
"  write  "  as  enjoined  on  these  supposed  heavenly 
watchers,  there  remains  an  objection,  not  easily 
to  be  surmounted,  in  the  language  of  reproof  and 
the  imputation  of  unfaithfulness,  which  on  this 
hypothesis  would  be  addressed  to  holy  and  sm- 
less  beings, — ^those  angels  of  His  who  delight  to 
"do  His  pleasure."  So  is  it  observed  by  Au- 
gustine (Ep.  43,  §  22) :  "  '  Sed  habeo  adversum 
te,  quod  caritatem  primam  reliquisti.'  Hoc  de 
superior i  bus  angelis  did  non  potest,  qui  per- 
petuam  retinent  caritatem,  undo  qui  defecerunt 
et  lapsi  sunt,  diabolus  est  et  angeli  ejus." 

By  presbyterian  writers  the  angel  of  the 
vision  has  been  variously  interpreted : — 1.  Of  the 
collective  presbytery ;  2.  Of  the  presiding  pres- 
byter, which  office,  however,  it  is  contended  wa& 
soon  to  be  discontinued  in  the  Church,  because 




of  its  foreseen  cormption.  3.  Of  the  messengers 
sent  from  the  several  churches  to  St.  John.  It 
hardly  falls  within  the  scope  of  this  article  to 
discuss  these  interpretations.  To  unprejudiced 
readers  it  will  probably  be  enough  to  state  them, 
to  make  their  weakness  manifest.  It  is  difficult 
to  account  for  them,  except  as  the  suggestions  of 
a  foregone  conclusion. 

On  the  other  hand,  as  St.  John  is  believed  on 
other  grounds  to  have  been  pre-eminently  the 
organiser  of  Episcopacy  throughout  the  Church, 
80  here  in  this  wonderful  vision  the  holy  Apostle 
comes  before  us,  it  would  seem,  very  remarkably 
in  this  special  character;  and  in  the  message 
which  he  delivers,  under  divine  direction,  to  each 
of  the  seven  churches  through  its  angel,  we 
recognize  a  most  important  confirmation  of  the 
evidence  on  which  we  claim  for  episcopal  govern- 
ment, the  precedent,  sanction,  and  authority  of  the 
apostolic  age.  (Bingham,  Thomdike,  Archbishop 
Trench  on  £pp.  to  Seven  Churches.')         [D.  B.] 

ANGERS,  COUNCIL  OP  (Andegavense 
Concilium),  a.d.  453,  Oct.  4;  wherein,  after 
consecrating  Talasius,  Bishop  of  Angers,  there 
were  passed  12  canons  respecting  submission 
of  presbyters  to  bishops,  the  inability  of 
<<  digami "  to  be  ordained,  &c.  (Mansi,  vii.  899- 
902).  [A  W.  H.] 

cana);  a  designation  given  to  English  general 
councils,  of  which  the  precise  locality  is  un- 
known ;  e,  g.  a.d.  756,  one  of  bishops,  presbyters, 
and  abbats,  held  by  Archbishop  Cuthbert  to 
appoint  June  5  to  be  kept  in  memory  of  the 
martyrdom  of  St.  Boniface  and  his  companions 
(Cuthb.  ad  Luilum,  intr.  Epist.  S,  Banif,  70 ;  Wilk. 
i.  144;  Mansi,  zii.  585-^90);  A.D.  797  (Alford), 
798  (Spelman),  held  by  Ethelheard  preparatory  to 
his  journey  to  Rome  to  oppose  the  archbishopric 
of  Lichfield  (W.  Malm.  0,  P.  A.  lib.  1. ;  Pagi  ad  an. 
796,  n.  27 ;  Mansi,  xiii.  991,  992).      [A.  W.  H.] 

ANIANUS.  (1)  Patriarch,  commemorated 
Hedar  20  =  Nov.  16  (jCal.  Ethiop.). 

(2)  Bishop ;  translation,  June  14  (Mart.  Bedae, 
nieron.)\  deposition  at  Orleans,  Nov.  17  (if. 
Hkron.).  [C] 

ANICETUS,  martyr,  commemorated  Aug. 
12  (CaL  Byzant.).  [C] 

ANNA,  the  prophetess,  commemorated  Sept.  1 
(Ado,  De  Festiv.,  Marty roi);  Jakatit  8  =  Feb.  2 
(Cb/.  Ethiop.).  [C.'] 

ANNATES  :  lit.  the  revenues  or  profits  of 
one  year,  and  therefore  synonymous  with  first- 
fruits  so  far;  but  being,  in  their  strict  anc 
technical  sense,  a  development  of  the  Middle 
Ages,  the  only  explanation  that  can  be  given  of 
them  here  is  how  they  arose.  Anciently,  the 
entire  revenues  of  each  diocese  were  placed  in 
the  hands  of  its  bishop,  as  Bingham  shews  (v.  6. 
1-3),  who  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  his 
senate  of  presbyters  distributed,  and  in  the 
Western  Church  usually  divided  them  into  4 
parts.  One  part  went  to  himself;  a  2nd  to  his 
clergy ;  a  3rd  to  the  poor ;  a  4th  to  the  mainte- 
nance of  the  fabric  and  requirements  of  the 
diocesan  churches.  Of  these  the  3rd  and  4th 
were  claimants,  so  to  speak,  that  never  died ; 
but  in  the  case  of  the  two  former,  when  ofilces 
became  vacant  by  death  or  removal,  what  was 

lo  be  done  with  the  stipend  attaching  to  them 
till  they  were  filled  up  ?  Naturally,  when  en- 
dowments became  fixed  and  considerable,  siA 
promotions,  from  not  having  been  allowed  at  all,  . 
the  rule,  large  sums  constantly  fell  to  the  dis- 
posal of  some  one  in  this  way ;  of  the  1)isbop, 
when  any  of  his  clergy  died  or  were  removed ; 
and  of  whom,  when  the  bishop  died  tir  was  re; 
moved,  by  deposition  or  by  translation,  as  time 
went  on,  bUt  of  the  metropolitan  or  primate  at 
last,  though,  perhaps,  at  first  of  the  presbyteiy  ? 
And  then  came  the  temptation  to  keep  bishop*  , 
rics  vacant,  and  appropriate  "  the  annates,*'  of 
else  require  them  from  the  bishop  eleot'in  return 
for  consecrating  him.  It  was  but  a  step  further 
in  the  same  direction  for  Rome  to  lay  claim  to 
what  primates  and  archbishops  had  enjoyed  so 
long,  when  the  appointment  of  both,  so  far  as 
the  Church  was  .concerned,  became  vested  in 
Rome.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  it  is  eqoally 
certain,  that  had  the  primitive  rule,  founded  as 
it  was  in  strict  justice,  been  maintained  intact/ 
each  parish,  or  at  least  each  diocese,  would  hsTe 
preserved  its  own  emoluments,  or,  which  comes 
to  the  same  thing,  would  have  seen  them  applied 
to  its  own  spiritual  exigencies  in  all  cases.  The 
34th  Apostolical  canon,  the  15th  of  Ancyra,  and 
the  25th  of  Antioch,  alike  testify  to  the  old  rale 
of  the  Church,  and  to  what  abuses  it  succumbed. 
Still,  De  Marca  seems  hardly  justified  in  ascrib- 
ing the  origin  of  annates  to  direct  simonv  (Dg 
Concord.  Sac.  et  Imp.  vi.  10).  [E.  S'.  F.] 

ANNE  C'Ainra,  nin).  Mother  of  the  Virgin 
Mary.  July  25  is  observed  by  the  Orthodox 
Greek  Church  as  the  commemoration  of  the 
"  Dormitio  S.  Annae,"  a  Festival  with  abstinence 
from  labour  (dpyla).  The  same  day  is  said  to  have 
been  anciently  dedicated  to  S.  Anne  in  the  West 
also,  and  the  feast  was  probably  transferred  in  the 
Roman  Calendar  to  the  26th  (the  day  on  which 
it  is  at  present  held)  frx>m  a  desire  to  gire 
greater  prominence  to  S.  Anne  than  was  possihle 
on  S.  James's  Day.  In  the  Greek  Calendar,  also, 
Joachim  and  Anna,  **  SfowtuSpts,**  have  a  festival 
on  Sep.  9,  the  day  following  the  Nativity  of  the 
Virgin  Mary.  Both  the  Armenian  and  the  Greek 
Calendars  have  on  Dec  9  a''  Festival  of  the  Con- 
ception of  the  Virgin  Mary,"  or  (as  it  is  called 
in  the  latter)  *H  avWrii^is  Tfjs  kyias  icai  Ocovpo- 
firir6pos  "AvirtiSj  i.  e.  S.  Anne's  Conception  of 
the  Virgin,  icol  ykp  aMi  dv^Khiat  iH^r  fo^ 
X6yov  rhv  A^oy  icvfiaaa'ay.  In  the  Ethiopic, 
^  Joachim,  avus  Christi,"  has  April  7 ;  and  on 
July  20  is  commemorated  the  *'  Ingressus  Annae 
Matris  Mariae  in  Templum"  or  "Purificatio 
Annae."  (Daniel's  Codex  Liturgicus,  tom.  ir.; 
Alt's  Kirchenjahr.)  There  is  no  evidence  of  any 
public  recognition  of  S.  Anne  as  a  patron  saint 
until  about  the  beginning  of  the  6th  century, 
when  Justinian  I.  had  a  temple  built  in  her 
honour,  which  is  described  by  Procopius  (Jk 
Aedtfic.  Justin,  ch.  iii.)  as  Upowpewis  re  jccu 
kycurrhv  tXns  tZos  "Avyp  kyiify  "whom,"  he 
adds,  "  some  believe  to  be  fiTirdpa  S€ot6kov  and 
grandmother  of  Christ ; "  and  we  are  informed 
bv  Codinus  that  Justinian  II.  founded  another  in 

Her  body  was  brought  from  Palestine  to  Con- 
stantinople in  740,  and  her  "  Inventio  Cor|¥>ris  " 
was  celebrated  with  all  the  honour  due  to  a 
saint.  [C] 


AimOTINUM  PA8GHA.  In  the  Grego- 
ruB  lAer  B€apon»aliSy  and  in  some  MSS.  of  the 
Sayvmmtanff  following  the  Dominica  in  AUna 
(First  after  Easter),  we  find  an  office  m  Paa- 
eid  ^jT'*^  That  it  was  not,  howerer,  in- 
Tviiklj  oa  the  day  following  the  Odtaye  of 
Easter  is  shown  hj  Martene  (quoted  by  Binterim, 
«  L  246XVho  foand  it  placed  on  the  Thursday 
before  Aacension  Day  in  an  ancient  ritual  of 
Vieaae.  And  it  is  mentioned  in  later  autho- 
ritiei  as  having  been  celebrated  on  yariona  days, 
Si  00  the  SalAatMin  Vn  AJbis,  the  Saturday  after 

is  to  tow  meaning  of  the  expression  there  are 
raiiovs  opiaioos.  Natalia  Alexander  {Hist.  Ecd. 
An.  VL  ^must.  2%  with  sereral  of  the  older  au- 
tkwitiei,  supposed  it  to  be  the  annirersary  of 
tk  Easter  of  the  preceding  year.  If  this  anni- 
Tonrf  was  specially  observed,  when  it  fell  in 
the  Lnt  of  the  actual  year  it  would  naturally 
M  onitted,  or  transferred  to  a  period  when  the 
Fast  was  orer ;  for  the  services  of  the  Paacha 
oMottnm  were  of  a  Paschal  character,  and  oon- 
se^oently  unsuited  for  a  season  of  mourning. 

PkobaUy,  however,  the  nature  of  the  Paxha 
m^tmam  is  correctly  stated  by  the  Micrologus 
(c56);  Annotine  Paacha  is  a  term  equivalent 
to  aBoirersaiy  Paacha ;  and  it  is  so  called  because 
ia  dden  time  at  Rome  those  who  had  been  bap- 
tised at  Easter  celebrated  the  anniversary  of 
their  baptism  in  the  next  year  by  solemn  ser- 
nccL  Honorius  of  Autun,  Durand,  and  Beleth, 
pre  the  same  explanation,  which  is  adopted  by 
Tlunnasius,  Martene,  and  Mabillon.  To  this  call- 
is;  to  mind  of  baptismal  vows  the  collects  of 
the  Gregoriap  SaeramenUiry  (p.  82)  refer.  The 
vords  of  the  Micrologus, 'that  this  was  observed  in 
oUen  time  (antiqnitns)  seem  to  imply  that  even 
at  the  time  when  that  treatise  was  written 
(sboat  llOOX  it  had  become  ubsolete  (Gregorian 
^enm,  Ed.  Moiard,  p.  399 ;  Binterim's  Denk- 
nnSgieaeH,  v.  i.  245  ff.).  [C] 

ANNUNCIATION.    [Mary  the  ViBaiN, 

ttgaVAlB  OP.] 

ANOINTINO.    [Unction.] 

ANOviuSj  of  Alexandria,  oommemorated 
Joly  7  {Mart.  Hierxm.), 

ANSENnUS.  Commemorated  August  7 
{Mart  Hieron.}.  [C] 

ANTEHPNUS,  bishop,  oommemorated  April 
27  {Mart.  Hieron,).  [C.] 

ANTEPENDIUM  (or  Antipendium),  a  veil 
«r  hanging  in  ttont  of  an  altar.  The  use  of  such 
a  pacee  of  drapery  no  doubt  began  at  a  period 
wl^  altars,  as  that  at  S.  Alessandro  on  the  Via 
Xomentana  near  Rome  [Altar],  began  to  be 
coostnictcd  with  cancellated  fronts:  the  veil 
hanging  in  front  would  protect  the  interior 
froon  dust  and  from  pro&ne  or  irreverent  curio- 
nty.  Ciampini  {V^»  Mon,  t.  ii.  p.  57)  says 
that  in  a  crypt  below  the  church  of  SS.  Cosmo 
c  DuDiano  at  Rome  there  was  in  his  time  an 
mdent  altar  ^  cum  duabus  oolumnis  ac  epbtilio 
at  corona ;  nee  non  sub  ipso  epistilio  anuli  sunt 
ferm  e  quibns  veU  pendebant."  (Compare  t.  i. 

In  the  7th  and  8th  centuries  veils  of  rich  and 
tittly  stufi  are  often  mentioned  in  the  Lib, 
^9Ktif,  as  suspended  ''ante  altare,"  as  m  the 



case  where  Pope  Leo  III.  gave  to  the  church  of 
St.  Paul  at  Rome  "  velum  rubeum  quod  pendet 
ante  altare  habens  in  medio  crucem  de  chrysoclavo 
et  periclysin  de  chrysoclavo,"  a  red  veil  which 
hangs  before  the  altar,  having  in  the  middle 
a  cross  of  gold  embroidery  and  a  border 
of  the  same.  It  is  possible,  however,  that  in 
this  and  like  cases  the  veil  was  not  attached  to 
the  altar,  but  hung  before  it  from  the  ciborium 
or  from  arches  or  railings  raised  upon  the  altar 
enclosure.  [A  N.] 

ANTEBOS,  the  pope,  martyr  at  Rome, 
commemorated  Jan.  3  (Mart.  Bom,  Vet.^ 
Bedae).  [C] 

ANTHEM.    [Antiphon.] 

ANTHEMIUS,  commemorated  Sept.  26  {Cal 
Armen.),  [C] 

ANTHIA,  mother  of  Eleutherius,  comme- 
morated April  18  {Mart.  Bom,  Vet.).  [C] 

ANTHIMUS.  (1)  Bishop,  martyr  at  Nico- 
media,  commemorated  April  27  {Mart.  Bom, 

(2)  Presbyter,  martyr  at  Rome,  May  11  {lb. 
et  Bedae). 

(8)  Martyr  at  Aegaea,  Sept.  27  {Mart, 
B.  v.),  [C] 

ANTHOLOGIUM  Qkveo\&yiov\  a  compi- 
lation from  the  Paracletice,  Menaea,  and  Horo- 
logium,  of  such  portions  of  the  service  as  are  most 
frequently  required  by  ordinary  worshippers.  It 
generally  contains  the  offices  for  the  Festivals  of 
the  Lord,  of  the  Virgin  Mary,  and  of  the  prin- 
cipal saints  who  hare  festivals  (jStv  iopra(o' 
fityuv  ayluy) ;  and  thase  ordinary  offices  which 
most  constantly  recur.  (Neale,  Eastern  Churchy 
Introd.  890.)  This  book,  which  was  intended  to 
be  a  convenient  manual,  has  been  so  swollen  by 
the  zeal  of  successive  editors,  that  it  has  become, 
says  Leo  Allatius,  a  very  monster  of  a  book.  {De 
Libris  Ecclesiasticis  Oraecorum,  p.  89.)        [C.] 

ANTI60NUS,  of  Alexandria,  commemorated 
Feb.  26  {Mart  Hieron.),  [C] 

ANTIMENSIUM,  a  consecrated  altar-cloth, 
*'  cujus  nominis  ratio  haec  est,  quod  ea  adhibeant 
loco  mensae  sive  altaris  "  (Bona,  De  Bebus  Lit. 
L  XX.  §  2).  This  seems  the  natural  derivation, 
especitdly  if,  as  Suidas  says  (in  Suicer's  Thesaurus 
s.  V.)  the  word  was  a  Latin  one,  meaning  a  table 
placed  before  a  tribunal  {vp^  BiKcumipiov  kci- 
fi4fni)'  Nevertheless,  the  Greeks  always  write 
the  word  iiyri/iiyffiov,  and  derive  it  from  fdvcos, 
a  canister  (Neale,  Eastern  Church,  Introd.  p.  186). 

These  Ajitimensia  were,  and  are,  consecrated 
only  at  the  consecration  of  a  church  (Gear's  Eu- 
chologiony  p.  648),  when  a  piece  of  cloth  large 
enough  to  form  several  antimensia  was  placed  on 
the  altar,  consecrated,  and  afterwards  divided 
and  distributed  as  occasion  required.  ''Relics 
being  pounded  up  with  fragrant  gum,  oil  is  poured 
over  them  by  the  bishop,  and,  distilling  on  to  the 
corporals,  is  supposed  to  convey  to  them  the 
mysterious  virtues  of  the  relics  themselves.  The 
Holy  Eucharist  must  then  be  celebrated  on  them 
for  seven  days,  after  which  they  are  sent  forth 
as  they  may  be  wanted  "  (Neale,  u.  s.  p.  187). 
As  to  the  antiquity  of  these  ceremonies  it  is 
difficult  to  speak  with  certainty. 

Theodore  Balsamon  (in  Suiccr,  s.  v.)  say?  that 
these  Antimensia  were  for  use  on  the  Tables  of 



Oratones  (tSp  tbrnrnplvy),  which  were  probably 
for  the  most  part  unconsecrated ;  and  Manuel 
Charitopnlns  (in  Bona,  n.  8.)  says  that  thev  were 
for  Qse  in  cases  where  it  was  doubtful  whether  the 
altar  was  consecrated  or  not.  They  were  required 
to  be  sufficiently  large  to  ooTer  the  spot  occupied 
by  the  paten  and  chalice  at  the  time  of  conse- 

The  S3rrian8  do  not  use  these  cloth  antimensia, 
but  in  their  stead  consecrate  slabs  of  wood,  which 
appear  to  be  used  even  on  altars  which  are  con- 
secrated  (compare  the  Ethiopic  Area  [Abca]). 
The  Syriac  Nomocanon  quoted  by  Renaudot  {Lit, 
Orient  i.  182)  in  the  absence  of  an  Antimensium 
of  any  kind  permits  consecration  of  the  £ucharist 
on  a  leaf  of  the  Gospels,  or,  in  the  desert  and  in 
case  of  urgent  necessity,  on  the  hands  of  the 
deacons.  [C] 

ANTIOCH,  COUNCILS  OP.  Care  reckons 
•nly  13  CouncUs  of  Antioch  between  A.D.  252 
and  800,  at  which  date  the  first  vol.  of  his  Bist. 
Literaria  stops :  Sir  H.  Nicolas  as  many  as  33, 
and  Mansi  nearly  the  same  number.  Numbering 
them,  however,  is  unnecessary,  as  there  are  no 
first,  second,  and  third  Councils  of  Antioch  as  of 
Carthage  and  elsewhere.  They  may  be  set 
down  briefly  in  chronological  order,  only  three 
of  them  requiring  any  special  notice. 

▲JD.  252 — ^under  Fabian,  against  the  followers 
of  Novatus  (Euseb.  vL  46). 

—  264,  269— On  their  dates  see  Mansi  L 
1089-91 :  both  against  Paul  of  Samosata, 
who  was  also  Bishop  of  Antioch  after  De- 
metrian  (Euseb.  vii.  27-9).  For  details, 
see  below. 

—  331 — Of  Arians,  to  depose  Eustathius, 
Bishop  of  Antioch,  for  alleged  Sabellianism 
(Soc  i.  24). 

—  339— Of  Arians,  to  appoint  Pistus  to  the 
see  of  Alexandria,  to  which  St.  Athanasius 
had  just  been  restored  by  Constantino  the 
younger  {Life  of  St.  Athanasius  by  his 
Benedictine  editors). 

—  341 — known  as  the  Council  of  the  Dedi- 
cation :  the  bishops  having  met  ostensibly 
to  consecrate  the  great  church  of  the 
metropolis  of  Syria,  called  the  **  Dominicum 
Aureum,"  the  only  council  of  Antioch 
whose  canons  have  been  preserved  (Soc 
ii.  8).    For  details,  see  below. 

—  345 — Of  Arians  :  when  the  creed  called 
the  '*  Macrostiche,"  from  its  length,  was 
put  forth  (Soc.  ii.  18). 

—  348 — Of  Arians :  at  which,  however, 
Stephen,  Bishop  of  Antioch,  himself  an 
Arian,  was  deposed  by  order  of  Constantius 
for  the  monstrous  plot  organised  by  him 
against  the  deputies  from  Sardica  (New- 
man's Arians^  iv.  3,  4). 

— >  354 — Of  Arians :  against  St.  Athanasius. 

—  358 — under  Eudoxius :  rejected  the  words 
Homoousion  and  Homoiousion  equally : 
but  ^*  without  venturing  on  the  distinct 
Anomoean  doctrine "  (Newman's  Ariansy 
iv.  4). 

—  361 — To  authorise  the  translation  of  St. 
Meletius  from  Sebaste  to  Antioch.  A 
second  was  held  shortly  afterwards,  by  the 
same  party,  to  expel  him  for  having  made 
proof  of  his  orthodoxy. 

—  363 — Of  semi-Arians :  addressed   a    sy- 


nodical  letter  to  the  new  onperor  Joriao. 
as  had  been  done  by  the  orthodox  at  Aki* 
andria.  St.  Meletius  presided,  and  ogned 
first  (Soc.  iii.  25). 
A.D.  367 — Creed  of  the  Co^mcil  of  the  Dedio- 
tion  confirmed. 

—  379 — under  St.  Meletius:  oondemned  Uir- 
cellus,  Photinus,  and  ApoUinaris.  Ad> 
dressed  a  dogmatic  letter  to  St.  Damuiis 
and  the  bishops  of  the  West,  .who  had  le&t 
a  similar  one  to  St.  Panlinus. 

—  380 — ^For  healing  the  schism  there :  wha 
it  was  agreed  that  whichever  surriTed— 
St.  Meletius  or  St.  Paulinus — should  be  ac- 
cepted by  all.  Here  the  T6fios  or  synodical 
letter  of  the  Westerns  was  received  (at 
least  so  says  De  Marca,  ExpUc,  Can.  \\ 
Condi,  Const,  a.d.  381,  among  his  Dis- 
sertations). St.  Meletius  signed  first  of  146 
others.  St.  Paulinus,  apparently,  was  not 
present  at  all.  A  meeting  of  Arians  took 
place  there  the  same  year  on  the  death  of 
their  bishop  Euxoius,  when  Dorotheus  was 
elected  to  succeed  him  (Soc  iv.  35,  and 
T.  3  and  5). 

—  389 — ^To  prevent  the  sons  of  Marcelliia, 
Bishop  of  Apamea,  from  avenging  hii 
murder  by  the  barbarians. 

—  391 — ^A^inst  the  Messaliana. 

—  424— or,  as  Mansi  thinks  (ir.  475)  in  418: 
at  which  Pelagius  was  condemned. 

—  431 — ^under  John  of  Antioch,  condemning 
and  deposing  St.  Cyril  and  five  others 
(Mansi,  5,  1147). 

—  432 — under  John  also ;  for  making  peace 
with  St.  Cyril :  after  which  he  in  this,  or 
another  synod  of  the  same  year,  condemned 
Nestorius  and  his  opinions. 

—  435 — ^Respecting  the  works  of  Theodoms 
of  Mopsuestia  and  Diodorus  of  Tamu 
lately  translated  into  Armenian. 

—  440--0n  the  same  subject :  occasioned  br 
a  letter  of  Proclus,  patriarch  of  Constanti- 

—  445 — under  Domnus :  in  which  a  Syrian 
bishop  named  Athanasius  was  condemned. 

—  448 — under  Domnus  also :  when  Ibas, 
Bishop  of  Edessa,  was  accused ;  but  his 
accusers  were  excommunicated. 

—  471— At  which  Peter  the  Fuller  was  de- 
posed, and  Julian  consecrated  in  his  room ; 
then  Peter,  having  been  restored  by  the 
usurper  Basilicus  in  476,  was  again  ejected 
by  a  synod  in  478  on  the  restoration  of 

—  482 — ^At  which  the  appointment  of  Cs^ 
lendio  to  that  see  was  confirmed ;  but  he 
in  turn  was  ejected  by  the  emperor  Zeno 
in  485,  and  Peter  the  Fuller  restored,  who 
thereupon  held  a  synod  there  the  same 
year,  and  condemned  the  4th  Council. 

—  512— at  which  Severus  was  appointed 

—  542— Against  Origen. 

—  560 — ^under  Anastasius :  condemning  those 
who  opposed  the  4th  Council. 

—  781 — ^under  Theodoric :  condemning  the 

Of  these,  the  two  synods  A.D.  264  and  269 
against  Paul  of  Samosata  were  conspicuous  both 
from  the  fact  that  the  accused  was  bishop  of  the 
city  in  which  they  were  held,  and  horn,  the  novel 




itntUf  of  their  proceedings.  They  came  to 
Ike  itern  rcaolatioa  of  deposing  him,  yet  had  to 
apply  to  a  pagan  emperor  to  enforce  their  sen- 
tnee,  who,  strange  to  say,  did  as  they  requested. 
No  such  case  had  occurred  before :  it  was  the 
gnrity  of  their  deliberations  and  the  justice  of 
Ucar  decisions  that  caused  them  to  be  respected. 
Wrth  the  first  of  tfavm,  aa  we  learn  from  £u- 
feUos,  there  were  some  celebrated  names  as- 
sociated. Firmilian,  Bishop  of  Caesarea  in  Cappa- 
4ona,  the  well-kuown  advocate  for  re-baptising  he- 
retio  with  St.  Cyprian,  St.  Gregory  the  wonder- 
irorker,  and  Athenodoros  his  brother,  the  bishops 
«f  Tarsos  and  Jerusalem,  and  others.  Dionysius 
of  Alexamlria  was  inrited,  but  sent  excuses  on 
aowont  of  his  age ;  declaring  his  sentiments  on 
toe  question  in  a  letter  addreraed  to  the  whole 
diocese,  without  so  much  aa  naming  the  accused, 
Its  bishop.  Those  who  were  present  exposed  his 
erron;  bat  Paul,  promising  amendment,  man- 
sfcii  to  cajole  Firmilian,  and  the  bishops  sepa- 
ntol  without  passing  sentence.  At  the  second 
eooBcsl,  baring  been  convicted  by  a  presbyter 
uiocd  Malchion,  occupying  the  highest  position 
ta  the  schools  of  Antioch  as  a  sophist,  he  was 
cit  off  from  the  communion  of  the  Church ;  and 
a  sjBodieal  letter  was  addressed  in  the  name  of 
those  present,  headed  by  the  bishops  of  Tarsus 
aari  Jerusalem — ^Firmilian  had  died  on  his  road 
to  the  council — and  of  the  neighbouring  churches, 
to  the  bishops  of  Rome  and  Alexandria,  and  the 
vbole  Chnreh  generally,  setting  forth  all  that 
had  been  done  in  both  synods,  as  well  as  all  the 
&be  teaching  and  all  the  strange  practices — so 
mach  in  hannony  with  what  is  attributed  to 
the  sophists  of  Athens  in  Plato — ^for  which  Paul 
kad  been  deposed,  also  that  Domnus,  son  of 
DeoMtrian,  hb  predecessor  in  the  see,  had  been 
elected  in  his  place.  Still,  condemned  as  he  had 
beea,  Paul  held  his  ground  till  the  emperor 
lorelian,  having  heen  besought  to  interfere,  com- 
manded that  *'the  house  in  which  the  bishop 
Vttti  should  be  given  up  to  those  with  whom 
the  bishops  of  Italy  and  of  the  city  of  Rome  com- 
Boaicated  as  reguxis  dogma."  This  settled  his 
Cite  once  for  all. 

Toe  remaining  council  of  Antioch  to  be  spe- 
cially noticed  is  that  of  the  Dedicatio  A.D.  341. 
It  was  attcaded  by  90  bishops,  says  St.  Atha- 
Bssias,  or  by  97  aa  St.  Hilary.  Of  these  but  36 
are  said  to  hare  been  Arian :  yet  they  carried 
their  point  through  Constantius  so  far  as  to 
snbstitute  Eusebius  of  Hems  for  St.  Athanasius, 
and.  on  his  hesitating,  to  get  George  or  Gregory 
of  Csppadoda  sent  out  to  be  put  in  possession  of 
the  sec  of  Alexandria  without  delay. 

Kot  content  with  this,  they  got  their  12th 
caaon  levelled  against  those  who,  having  been 
deposed  in  a  synod,  presume  to  submit  their 
esse  to  the  emperor  instead  of  a  larger  synod, 
averriag  that  they  deserved  no  pardon,  and 
••fbt  not  ever  to  be  restored  again.  In  this 
WIT  the  restoration  of  St.  Athanasius  to  Alex- 
■adria  by  Constantine  the  younger  was  virtually 
deekred  uncanonical  and  his  see  vacant.  To 
tUi  csaon  St.  Chrysostom  afterwards  objected, 
wkca  it  was  adduced  aeainst  him,  that  it  was 
fiaoed  by  the  Arians.  Lastly,  they  managed  to 
promnlgatc  four  different  creeds,  all  intended  to 
aademine  that  of  Nicaea.  Yet,  strange  to  say, 
the  25  canons  passed  by  this  council  came  to  be 
the  moat  respected  of  any,  and  at  length 

admitted  into  the  code  of  the  Universal  Church. 
They  are  termed  by  Pope  Zacharias  **  the  canons 
of  the  blessed  Fathers;"  by  Nicholas  I.  ''the 
venerable  and  holy  canons  of  Antioch;"  and  by 
the  Council  of  Chalcedon  '*  the  just  rules  of  the 
Fathers."  Hence  some  have  supposed  two 
councils :  one  of  50  orthodox  bishops,  or  more, 
who  made  the  canons ;  another  of  30  or  40 
Arians,  who  superseded  St.  Athanasius  (>lansi,  ii. 
1305,  note).  But  canon  12  plainly  was  as  much 
directed  against  St.  Athanasius  as  anything  else 
that  was  done  there.  On  the  other  hand,  it  laid 
down  a  true  principle  no  less  than  the  rest ;  and 
this  doubtless  has  been  the  ground  on  which 
they  have  been  so  widely  esteemed.  Among 
them  there  are  five  which  cannot  be  paased  over, 
for  another  reason.  The  9th,  for  distinctly 
proving  the  high  antiquity  of  one  at  least  of  the 
Apostolical  canons,  by  referring  to  it  as  "the 
antient  canon  which  was  in  force  in  the  age  of 
our  fathers,"  in  connexion  with  the  special 
honour  now  claimed  for  metropolitans — on  which 
see  Bever.,  Synod,  ii.  ad  loc — canons  4  and  5,  for 
having  been  .cited  in  the  4th  action  of  the  Council 
of  Chfidcedon,  or  rather  read  out  there  by  Aetius, 
Archdeacon  of  Constantinople,  from  a  book  as 
*< canons  83  and  84  of  the  holy  Fathers;"  and 
likewise  canons  16  and  17,  for  having  been  read 
out  in  the  11th  action  of  the  same  council  by 
Leontius,  Bishop  of  Magnesia,  from  a  book  as 
« canons  95  and  96  4"  being  in  each  case  the 
identical  numbers  assigned  to  them  in  the  code  of 
the  Universal  Church,  thus  proving  this  code  to 
have  been  in  existence  and  appealed  to  then,  and 
therefore  making  it  extremely  probable,  to  say 
the  least,  that  when  the  Chaloedonian  bishops  in 
their  first  canon  "  pronounced  it  to  be  fit  and 
just  that  the  canons  of  the  holy  Fathers  made  in 
every  synod  to  this  present  time  be  in  fVill  force," 
they  gave  their  authoritative  sanction  to  this 
very  collection.  Hence  a  permanent  and  in- 
trinsic interest  has  been  imparted  to  this  council 
irrespectively  of  the  merits  of  its  own  canons  in 
themselres,  though  there  are  few  councils  whose 
enactments  are  marked  throughout  by  so  much 
good  sense.  [£.  S.  F.] 

ANTIPAS,  Bishop  of  Pergamus,  tradition- 
ally the  "  angel "  of  that  church  addressed  in 
the  Apocalypse,  commemorated  April  11  (Ca/. 
Byzant),  [C] 

ANTIPHON--(Gr.  'Kprlffwvop:  Ut.  Anti- 
pKona:  Old  English,  Antefn,  Antem  [Chaucer]: 
Modem  English,  Anthem.  For  the  change  of 
Antefn  into  Antem^  compare  0.  K  Stefn  [prow] 
with  modem  Stem.  French,  Anttenne.)  "An- 
tiphona  ex  Graeco  interpretatur  vox  reciproca ; 
dnobus  scilicet  choris  altematim  psallentibus 
ordine  commutato."    (Isidore,  Origines  vi.  18.) 

There  are  two  kinds  of  responsive  singing  used 
in  the  Church ;  the  Responsorial,  when  one  singer 
or  reader  begins,  and  the  whole  choir  answers  in 
the  alternate  verses ;  the  present  Anglican  prac- 
tice when  the  Psalms  are  not  chanted ;  and  the 
Antiphonal  (described  in  Isidore's  definition)  when 
the  choir  is  divided  into  two  parts  or  sides,  and 
each  part  or  side  sings  alternate  rerses.  Of 
these  forms  of  ecclesiastical  chant  we  are  now 
concerned  only  with  the  second,  the  Antiphonal. 
We  shall  endeavour,  as  briefly  as  may  be,  to  men- 
tion (1)  Its  origin.  (2)  The  different  usages  of 
the  term  **  Antiphon."    (3)  Its  application  in  the 




lilissal,  acd  in  the  Breviary;  pointing  out  as 
they  occur  any  peculiarity  or  difference  of  usage 
between  the  Eastern  and  the  Western  Churches. 

I.  Its  origin  may  be  found  in  the  Jewish 
Church.  For  we  read  (1  Chron.  vi.  31  &c.)y  that 
Dayid  divided  the  Levites  into  three  bands,  and 
"  set  them  over  the  service  of  song  in  the  house 
of  the  Lord,  after  that  the  ark  had  rest.  And 
they  ministered  before  the  dwelling->place  of  the 
tabernacle  of  the  congregation  with  singing, 
until  Solomon  had  bnilt  the  hoiLse  of  the  Lord  in 
Jerusalem ;  and  then  they  waited  on  their  office 
according  to  their  order."  It  appears  further 
that  the  sons  of  the  Kohathit«s,  under  ^*  Heman  a 
singer"  (v.  33),  stood  in  the  centre  while  the 
Gershomites,  led  by  Asaph,  stood  on  the  right 
hand,  and  the  Merarites,  led  by  Ethan  (or  Jedu- 
thun),  on  the  left.  These  arrangements,  and  the 
further  details  given  in  1  Chron.  xzv.  clearly 
point  to  some  definite  assignment  of  the  musical 
parts  of  the  tabernacle  and  temple  worship. 
Some  of  the  psalms,  moreover,  as  the  xxiv.  and 
the  czxxiv.  appear  to  be  composed  for  antiphonal 
singing  by  two  choirs. 

It  appears  on  the  evidence  of  Philo,  that  this 
mode  of  singing  was  practised  by  the  Essenes. 
Speaking  of  them  he  says :  *'  In  the  first  place 
two  choirs  are  constituted ;  one  of  men,  the  other 
of  women.  They  then  sing  hymns  to  the  praise 
of  Grod,  composed  in  different  kinds  of  metre  and 
verse — now  with  one  mouth,  now  with  anti- 
phonal  hymns  and  harmonies,  leading,  and  direct- 
ing, and  ruling  the  choir  with  modulations  of 
the  hands  and  gestures  of  the  body ;  at  one  time 
in  motion,  at  another  stationary ;  turning  in  one 
direction,  and  in  the  reverse,  as  the  case  requires. 
Then,  when  each  choir  by  itself  has  satisfied 
itself  with  these  delights,  they  all,  as  though 
inebriated  with  divine  love,  combine  from  both 
choirs  mto  one." 

Plmy  appears  to  allude  to  antiphonal  chanting 
when,  in  a  well-known  passage  (Epist.  x.  97),  he 
says  that  the  Christians  sing  a  hymn  to  Christ 
as  God,  ''by  turns  among  themselves"  (secum 

The  introduction  of  antiphonal  singing  among 
the  Greeks  is  ascribed  by  an  ancient  tradition  to 
Ignatius  of  Antioch  (Socrates,  EccL  Hist,  vi.  8), 
who  saw  a  vision  of  antiphonal  chanting  in 
heaven.  And  this  tradition  probably  represents 
the  fact,  that  this  manner  of  singing  was  early 
introduced  into  Antioch,  and  spread  thence  over 
the  Eastern  Church. 

We  learn  from  S.  Basil  that  it  was  general  in 
his  time.  He  says  {Ep,  ccvii.  ad  Cieric.  Neo- 
caesar.)  prefacing  that  what  he  is  going  to  speak 
of  are  the  receiv^  institutions  in  all  the  churches 
(rii  vvv  KeKparriKSra  ^Bri  Tdccus  Ta7s  rov  6cov 
^kkKticIcus  <riy^d  itrrt  wal  ir^/i^wva),  *'  that  the 
people,  resorting  by  night  to  the  house  of  prayer 

at  length,  rising  fVom   prayer,  betake 

themselves  to  psalmody.  And  now,  divided  into 
two  parts,  they  sing  alternately  to  each  other 
(5ixp  StavtfiriO€vr€S,  iLVTi^d?iKownir  &AA^Xo<s  .  .). 
Afterwards  they  commit  the  leading  of  the 
melody  to  one,  and  the  rest  follow  him." 

Theodoret  {ffist.  JSccles,  ii.  19)  ascribes  the 
introduction  of  antiphonal  singing  to  Flavian 
and  Diodorus,  who,  while  still  laymen,  he  says, 
were  the  first  to  divide  the  choirs  of  singers  into 
two  parts,  and  teach  them  to  sing  the  son^^s  of 
David  alternately  (oZroi  irpwroi,  Htxfi  Bitxivres 

Tovs  T&y  T^f<i\x6pTi»y  x^P^^^*  ^^  ^toSox^t  fSctf 
r^v  AavtSiK^y  4BlSix^ov  /itXif^lay),  and  then  he 
adds  that  this  custom,  which  thus  took  its  rise  at 
Antioch,  spread  thence  in  every  direction. 

In  the  Western  Church  the  introduction  of 
Antiphonal  singing  after  the  manner  of  the  Ori- 
entals (secundum  morem  Orientalium),  is  attri- 
buted to  S.  Ambrose,  as  S.  Augustine  says 
{Confess,  ix.  c.  7,  §  15^  and  he  gives  as  a  reason, 
that  the  people  should  not  become  weary. 

A  passage,  indeed,  is  adduced  from  TertoUian 
(ad  Uxor,  ii.),  from  which  it  is  argued  ^at  the 
practice  of  alternate  singing  was  in  vogue  before 
the  time  of  S.  Ambrose.  It  has  also  been  con- 
tended that  Pope  Damasus,  or  again  Caelestiae, 
was  its  originator  in  the  Western  Church.  As 
these  opinions  do  not  seem  to  be  generally  adopted, 
and  as  the  arguments  by  which  they  are  snp> 
ported  may  easily  admit  of  another  interpreta- 
tion, it  does  not  appear  to  be  necessary  to  occupy 
space  by  discussing  them  here. 

II.  The  word  Antiphon,  however,  has  been 
used  in  several  different  senses. 

1.  Sometimes  it  appears  to  denote  the  psalms 
or  hymns  themselves,  which  were  sung  anti- 
phonally.  Thus  Socrates  (Hist,  Eccl,  vi.  8)  calls 
certain  hymns  which  were  thus  sung  ''Anti- 
phonas."  When  the  word  is  used  in  this  sense 
there  is  generally  a  contrast  expressed  or  implied 
with  a  ''psalmus  directus,"  or  '^  directane'is." 
''Psallere  cum  antiphona"  is  a  phrase  much 
used  in  this  connexion,  to  which  "psallere  ii 
directum"  is  opposed.  Thus  S.  Aurelian  in  the 
order  for  psalmody  of  his  rule,  "  Dicite  Matn- 
tinarios,  id  est  prime  canticum  in  antiphoni: 
deinde  directaneum,  Judica  ma  Deus,  ...  in 
antiphon&  dicite  hymnum,  Spiendor  patemae 
ghriae,**  It  is  not  quite  certain  what  is  meant 
by  these  two  expressions ;  tne  general  opinion  is 
that ''  psallere  cum  (or  in)  antiphoni,"  means  to 
sing  alternately  with  the  two  sides  of  the  choir; 
and  "  psallere  directaneum "  to  sing  either  with 
the  whole  choir  united,  or  else  for  one  chanter  to 
sing  while  the  rest  listened  in  silence  (this  latter 
mode  of  singing,  however,  is  what  is  nsuallj 
denoted  by  "  tractus ;")  while  some  think  that 
"•  psallere  in"  or  *'  cum  antiphoni"  means  to  sing 
with  modulation  of  the  voice ;  and  that  **  peaUeit 
directaneum"  denotes  plain  recitation  withoat 
musical  intonation.  Thus  Cassian  (De  JnstiL 
Coenob,  ii.  2),  speaking  of  psalms  to  be  sung  in 
the  night  office,  says, ''  et  hos  Ipsos  antiphonaram 
protelatos  melodiis,  et  adjunctione  quammdam 
modulationum ;"  and  S.  Benedict  directs  that 
some  psalms  should  be  said  **  in  directum,"  bat 
many  more  ''modulatis  vocibus."  A  third 
opinion  is  that  ''psallere  cum  antiphonli"  means 
to  sing  psalms  with  certain  sentences  inserted 
between  the  verses,  which  sentences  were  called 
antiphons,  from  their  being  sung  altematelT 
with  the  verses  of  the  psalm  itself.  Of  this 
method  of  singing  we  shall  speak  more  fully 
presently.  In  opposition  to  this  sense,  "  psallere 
directum "  would  mean  to  sing  a  psalm  straight 

!  through  without  any  antiphon ;  and  it  may  be 
I  remarked  that  the  "  psalmus  directus,"  said  daily 
at  Lauds,  in  the  Ambrosian  office,  has  no  Anti- 
phon.    The  expression  "  oratio  recta"  seems  also 
to  be  used  in  much  the  same  sense. 

2.  The  word  Antiphona*  is  also  used  to  dencte 

•  «' A  distinction  is  made  bj  Htargical  writers  bet«*«i 




i  matd  oompositioii,  or  oompilation  of  verses 
frocD  the  Psalms,  or  sometimes  from  other  parts 
«f  Seriptore,  or  several  coDsecutive  verses  of  the 
saaw  palm  appropriate  to  a  special  subject  or 
festiTiL  HiIs  was  sung  by  one  choir,  and  afler 
each  Terse  an  unvarying  response  was  made  by 
tbe  opposite  choir ;  whence  the  name. 

Compilations  of  this  nature  are  to  be  found  in 
the  old  office  books,  e^.,  in  the  Mozarabic  office 
kt  the  dead,  where,  however,  they  are  called  **  a 
halm  of  l>avid,'*  as  being  said  in  the  place  of 
palms  in  the  Noctums ;  and  they  have  this  pecu- 
litrity,  that  each  verse  (with  very  few  ezcep- 
tkos)  begins  with  the  same  word.  Thus  the 
rerses  of  one  such  *'  psalm  "  all  begin  with  "  Ad 
tc;**  those  of  another  with  '*  lldiserere ;"  of 
aaotker  with  *< Libera;'*  of  another  with  **Tu 
DNRDiDe,"  and  so  on.  They  are  also  found  in  the 
imbrosian  burial  offices,  where  they  are  called 
Aotiphonae,  each  verse  being  considered  as  a 
Kptrate  Antiphon,  and  are  headed  Antiph.  i. 
Aatiph.  iL  and  so  on.  The  Canticles,  which  were 
ap(*oiDted  to  be  said  ii^tead  of  the  "Yenite"  in 
tfie  English  state  services,  there  called  '*  hymns," 
sai  directed  to  be  said  or  sung  ^  one  verse  by 
the  Priest,  and  another  by  the  Clerk  and  people" 
{L  €.  aati|]^onally),  are  of  this  nature. 

3.  The  word  "  Antiphona"  denotes  (and  this 
ii  the  sense  in  which  we  are  most  familiar  with 
iti  aseX  a  sentence  usually,  but  by  no  means 
iiTariably,  taken  from  the  psalm  itself,  and  ori- 
giftAlIr  intercalated  between  each  verse  of  a  psalm, 
bat  which,  in  process  of  time,  came  to  be  sung, 
vkollv  or  in  part,  at  the  beginning  and  end  only. 
Wc  shall  speaik  more  at  length  on  this  head  pre- 


4.  The  word  '^Antiphona"  came  to  denote 
sacb  a  senterce  taken  by  itself,  and  sung  alone 
vithoat  connexion  with  any  psalm.  These  Anti- 
pliQos  were  frequently  original  compositions. 
(We  thus  arrive  at  our  common  use  of  the  word 
•Dthem  as  part  of  an  Anglican  choral  service.) 
Aatipbons  of  this  description  are  of  common 
oorarrenoe  in  the  Greek  offices. 

As  an  example  take  the  following  from  the 
^ee  far  the  taking  the  greater  monastic  habit 
(tw  fuyiXav  vxhpuiros).  In  the  Liturgy,  after 
the  entrance  of  the  Gospels,  the  following  Anti- 
phwi  (*Arr{^ra)  are  said : — 

^aL  1.  *  Woold  that  I  conld  wipe  out  with  tears  the 
httdvTidog  of  my  offence^  0  Lord :  and  please  Thee  by 
npeacance  for  the  remainder  of  my  life:  bat  the  enemy 
ieo^es  aie.  md  wan  against  my  souL  0  Lord,  before  1 
feaUj  perfrik,  ove  me. 

*  Wlio  tiut  k  tnawfrt  by  storms,  and  makes  for  it,  does 
io(  find  safety  in  this  port?  Or  who  that  is  tormeoted 
vttt  piin  and  Ctlla  down  before  it,  does  not  find  a  cure  in 
tts  pbee  of  healiiv?  O  thou  Creator  of  all  men,  and 
|*jiidak  of  the  sick,  O  Lord,  beforo  1  finally  perish. 

' I  am  sdieep<tf  Thy  rational  flock;  and  I  flee  to  Thee, 
Ite  BMd  Sbejpberd ;  save  me  the  wanderer  from  Thy  fuld, 
OOod.  ind  have  mercy  on  me." 

Then  foUowB  "Gloria  Patri"  and  a  "Tlieoto- 
kioa,**  which  is  a  short  Antiphon  or  invocation 
addressed  to  the  KV.M.  as  **  Theotokos."  Then 
AnttpiioB  ii,  after  ths  model  of  the  first,  but  in 

tod  antiphonmoy  the  neuter  form  denoting 
I  of  the  nature  here  described;  and  the  feminine 
or  nodoktioD  song  as  a  prefix  or  adJanct  to  a 
#Kii  pmtaa '  quasi  ez  opposito  reqModens.' "— Ooar,  Euch, 

two  clauses  only.  So  after  another  '* Gloria" 
and  "  Theotokion,"  Antiphon  iii.  in  one  clause. 

III.  We  shall  now  re&r  to  the  principal  uses 
of  Antiphons  in  the  services  of  the  Church. 

1st.  In  the  Liturgy,  or  office  of  the  Mass. 

We  will  take  the  Greek  offices  first.  In  these 
(and  we  will  confine  ourselves  to  the  two  Litur- 
gies of  SS.  Basil  and  Chrysostom)  before  the  lesser 
entrance  (  that  of  the  Gospels)  3  psalms,  or 
parts  of  psalms  are  sung  with  a  constant  re- 
sponse after  each  verse.  These  are  called  re- 
spectively the  1st,  2nd,  and  3rd  Antiphon,  and 
each  is  preceded  by  a  prayer,  which  is  called  the 
prayer  of  the  1st,  2nd,  and  3rd  Antiphon  respec- 

The  Greek  liturgical  Antiphons  consist  each  of 
four  versides  with  its  response,  though  occasion- 
ally, as  on  Christmas  Day,  the  third  Antiphon 
has  but  three ;  that  "  Gloria  Patri "  is  said  after 
the  first  and  second  Antiphons,  but  not  after  the 
third.  (This  is  doubtless  because  the  office  passes 
on  immediately  after  the  third  Antiphon  to  other 
singing  with  which  we  are  not  now  concerned.) 
In  the  first  Antiphon  the  antiphonal  response 
is  always  the  same,  and  is  that  given  in  the 
cases  quoted ;  in  the  second  it  varies  with  the 
day  to  the  solemnity  of  which  it  has  reference ; 
it  always  begins  with  the  words  "  Save  us,"  and 
ends  with  *'  Who  sine  to  Thee,  Alleluia  "  (jr&trov 
iffjMs  .  .  .  ^dWoyrds  vot  *AWri\o{ta);  in  the 
third  it  varies  likewise  with  the  day,  but  is  not 
of  so  uniform  a  type.  It  is,  as  a  rule,  the  same 
as  the  "  Apolyticon,"  an  Anthem  which  is  sung 
near  the  end  of  the  preceding  vespers.  That 
aft«r  the  "  Gloria  "  in  the  second  Antiphon,  in- 
stead of  repeating  the  proper  response  of  the 
Antiphon  "0  only  begotten  Son  and  Woi'd  of 
God,"  &c.,  is  suDg  as  a  response.  (This  invoca- 
tion occurs  in  the  office  of  the  "  Typics,") 

Other  compositions,  which  are  virtually  Anti- 
phons, are  found  in  Greek  offices,  and  will  be 
spoken  of  under  their  proper  heads ;  see  Cohtta- 


We  turn  now  to  the  Liturgies  of  the  Western 

The  three  Antiphons  of  the  Greek  Liturgies 
correspond  both  in  structure  and  position  with 
the  single  Antiphon  of  the  Western  Church. 
The  chant  which  the  Church  uses  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  Mass  is  commonly  called  ^  Introitus," 
or  ''Antiphona  ad  Introitum,"  from  its  being 
sung  Antiphonally  when  the  priest  enters  upon 
the  service,  or  mounts  to  the  altar ;  for  both  ex- 
planations are  given  [Intboit].  It  still  retains 
its  name  of  "  Introitus  "  in  the  Roman  missal ; 
and  the  word ''  Introit "  b  frequently  used  among 
ourselves  at  the  present  day  with  a  similar  mean- 

In  the  Ambrosian  Liturgy  the  corresponding 
Antiphon  was  called  **Ingre8sa"  for  the  same 
reason ;  while  in  the  Mozarabic  and  Sarum  Litur- 
gies it  was  called  *^  Officium."  In  the  Gallican 
rite  it  was  called  *'  Antiphona "  or  '*  Antiphona 
ad  praelegendum,*'  or  "^  de  praelegere." 

The  institution  of  the  Antiphon  at  the  Introit 
is  almost  universally  ascribed  to  S.  Caelestine, 
who  was  Pope  A.D.  422,  and  who  is  said  to  have 
borrowed  this  kind  of  singing  from  S.  Ambrose, 
and  to  have  appointed  that  the  cl.  psalms  of 
David  should  be  sung  antiphonally  befbre  the 
Sacrifice,  which  was  not  done  previously,  bnt 
only   the  Epistles  of  S.  Paul  and  the  Gospel 




were  read,  and  thai  the  Mass  was  oonduct«d> 
In  the  account  given  by  S.  Angnstine  (de  Civ. 
Deiy  xxii.  8  sub  fin.)  of  a  Mass  which  he  cele- 
brated, A.D.  425,  there  is  no  mention  of  such  an 
Introit.  After  speaking  of  certain  preliminary- 
thanksgivings  (as  we  should  say  occasional)  for 
a  recent  miracle,  he  says,  ^*  I  saluted  the  people  " 
.  .  .  when  silence  was  at  length  established,  the 
appointed  lections  of  Holy  Scripture  were  read 
as  though  that  was  the  beginning  of  the  Mass. 

It  seems,  however,  doubtful  what  we  are  to 
understand  by  the  singing  of  Psalms  thus  insti- 
tuted by  Caelestine— whether  an  entire  Psalm, 
varying  with  the  office,  was  sung,  or  only  cer- 
tain verses  taken  fh>m  the  Psalms,  and  used  as 
an  Antiphon.  The  former  opinion  is  held  by 
Honorius  {Qemma  animaey  87),  who  says  that 
'*  Caelestine  appointed  Psalms  to  be  sung  at  the 
Introit  of  the  Mass,  f^m  which  (de  quibus) 
Gregory  the  Pope  afterwards  composed  Anti- 
phons  for  the  Introit  of  the  Mass  with  musical 
notations  (modulando  composuit.)"  Also  by 
Prisons  in  his  **  Acts  of  the  Popes,"  and  by  Cardi- 
nal Bona. 

The  latter  opinion  is  held  by  Micrologus 
(cap.  i.),  and  by  Amalarius  (^De  Eocl,  Off,  iii. 
5),  who,  in  explaining  this  addition  of  Caeles- 
tine's,  says,  **  Which  we  understand  to  mean 
that  he  selected  Antiphons  out  of  all  the  Psalms, 
to  be  sung  in  the  office  of  the  Mass.  For  previ- 
ously the  Mass  began  with  a  lection,  which  cus- 
tom is  still  retained  in  the  vigils  of  Easter  and 

It  has  again  been  argued  with  much  force  that 
it  was  customary  to  sing  Antiphons  taken  from 
the  Psalms  at  the  Mass  before  the  time  of  Caeles- 
tine.* S.  Ambrose  {de  Myst  cap.  8)  and  the 
writer  de  Sacr.  (iv.  2)  speak  as  though  the  use 
of  the  verse  **  Introibio,"  &c.,  at  the  Introit  were 
familiar.  So,  too,  Gregory  Nazian.  says.  When 
he  (the  priest)  is  vested,  he  comes  to  the  altar 
Mying  the  Antiphon  "  I  will  go  unto  the  altar  of 
God  "  (Introibo  ad  altare  Dei).  It  is  also  noticeable 
that  some  of  the  verses  said  to  have  been  used  as 
Antiphons  in  early  times  differ  somewhat  from 
Jerome's  version.  This  is  strong  evidence  that 
the  use  of  Antiphons  at  the  Introit  was  anterior 
to  the  time  of  Caelestine.  However  this  may 
be,  Caelestine  may  well  have  so  organized  or 
Altered,  or  developed  the  custom,  as  to  be  called 
its  inventor.  And  on  the  whole  the  more  pro- 
bable opinion  seems  to  be  that  he  appointed  en- 
tire Psalms  to  be  sung  before  the  Mass  and  that 
afterwards  Gregory  the  Great  selected  from  them 
verses  as  an  Antiphon  for  the  "Introit,"  and 
others  for  the  "  Responsory,"  *  "  Offertory,"  and 
**  Communion,"  which  he  collected  into  the  book 
which  he  called  his  Antiphonary.  In  support  of 
this  view  it  may  be  observed  that  the  Respon- 
sory  &C.  (which  are  really  Antiphons,  though 
the  Introit  soon  monopolized  that  name)  are 
often  taken  from  the  same  Psalm  as  the  Introit. 

The  form  of  the  Antiphon  at  the  Introit  wax 
as  follows.  After  the  Introit,  properly  so  called, 
a  psalm  was  sung,  originally  entire,  but  afler- 

i>  Liber  ponHJUxdit  In  vita  8.  Ou^lestinL  See  also  the 
Gatalogue  of  the  Roman  FOntifEb,  April,  voL  L  (Heoachen 
and  Papebroch). 

a  Vide  Radnlph.  Tongrens.  2>e  Ccm,  (Hmerv.  prop.  23 
Gaflsian.  hutU.  UL  11. 

d  Afterwards  known  as  the  "GntdoaL**  In  the  Antl- 
lihoDajy  it  Is  called  "  Responsorinm  gndale.** 

wards  a  smgle  verse  with  "Gloria  Patri."  Hm 
Introit  was  then  repeated,  and  some  chordies 
used  to  sing  it  three  times  on  the  more  soleom 

The  Introit  in  the  Antiphonary  of  S.  Gregory 
is  taken  from  the  Psalms,  with  a  fkw  exceptions, 
which  Durandus  (Rat.  iv.  6)  calls  "Irregnlar 
Introits."  These  Introits,  taken  from  other  parts 
of  Scripture,  are  in  all  cases  followed  by  theit 
appointed  "  Psalmus."  There  are  also  a  few  In- 
troits which  are  not  taken  from  any  part  o( 
Scripture.  Such  is  that  for  Trinity  Sunday  in 
the  Roman  and  Sarum  missals. 

-BleBBed  be  the  Holy  Trinity,  and  the  nnditrUed 
Unity ;  we  will  give  thanks  to  It,  for  It  has  dealt  merd- 
taUy  with  us." 

And  that  for  All-Saints  Day  in  the  same  Missal 

'*  Let  us  all  n>Joice  celebrating  the  festival  in  bonoor 
of  all  the  Saints,  over  whose  solemnity  the  angels  r^jom^ 
and  Join  in  praising  the  Son  of  God." 

These  non-scriptural  Introits,  however,  are 
mostly,  as  will  be  observed,  for  festivals  of  later 
date,  and  are  not  fbund  in  Gregory's  Antipfaonarr. 
A  metrical  Introit  is  sometimes  found.  Thus 
in  the  Roman  Missal  in  Masses,  **  in  Commemora- 
tione  B.y.M.,  a  purif.  usque  ad  pasch."  the 
Introit  is : — 

Salve,  sancta  Parens,  enlza  puerpera  R^ieoi, 
Qui  coelum  temmque  r^t  in  secala  aecolornm.* 
Psalmut. — Virgo  Dei  genetriz,  quern  totns'  non  capit  ortiii 
In  tua  se  clauslt  viscera  factns  homo. 
Gloria  Patri. 

Here  the  "  Psalmus  "  is  not  from  the  Psalms, 
which  is  very  unusual,  though  this  is  not  a  soli- 
tary case.  That  of  Trinity  Sunday  is  another. 
The  lines  are  the  beginning  of  an  old  hymn  to 
the  Virgin,  which  is  used  in  her  office  in  various 

The  different  Sundays  were  often  popularly 
distinguished  by  the  first  word  of  their  "  Officium," 
or  ^  Introitus."  Thus,  the  first  four  Sundays  in 
Lent  were  severally  known  as,  "  Invocavit," 
"  Reminiscere,"  "  Oculi,"  **  Laetare."  Low  Sun- 
day as  **  Quasimodo,"  and  so  in  other  cases. 
So  too  we  find  week  days  designated,  i.e,  Wednes- 
day in  the  third  week  in  Lent  called  in  Missals, 
"Feria  quarta  post  Oculi."  In  rubrical  direc- 
tions this  nomenclature  is  very  frequent. 

The  Ambrosian  '^  Ingressa  "  consists  of  one  un- 
broken sentence,  usually  but  by  no  means  always, 
taken  from  Scripture,  and  not  followed  by  a 
"  Psalmus,"  or  the  "Gloria  Patri."  It  is  often 
the  same  as  the  Roman  *'  Qfficium."  It  is  never 
repeated  except  in  Masses  of  the  Dead,  when  its 
form  approaches  very  nearly  to  that  of  the  Bo- 
man  ^  Introitus." 

The  form  of  the  Mozarabic  '*  Officium  "  though 
closely  approaching  that  of  the  Roman  ''In- 
troitus "  differs  somewhat  from  it.  The  Anti- 
phon is  followed  by  a  ''  versus,"  corresponding  io 
the  Roman  **  Psalmus,"  with  the  "  Gloria  Patri," 
before  and  after  which  the  second  danae  alone  of 
the  Antiphon  is  repeated.' 

Durandus  {Rat.  lib.  iv.  cap.  5)  and  Beleth  (De 
Div.  Off.  cap.  35)  state  that  in  their  time  a 
Trofus  was  sung,  in  some  churches,  on  the  more 
solemn  days  before  the.  Antiphon. 

•  The  line  is  thus  given  in  the  Roman  and 
Mlasala    It  was  probably  rend  **  In  secla  sedoram.* 

f  This  is  the  Roman  manner  of  repeating  the  *B» 
sponBories"  at  Matlna 




W«  Mw  MOM  to  that  me  of  Antiphons  with 
wUdk  we  an  probaUj  moit  femiliar — as  song 
«  tt  aoeoBpaBimoit  to  Paalmi  and  CSanticUs. 
la  fCMcal  toms  aa  A&ttphon  In  thia  sense  is 
A  HitiBee  wUoii  precedes  a  Psalm  or  .Canticle  to 
tk  Buical  tone  of  which  the  whole  Psalm  or 
Ontiele  is  snng,  in  alternate  verses  by  the  oppo- 
■ts  liiia  of  tiie  choir  which  at  the  end  unite  in 
Rpestii^  tiie  Antiphon.  Tliis  sentence  is  nsnally, 
kt  bf  Bo  means  nniTersallj,  taken  from  the 
hdm  itself  and  it  varies  with  the  day  and 
•eeadsB.  Originallv  the  Ptalm  was  said  bj  one 
dMJr,  sad  the  Anti|»on  was  intercalated  between 
«ch  Tene  by  the  opposite  choir:  whence  the 
me.  Pfe.  136  {Con/tanim)  and  the  Canticle 
'Baedidta'*  are  obvious  examples  of  this 
wlkd  of  singing.  Indeed  in  Ps.  135  (v.  10-12) 
vc  ksve  very  nearly  the  ssme  words,  without 
vkt  we  may  call  the  Antiphon  (^'for  His  merer 
cBducOi  lor  ever,*^  which  occur  in  Ptt.  136  with 
tbt  Antiphon  inserted  after  each  clause,  and 
tk  ^BeDedidto"  is  often  recited  without  the 
ifpgHtloB  of  its  Antiphon  after  every  versejr 
hL  4S  and  43  iQmadmoditm  and  Judica\  80 
(Q»'  rtgk  Israel),  and  107  (OmjSiwmm)  will  at 
ttoe  safgest  themselves  as  containing  an  Anti- 
pkaal  vcKse  which  is  repeated  at  intervals. 

TWn  are  many  examples  of  this  earlier  use  of 
latiphotts  In  the  Greek  Services.  For  instance : 
St  TMeis  on  the  '^Great  Sabbath"  ({.  #.  Easter 
Evt^n.  82  iD«u»  deUi)  Is  said  with  the  last 
tow,  "Arise,  O  God,  and  judge  Thou  the  earth, 
At  Then  shaH  take  all  heathen  to  Thine  inheri- 
toee,"  npeated  with  beautiftd  application,  as  an 
Aittjiii(^fji  between  each  verse. 

Afsin,  in  the  Office  fbr  the  Burial  of  a  Priest, 
hk  23  {IkmiKMa  regit  me\  24  (Domim  est 
Um\U{Qmmi dOsday, are Wd  with  «« AUeluia, 
AIMuis,*^  rneated  as  an  Antiphon  between 
eMb  verM.  Here  the  three  Ptalms  are  called 
mpedhrely  the  first,  second,  and  third  Anti- 

It  sppssn  that  in  the  Roman  Church  the  same 
eertsiB  of  repeating  the  Antiphon  after  each 
Ttneefthe  Pealm  originally  prevailed.  In  an 
eld  BissB,  edited  by  Menard,  in  the  Appendix  to 
fk  Sacramesiaiy  of  S.  Gregory,  we  read,  **  An- 
Epsieopo,  indpiatur  psalmus  a  Cantors, 
htroitn  reciprocante."' 

Aaalarios,  too  (^De  Ordine  Awtiphtmarii^  cap. 
wL\  npisking  of  the  Nocturne  of  weekdays,  has 
the  vords,  **  Ex  senis  AnUphonis  quas  vicissim 
cheri  per  smgulos  versus  repetunt."  We  have 
cvidaes  that  this  custom  was  not  obsolete  (in 
phcei  St  least)  as  lata  as  the  10th  century,  in  the 
Hfr  of  Odo^  Abbot  of  Cluny,  where  we  are  told 
that  tk  monks  of  that  house,  wishing  to  pro- 
kagtk  oOiee  of  the  Vigib  of  S.  Martin  (Nov. 
11)^  vbsn  the  Antiphons  of  the  office  are  short,^' 

*  .If.  k  fts  Lauds  of  the  Ambraalan  Bl«Tlaxy,and  In 
a  ma  mmn  eoanpteasfd  torn  in  the  Mosarablo  Leads; 
««d-BeDediclte''lsoailttsdlfh»a  the  begii^ 

^Ikeaae  of  ■  Aneteto*  on  this  and  on  similar  ocea- 
*ai«f  aoBrafag  (e^.  daiing  Lent)  Is  diiferait  from  the 
■ar  «f  Ik  Wosiera  Gfanich. 

inbaaeBstopafatmoreto  the  mode  of  sfa«lng  the 
ktait  thn  rtetaia  fai  flie  dsay  office. 

k  Tk  Uh  iHiisianne  of  their  fkcqaeot  repetition  hM 
hm  myteJ  as  a  reason  why  tk  AntiphoDS  to  the 
FWRHtetkdaUyoOoean^aaa  nUe^io  much  shorter 
*■  ftrt  ai  the  Intnit  of  the  Mass. 

anUR.  AST. 

and  the  nights  long,  till  daybreak,  used  to  repeat 
every  Antiphon  after  each  verse  of  the  Pnlms. 
We  find  also,  in  a  letter  by  an  anonymous  author 
to  Batheric,  who  was  appointed  Bishop  of 
Ratisbon,  A.D.  814  (quoted  by  ThomaslusX  ^ 
writer  complaining  that  he  has  In  the  course  of 
his  travels  found  some  who,  with  a  view  to  get 
through  the  office  as  rapidly  as  possible,  that 
they  may  the  quicker  return  to  their  worldly 
business,  reclto  It  ''without  Antiphons,  In  a 
perfunctory  manner  and  with  all  hiuto  "  ("  sine 
Antiphonis,  cursim,  et  cum  omni  velodtato"). 
Theodoret  also  relates  {Hist.  Eocl.  ilL  10)  that 
Christians,  in  detestation  of  the  impiety  of 
Julian,  when  singing  the  hymns  of  David,  added 
to  each  verse  the  clause,  "  Confounded  be  all  they 
that  worship  carved  images." 

A  ftmiliar  instance  of  this  older  use  of  aa 
Antiphon  is  found  in  the  "  Reproaches  "  ("  versi- 
culi  improperii"  or  "  improperia ")  of  the 
Roman  Missal  for  Good  Friday. 

These  are  Gregorian :  the  introductory  rubric 
as  it  stands  in  the  Roman  Missal  is  cited,  as  it  Is 
so  precise  as  to  the  manner  of  singing  them.  It 
runs  thus :  "  Versiculi  sequentes  improperii  a 
binis  altematim  cantantur,  utrosque  chore  simul 
repetonto  post  quemlibet  versum  Popule,  &&"  ■ 

Sometimes  metrical  hymns  were  sung  anti- 
phonaliy  after  this  manner.  Thus  at  the  "  Salu- 
totion  of  the  Cross "  the  verse  of  the  hjrmn 
^'Pange  Hnguoy**  which  begins  "  CnuffideUs;*  is 
sung  in  the  Sarum  rito  at  the  beginning,  and 
after  every  verse  of  the  hymn,  the  rubric  being— 

"Gtmnis  idem  rqietat  poet  mramquemque  Tetsam. 
"Gniz  fldelis  inter  omnea,"  Ac. 

(.  .  •  SacerdaUt  content  hune  tereum  tequentem.') 
**  Pange  llngna  glorlosl  proellnm  oertaminia,"  te. 
Chona—**  Gniz  fldelis^"  te. 

And  so  on.    So  also  before  the  Benediction  of 
the  Paschal  Candles  on  Easter  Eve,  according 
to  the  Sarum  rito,  the  hymn  "  Invador  rutili 
is  sung  in  the  same  manner,  with  the  first  stanza 
repeated  antiphonally  after  each  stanza. 

A  variation  of  this  fi>rm  of  antiphonal  Intor- 
polation  is  when  the  intorpolated  clause  itself 
varies.    The  following  is  a  striking  example : — 

On  the  morning  of  Easter  Eve  in  the  Greek 
office,  the  following  Antiphons  (rpordpia)  are 
said  with  Ps.  119,  ''saying"  (as  the  rubric 
directs)  "one  verse  (jrrlvop)  flrom  the  Psalm 
after  each  troparium."  These  are  known  as  rd 

''Bleaoed  art  Thoo.  0  Lord.  0  teach  ne  Thy  aUtnlea. 
Bleand  are  thoae  tkt  are  imdriiled  in  tk  way,  and  walk 

"Thou,  0  Ghiiat,  the  life,  waat  laid  knr  in  the 

grave,  and  the  angelic  hosta  were  smaaed,  glorftylnf 

Thy  condeaceDalon." 

"BieaBed  are  they  that  keep  Hla  tfstlmoniws,  and  aeek 
Him  with  tklr  whole  heart." 

«0  Life,  how  ia  it  that  Tboa  dost  die?    Bow  la  U 

that  Thou  doat  dwell  In  the  grave?    Thou  pajest  th» 

trlbole  of  death,  and  ndaeat  tk  dead  oat  of  Hadea." 

"For  they  who  do  no  wickedneai  walk  in  His  waya.*' 
"We  magnify  Thee,  O  Jean  the  King,  and  honoqr 

Thy  burial,  and  Thy  paarion,  by  which  Thoa  bast  saved 

aa  from  daitmetioa." 

And  so  on  throughout  the  whole  Psalm. 

In  the  same  manner  at  the  burial  of  mool(B| 
the  blessings  at  the  beginning  of  the  Sermon  on 

■  The  rubrical  dbeetlona  with  reapect  to  the  "Impio> 
perU"  in  the  MoMuaUo  Mtaaal  are  very  ftilL 





the  Mount  (ol  juucapio'fiot)  are  recited  with  a 
varying  antiphonal  clause  after  each,  beginning 
from  the  fifth. 

Aa  an  example  fh>m  the  Western  Church,  we 
may  refer  to  the  following,  which  belongs  to 
Vespers  on  Easter  Eve.  It  is  given  in  S.  Gre- 
gory's Antiphonary,  with  the  healing  ArUiph,  and 
Fs.  to  the  alternate  verses. 

Antiph,  *  In  the  end  of  the  Sabbath,  as  it  began  to  dawn 

towards  the  first  day  of  the  week,  came  Mary  Magdalene, 

and  the  other  Maiy  to  see  the  aepalchre."    Alleluia. 

Pt.  "  My  soul  doth  magnify  the  Lord." 

Afitifh.  **  And  behold,  there  was  a  great  earthquake.  For 

the  angel  of  the  Lord  descended  from  heaven/'    Alleluia. 

Pt. "  And  my  spirit  hath  r^oiced  in  God  my  Saviour." 

^.nd  so  the  Magnificat  is  sung  with  the  suc- 
cessive clauses  of  the  Gospel  for  the  day  used  as 
Antiphons  after  each  of  its  verses. 
.  The  missal  Litanies  which  are  said  in  the  Am- 
brosian  Mass  on  Sundays  in  Lent,  and  the  very 
beautiful  Precea  with  which  the  Mozarabic 
Missal  and  Breviary  abounds,  are  so  fiir  anti- 
phonal  that  each  petition  is  followed  by  an  un- 
varying response.  Their  consideration,  however 
interesting,  scarcely  belongs  to  our  present 

The  repetition  of  the  Antiphon  after  each 
verse  was  called  '' Antiphonare."  In  the  old 
Antiphonaries  we  frequently  find  such  directions 
as  '*Hoc  die  Antiphonamus  ad  Benedictus"  or 
simply  **Hoc  die  antiphonamus."  The  word 
"  antiphonare "  is  explained  to  mean  to  repeat 
the  Antiphon  after  each  verse  of  the  Canticle. 
The  "  Greater  Antiphons  "  (i.  e,  "  0  Sapientia," 
&c.)  are  directed  to  be  sung  at  the  BenedictuSy^ 
with  the  rubric,  "Quas  antiphonamus  ab  In  Sanc- 
titate  ;"  which  means  that  the  repetition  of  the 
Antiphon  begins  from  the  verse  of  which  those 
are  the  first  words.^ 

At  a  later  period  the  custom  of  repeating  the 
Antiphon  after  each  verse  of  the  Psalm  dropped, 
and  its  use  was  gradually  limited  to  the  beginning 
and  end  of  the  Psalm.  A  relic  of  the  old  usage 
still  surviveft  in  the  manner  of  singing  the 
"Venite"  at  Nocturns,  in  which  Psalm  the 
Antiphon  is  repeated,  either  wholly  or  in  part, 
several  times  during  the  course  of  the  Psalm. 

It  remained  a  frequent  custom,  and  more  par- 
ticularly in  the  monastic  usages,  at  Lands  and 
Vespers  on  the  greater  feasts  to  sing  the  Anti- 
phon three  times  at  the  end  of  Benedidus  and 
of  Magnificat,  once  before  Qloria  Patn,  once 
before  Sicut  erat,  and  once  again  at  the  conclu- 
sion of  the  whole.  This  seems  to  have  been  the 
general  use  of  the  Church  of  Tours ;  and  the 
Church  of  Rome  retained  the  practice  in  the 
12th  century,  at  least  in  certain  otHces  of  the 
festivals  of  the  Nativity,  the  Epiphany,  and  S. 
Peter.  It  was  called  "  Antiphonam  triumphare" 
which  is  explained  by  Martene  (De  Ant,  EccL 
Bit.  iv.  4)  as  "  ter  fari."  Antiphonam  levare,^  or 
imponere,  means  to  begin  the  Antiphon. 

Other  variations  in  the  manner  of  singing  the 
Antiphon  are  mentioned  by  other  writers.    Thus 

■  This  differs  from  the  later  (and  the  present)  practice, 
according  to  which  these  Antiphons  are  said  to  the  Mag- 
nificat  at  Vespers. 

«  This  is  the  manner  In  whidi  the  *"  fujcapitrfioi'*  men- 
tioned above  are  redted.  The  first  four  are  followed  by 
no  antiphonal  sentence. 

»  Oompare  our  English  nae  of  the  word  to  roHte. 

we  are  told  4  that  sometimes  the  Antiphon 
said  twice  before  the  Psalm ;  or  at  least,  if  <«ly 
said  once,  the  first  half  of  it  would  be  sung  l^ 
one  choir,  and  the  second  half  by  the  o&er. 
This  was  called  ^  respondere  ad  Antiphonam." ' 

It  appears  that  this  method  of  singing  the 
Antiphon  was  confined  to  the  beginning  and  end 
of  the  Psalm  or  Canticle.  When  repeated  during 
the  Psalm,  the  Antiphon  was  always  sung  by  one 
choir,  the  other  taking  the  verse. 

The  repetition  of  the  Antiphons  was  in  later 
times  still  further  curtailed,  and  the  opening 
words  only  sung  at  the  beginning  of  the  Paalm 
or  Canticle,  the  entire  Antiphon  being  recited  at 
the  close.  Still  later,  two  or  more  Psalms  were 
said  under  the  same  Antiphon,  itself  abbreviated 
as  just  stated.  This  is  the  present  custom  of  the 
Roman  Breviary.  When  the  Antiphon  was  taken 
from  the  beginning  of  the  Psalm  or  Canticle, 
after  the  Antiphon  the  beginning  of  the  Psalm  or 
Canticle  was  not  repeated,  but  the  recitation  was 
taken  up  from  the  place  where  the  Antiphon 
ceases.  For  instance,  the  opening  verses  of  the 
92nd  Psalm  are  said  at  Vespers  on  Saturday  ia 
the  Ambrosian  rite  in  this  manner : — 

AnL  "  Bounm  est." 

Pt.  **  Et  paallere  nomlnl  Tuo  Altisslme,''  ftc 

-Gloria  Patri,"&c. 
AnL  **  Bonum  est  conflteri  Domluo  Deo  nostra" 

Where  the  recitation  of  the  Psalm  begins  with 
the  verse  following  the  Antiphon,  though  the 
opening  words  only  of  the  Antiphon  are  said  at 
the  beginning. 

On  the  more  important  festivals  the  Anti- 
phons  at  Vespers,  Matins,  and  Lauds  (but  not  at 
the  other  hours),  were  said  entire  before  as  well 
as  after  the  Psalms  and  Canticles.  These  feasts 
were  hence  called  "  double  ;*'  those  in  which  the 
Antiphons  were  not  thus  repeated,  "  simple." 

There  are  a  few  peculiarities  in  the  use  of 
Antiphons  to  the  Psalms  and  Canticles  in  the 
Ambrosian  and  Mozarabic  rites  which  may  be 

1.  The  Ambrosian  Antiphons  are  divided  into 
simple  and  double.  The  simple  Antiphons  are 
said  in  the  same  manner  as  the  Roman  Antiphou 
on  days  which  are  not  "double."  They  are 
always  so  said  whatever  be  the  nature  of  the 
feast.  In  Eastertide  the  Antiphon  is  said  entire 
before  the  Psalm,  and  instead  of  its  repetition 
at  the  end,  "  Alleluia,  Alleluia,"  is  said. 

The  double  Antiphons  consist  of  two  clauses, 
the  second  being  distinguished  by  a  V.(i.  e.  tersus), 
and  is  said  entire  both  before  and  after  the 
Psalm.  The  following  is  a  specimen  which  ti 
said  to  be  one  of  the  Psalms  on  Good  Friday: — 

Ant.  dupiUx.  "  Simon,  sleepest  thou  ?  Oouldeet  not  tbon 
watch  with  me  one  hour  ?" 

v.  *  Or  do  ye  see  Judas,  how  he  sleqM  uoi,  but  baflteu 
to  deliver  lie  to  the  Jews  i** 

These  double  Antiphons  occur  occasionally  snd 
iri'egularly  on  days  which  have  proper  Psalms. 

1  By  AroalariuB,  De  Eccl.  Off.  iv.  7. 

'  In  the  Vatican  Antipfaonary  we  find  the  IbDowing 
direction  on  the  Epiphany :— '*  Hodie  ad  omnes  Aotipbons 
respondemus,"  and  so  in  other  instances.  In  a  MS.  of  tlie 
church  of  Rouen  the  antiphon  before  and  after  the  "Vag- 
nificat "  at  first  Vespi^rs  of  the  Assumption  Is  divided  inta 
four  alternate  parts  between  the  two  sides  of  the  choir, 
and  after  the  •^Gloria  Patri"  la  agsin  rang  by  both  adn 


ftv  M  Wedandaj  before  Eaflter,  ont  of  nine 
falwtf  one  vas  a  doable  Antiphon ;  on  Thurs- 
dar.  <nt  ef  tea,  nolle,  and  on  Good  Friday,  out  of 
■ikteen,  one ;  on  Christmas  Day,  out  of  twenty- 
mty  fear;  and  on  the  £piphany,  ont  of  twenty- 
sac,  six.  FestiTals  mre  not  divided  into  <*  double  " 
sad  ''simple''  as  distinguished  by   the  Anti- 



2.  The  Mozanbic  Antiphons  axe  said  entire 
heSxt  as  well  as  after  their  Psalm  or  Canticle. 
OecattOBally  two  Antiphons  are  giyen  for  the 
Ckatide.*  They  are  often  divided  into  two 
distingui^ed'  by  the  letter  P,*  in  which 
St  the  end  of  the  Psalm  the  "  Gloria  "  is  In- 
tercslated  between  the  two  clauses. 

Of  the  nature  of  the  sentence  adopted  as  an 
iotiphao  little  is  to  be  said.  It  is,  for  the  most 
pert,  s  ferse,  or  part  of  a  verse,  from  the  Psalm 
it  seeompanies,  varying  with  the  day  and  the 
oeeasioQ,  and  often  wiUi  extreme  beauty  of  ap* 
plicitien.  Sometimes  it  is  a  slight  variation  of 
tk«  rene ;  or  it  is  taken  from  other  parts  of 
Scripture;  sometimes  it  is  an  original  composi- 
tjoe,  occasionally  even  in  verse.  E.  g.  in  the 
3nl  Noctun  on  Sundays  between  Trinity  and 
AArtsi  m  the  Sarum  Breviary : 

Ik  ft.  19  (OoeU  sMHTOfitX 
"Spoons  Qt  e  fhslsmo  processit  Christas  in  orbem : 
Descendeus  oodo  Jure  salatlfero." 

The  Antiphons  for  the  Yenite  are  technically 
aScd  the  brviTATOBiA.* 

The  corresponding  Antiphons  of  the  Eastern 
Chvch  need  not  detain  us,  as  they  are  less  pro- 
suoat  and  important,  and  present  no  special 
ftataret.  They  are  always  taken  from  the  Psalm 
itseM^aad  ar«  said  after  the  Psalm  only,  and  are 
pR&ced  by  the  words  jrol  irdXiy  (and  again), 
aad  are  introduced  before  the  «*  Gloria  Patri." 

"niQB  P^  104  (^Benedic  anima  med)  is  said 
^j  at  Vespers.  It  is  called  the  prooemiac 
haim ;  and  the  Antiphon  at  the  end  is — 

"The  inn  knoweth  }d»  going  down.  Thou  makest 
^rtmi  ttHt  U  rasj  be  night. 

*0  IxmL  how  maaifold  are  Thy  works.  In  wisdom 
kHtlVoo  made  them  aU." 

-Gfc«7be.*ftc.       «Asttwss."Ac. 

AMiiphana  Post  JSvangelium, — An  Antiphon 
laid,  as  its  name  indicates,  after  the  Gospel,  in 
the  Ambrosian  rite.  It  consists  of  a  simple  un- 
brofcea  clause,  and  is  sometimes  taken  from  the 
Mas  or  other  parts  of  Scripture ;  sometimes 
it  IS  composed  with  reference  to  the  day.  One 
•xampk  will  show  its  form,  that  for  the  ChristO' 
jUionf  or  return  of  Christ  out  of  Egypt  (Jan.  7). 

PiilM  the  Lord,  all  je  angels  of  His;  praise  Him  sU 
Vnim  EQm  son  and  moon:  pnilse  Him  all  ye 

is  nothing  corresponding  in  the  Roman 
ie  and  Sarum  Missals,  in  which  the  Gospel 

■  We  ds  not  feel  sore  whether  In  these  cases  it  Is  in- 
thai  t»lh  Antiphooa  be  used  at  oooe,  or  a  choice 
giwiibetveen  the  two. 

*  It  does  not  seem  quite  dear  what  this  P.  represents. 
VMi^r  it  ateods  for  FSalmns. 

"  The  Bonan  Is  taken  laiber  than  any  other  Brevlaiy 
■  ihlBC  a  diort  fonn.  The  Invitatorfes  of  the  Samrn 
Jkintoy  sre  nearly  the  saine  for  the  weekdays.  For 
lodays  tbere  is  a  greater  variety,  which  would 
them  longer  to  quota,  without  adding  to  the 

is  immediately  followed  by  the  Creed.  In  the 
Mozarabic  office  the  Lauda  followed  the  GospeL 
(The  Creed,  it  will  be  remembered,  is  sung  after 
the  consecration.) 

Antipihona  ad  Confractumem  Panis* — ^An  Anti- 
phon said  in  the  Mozarabic  Mass  on  certain  days 
at  the  breaking  of  the  consecrated  Host.*  It 
occurs  for  the  most  part  during  Lent,  and  in 
votive  Masses.  Also  on  ¥^itsunday  and  on 
Corpus  Christi.  It  is  usually  short  and  said  in 
one  clause.  Thus  from  the  4th  Sunday  in  Lent 
{Mediante  die  Festo),  up  to  Maundy  Thursday 
(in  coend  Domini),  and  also  on  Corpus  Christi, 

**  Do  Thoo,  O  Lord,  give  os  our  meat  in  due  season 
Open  Thine  hand,  and  fill  all  things  living  with  plen- 

In  the  Ambrosian  Missal  the  Confraotorium 
corresponds  to  the  Antiph,  ad  Confrac,  There 
is  no  Antiphon  appointed  at  the  same  place  in 
the  Roman  and  Sarum  Missals. 

Antipluma  in  Choro. — ^An  Antiphon  said  in 
the  Ambrosian  rite  at  Yespers  on  certain  days. 
It  occurs  near  the  beginning  of  the  office,  before 
the  Hymn,  and  is  said  on  Sundays,  and  at  the 
second  Vespers  of  festivals.  It  is  also  said  at 
the  first  Vespers  of  those  festivals  which  have 
the  office  not  solemn  y  (officium  non  solemne)  and 
of  some,  but  not  of  all,  *'  Solemnities  of  the  Lord.** 
It  is  not  said  at  first  Vipers  of  a  Solemn  Office. 
This  is  the  general  rule,  though  there  are  oc- 
casional exceptions.  It  varies  with  the  days,  and 
is  usually  a  verse  of  Scripture,  in  most  cases  from 
the  Psalms,  and  has  no  Psalm  belonging  to  it. 
Sometimes  it  is  an  adaptation  of  a  passage  of 
Scripture,  or  an  original  composition.  Thus,  on 
Easter  Day,  we  have — 

AnL  in  ch.  Ballel.  Then  believed  they  His  words, 
and  sang  praise  unto  Him."    HalleL 

Antiphona  ad  Crucem, — ^An  Antiphon  said  in 
the  Ambrosian  rite  at  the  beginning  of  Lauds 
after  the  Benedictw,  It  is  said  on  Sundays 
(except  in  Lent),  on  Festivals  which  have  the 
''Solemn  Office"  (except  they  &ll  on  Satur- 
day), in  *'  Solemnities  of  the  Lord "  (even 
though  they  fall  on  Saturday),  and  during 
Octaves.  It  is  usually  a  verse  from  Scripture, 
but  sometimes  an  original  composition  with  very 
much  of  the  character  of  a  Greek  rpovdpiov,  and 
always  ends  with  Kyr.  Kyr.  Kyr.  (i.e,  Kyrie 
eleison,  sometimes  written  E.  K.  K.).  It  is  said 
five  times,  the  Antiphon  itself  is  repeated  three 
times,  then  follows  Gloria  Patri,  then  the  Anti- 
phon again,  then  Sicut  erat,  and  then  the  Anti- 
phon once  more.  On  Sundays  in  Advent,  except 
the  6th,  on  Christmas  Day,  the  Circumcision, 
and  the  Epiphany,  it  is  said  seven  times,  i.  e.,  is 
repeated  five  times  before  the  Gloria  Patri, 

>  In  the  Mosarabic  rite  the  Host  after  oonsecration  is 
divided,  as  is  well  known,  into  nine  partly  which  are 
arranged  on  the  'paten  in  a  prescribed  order,  which  it 
wonld  be  foreign  to  our  present  poipose  to  describe.  In 
the  Eastern  Church  the  Host  is  broken  into  four  ports  by 
the  Priest,  who  recites  an  unvarying  form  of  words.  But 
this  is  not  an  Antiphon,  and  therefore  beyond  our  pro- 

r  Festivals  are  divided  in  the  Ambroeian  rite  into  So- 
iwrnUia  of  tks  Lord  (Solemnitates  Domini),  and  thoee 
which  have  the  offioe  solemn  (offlcium  aolemneX  or  not 
*sitwm  (offldnm  non  solemne). 

H  2 




Thus  OB  Asoeniion  Day-— 

ML  od  erueem  qtrinqttlm,  "Te  men  of  Galilee  whj 
lUiid  je  gMJiig  up  Into  bMTcn?  Am  je  have  Men  Him 
go  into  heaTen«  n  ifaall  HeoanMu"  HalleL  Kyr.  Kyr.  Kyr. 

••  Te  men,**  kc 

•  T«  men,"  fta 
«•  Gloiy  bc^"  h». 

•  Ye  men,"  Ac. 

*'  As  It  waa,"  fta 

•  Temen,"te. 

An  Anltipkoina  ad  cruoem,  apparently  redted 
once  only,  often  occurs  in  the  Antiphonarr  of 
Gregory  the  Great,  after  the  Antiphons  of  Ves- 
pers or  Lands.  The  early  writers  on  the  offices 
of  the  Roman  Chorch  make  no  mention  of  it,  so 
that  it  was  probably  peculiar  to  the  monastic 
rites,  which  more  niuiily  admitted  additions  of 
this  nature.  It  has  been  conjectured  that  the 
monastic  orders  deriyed  it  ftmtk  the  Church  of 

Antiphona  ad  Aooedentes  or  ad  Aooedendum, — 
An  Antiphon  in  the  Mozarabic  Mass,  sung  after 
the  Benmiiction,  and  befbre  the  Communion  of 
the  Priest.  They  do  not  often  change.  There 
IS  one  which  is  said  from  the  Vigil  of  Pentecost 
to  the  first  day  of  Lent  inclusiye,  one  which  is 
said  from  Easter  £ye  to  the  Vigil  of  Pentecost. 
In  Lent  they  yary  with  the  Sunday,  that  for 
the  first  Sunday  being  said  on  weekdays  up  to 
Thursday  before  Easter  ezclusiye.  The  first  of 
these  which  is  said  during  the  greater  part  of 
the  year,  is  as  follows : — 

-  0  tMte  and  see  bow  graoioas  the  Lord  la."  AlleL 

F.  *  I  will  always  giye  thanks  unto  the  Lord.  His 
praise  shall  eyer  be  in  my  moafh."  P.  AIM.  Allei.  AlleL 

V.  "The  Lord  deliyeretb  the  souls  of  His  servants; 
and  all  fhej  that  put  their  trust  la  Him  aball  not  be  des- 
titnte."    P.  AlleL  AlleL  AlleL 

V,  "Gkny  and  honour  be  to  the  Father,  and  to  the 
Son,  and  to  the  Holy  Gliost,  worid  wlthoat  end."  Amen. 
F.  AUeL  AlleL  AlleL 

In  the  ApotMioal  ConstiMufiUy  Fk,  24  (Bene- 
dicam),  from  which  this  Antiphon  is  taken,  is 
appointed  to  be  said  during  the  Communion,  as 
it  is  in  the  Armenian  Liturgy  during  the  dis- 
tribution of  the  Azjrmes."  (During  the  com- 
munion of  the  people  another  Canticle  is  sung.) 
S.  Ambrose  alluded  to  the  practice  in  the  wonls 
''  Unde  et  Eoclesia  yidens  tantam  Gratiam,  horta- 
tur,  Gustate  et  yidete.** 

The  second  Antiphon,  that  used  between  Easter 
and  Pentecost,  has  reference  to  the  Resurrection. 
It  is  adapted  from  the  words  of  the  Gospel  nar- 
ratiye,  and  we  need  not  quote  it. 

That  fbr  Thursday  befbre  Easter  is  much 
longer,  and  is  broken  into  many  more  antiphonal 
elauses,  and  is  an  abstract  of  the  Gospel  narra- 
tiye  of  the  institution  of  the  Sacrament  of  the 
Lord's  Supper.  Those  in  use  during  Lent  are  of 
precisely  the  ordinary  form. 

There  is  nothing  in  the  other  Western  liturgies 
which  exactly  corresponds  to  this  Antiphon. 
The  Roman  and  Sarum  CommurUo,  and  the  Am- 
brosian  Ihxnsitorimn,  which  are  the  analogous 
parts  of  those  offices,  are  said  after  the  R^p- 
tion.  [H.  J.  H.] 

ANTIPHONABIUM  (also  AtOiphonaley  An- 
iiphonarius,  Antiphonaritu  Kber),  an  office  book 
of  the  Latin  Church,  containing  the  Antiphons 

■  These  correspond  to  the  French jpain  heni.  [Eulooiab.^ 

and  other  portions  of  the  Seryioe,  which  wtif 
sui^  antiphonally. 

llie  name  Antiphonarimn  is  applied  to  so^ 
books  by  John  the  Deacon,  in  his  life  of  Gregoiy 
the  Great,  who  says  that  tihat  Pontiff  was  the 
author  of  Antiphonaries.  The  complete  colleo- 
tion,  howeyer,  of  Antiphons  and  Responsoriei, 
known  by  the  general  name  o{  Antiphimarpm 
or  Seaponaorium,  was  usually  diyided  into  three 
parts  in  the  Roman  Church. 

Amalarius  writes :>  ''It  is  to  be  obeerred 
that  the  yolume  which  we  call  Antipkonanmm 
has  three  names  ^  (tria  habet  nomina)  among 
the  Romans.  That  part  which  we  term  Oradaal 
(Gradale)  they  term  Oamtatory  (CsntatorinmX 
which  is  still,  according  to  their  old  custom,  in 
some  churches  bound  in  a  separate  yolume.  Tlis 
following  part  they  diyide  under  two  headings 
(in  duobus  nominibus).  The  part  which  otAtains 
the  Responsories  is  called  the  Jieaponaorial  (Re- 
sponsoriale) ;  and  the  part  which  contains  the 
Antiphons  is  called  the  AnHphonary  (Antiphon* 

As  to  the  name  CantatonuMf  we  find  in  the 
"Ordo  Romanus  I."  (§  10)  the  direction:— 
"  After  he  [the  Subdeacon]  has  finished  readiag 
[the  epistlej,  the  singer  (Cantor),  with  the  Cbirta- 
tory,  mounts,*  and  sings  the  Response."  And 
Amalarius  (De  Eod,  Off,  iii.  16)  says:  ''The 
singer  holds  the  Tal>letB  (Tabulas),''  where  the 
word  Tdbfolas  is  thought  to  mean  the  same  thing 
as  (kmtatoriuin^  L  e.  the  book  itselC 

The  deriyation  of  these  words  is  obyious.  The 
book  was  called  Cantatoriwn  from  its  containing 
the  parts  of  the  Seryice  which  were  sung :  Oradak, 
QradaUSy  or  Oraduale  (Gradual  or  Graile),  from 
their  being  sung  at  the  steps  of  the  ambo  or 
pulpit ;  and  Ta&Uae  in  all  probability  from  the 
plates  in  which  the  book  was  contained,  and 
which  appear  to  haye  been  of  bone,  or  perhaps 
horn.  Amalarius,  in  the  context  of  the  passage 
quoted,  says  that  the  tabulae  which  the  Caadat 
holds  are  usually  made  of  bone  (solent  fieri  de 

By  whateyer  name  this  book  was  known,  it 
contained  those  portions  of  the  office  of  the  Ma» 
which  were  sung  antiphonally,  and  was  the  first 
of  the  three  diyisions  aboye  alluded  to.  The 
second  part,  the  Reeponaorialet  contained  the 
Responsories  aft«r  the  lessons  at  Noctums ;  sad 
the  third  part,  the  Antipihonanimn,  the  Antiphoof 
for  the  Noctums  and  diurnal  offices. 

The  three  parts  together  make  up  what  ii 
generally  understood  by  the  Antipifumale  or  A»r 
Uphonarivm.  The  book  is  also  sometimes  called 
the  Official  Book,  or  the  Office  Book  (liber  offi- 
dalis.  A  MS.  of  the  Monastery  of  St.  Gbsdl,  of 
part  of  an  Antiphonary  and  Responsorial  of  the 
usual  type,  is  headed  *'Incipit  officialb  liber"). 
It  seems  also  to  haye  been  occasionally  called  the 
Capitular  Book  (Capitulare).  In  a  MS.  of  St 
Gall,  of  apparently  about  tiie  beginning  of  the 
11th  century,  we  find  the  direction,  "Respon- 
soria  et  Antiphonae  sicut  in  Capitulari  habetnr;" 
and  though,  according  to  the  old  Roman  use  of 
words,  "  Capitulare  *'  means  the  Book  of  Epistles 
and  Gospels,  the  context  in  this  place  naoessitates 

•  De  erd.  Ant^ptL,  Pnioffm. 

h  i£.  ooosists  of  three  partsb  as  the  context  diowa 

*  Ca  the  Ambo  or  its  stepa»flbr  the  eostom  would  saai 
to  haye  yarled. 


of  AmUpkimary,    The  word  oocvn, 
throogiftoat  the   MS.  in   the   same 



AgkiphoBuiei  an  aometiniea  found  Sn  old 
MSS.  Abided  into  two  parts — one  beginning 
with  Admt,  and  ending  with  Wednesday  or 
Boae  liter  daj  (Ibr  the  practice  is  not  nniform) 
ia  the  Holy  Week,  and  the  other  comprising 
thi  rait  of  the  year.  Sometimes,  again,  they 
we  divided  into  two  parts,  containing  respect- 
ivdy  the  senrioes  fbr  the  daily  and  the  nocturnal 
efieHL  Among  the  books  of  the  Monastery  of 
Ffai  (Muatori,  ilsiii*  RaL  ir.)  we  meet  with 
■  JnlipAoiiaribe  octo,  qtthique  diumakSj  tres  noO" 
tmwUm,"  and  in  an  old  inventory  of  the  chnrch 
^ Tij\m  *"  AtU^phonariwn  de  die"  and  **  AnH- 
fkmanmn  dt  nooto  are  mentioned.  We  haye 
that  to  dktingalsh  between— 

(L)  The  AMHpkonariitm  (properly  so  called), 
vUch  f^*^^nH  the  Antiphons  for  the  Noctums 
ssddd^  office* 

(2.)  The  Liber  MeeponeondHe  et  AnHphona- 
rim,  freijnently,  and  in  the  Roman  Church 
waaUy,  called  for  brerity  Aniiphonarimi,  which 
iWTfi— <  the  contents  of  the  last-mentioned 
bsok,  together  with  the  Responsories,  originally 
diridsd  into  two  distinct  parts,  but  afterwards 
nitad  into   one,   and   arranged  in   order   of 

(3u)  The  AaHphonarimnf  otherwise  called  Ora- 
^tek,  Gradale,  or  Oradalis,  and  which  contains 
thoK  Mrtions  of  the  missal  which  are  song  anti- 
fhoadly.    This  is  what  is  called  by  some  Ccmkh 

Ihoae  which  are  meet  frequently  met  with  are 
ifdaMB2and  3. 

1  As  to  the  origin  of  Ajitiphonaries, — St. 
Oitgory  ihft  Great  is,  as  we  haye  stated,  nsnally 
to  haTe  been  the  author  of  Antipho- 
It  is,  however,  maintained  by  some,'  and 
modi  reason,  that  as  the  use  of.  Antiphons 
sad  Bs^onsories  in  the  Roman  Church  was  older 
tiaa  the  time  of  Ox^ory,  it  is  likely  that  books 
if  Antiphons  and  Rmonsories  existed  likewise 
pntnoaily,  and  thai  that  Pontiff  merely  revised 
sad  reainnged  the  Antiphonal  and  Responsorial 
boob  he  found  in  use,  much  in  the  same  manner 
SI  he  recast  the  old  Sacrameniary  of  Gelasius 
iito  wliat  is  now  universally  known  as  the  Ore^ 
ganan  Saerameniary* 

h  hss  been  also  questioned  bv  some  whether 
GngQty,  tlie  reputed  author  of  Antiphonaries, 
■ay  not  be  Pope  Grq;ory  IL  A.D.  715.  But  as 
the  title  of  tts  (?rM<  was  not  ascribed  to  Gregory 
L  till  kng  after  hu  death,*  the  argument  founded 
« the  ahicnee  of  that  title,  which  is  much  relied 
Si,  dees  not  seem  of  great  force. 

The  Roman  Antiphonary,  substantially,  we 
■ay  sappose,  as  Gregory  compiled  it,  was  sent 
hf  Pope  Adrian  I.  (a.d.  772-795)  to  Charle- 
The  received  story  is  that  the  Pope 
two  Antiphonaries  to  the  Emperor  by  two 
(Gantores)  of  the  Roman  Church.'  Of 
Uen,  eoe  AU  ill  on  his  journey,  and  was  received 
it  thi  Monastery  of  St  Gall,  to  which  monastery 

Opero,  It.  p.  aczslv. 

of  Bede^  Qrefloiy  of  Toars,  Jba  kc^ 

or  OngaHmt  P^^fo,  or  0r»- 

;  bok  not  Ongerim  Magnime, 

tUiS  eeeorilog  to  Thomaslus  ( J^  i.  sd 

Wis  dtrided  into  the  parts 

he  left  an  Antiphonary.  The  other  book  reached 
its  destination,  and  was  deposited  at  Hets.  This 
Antiphonary  was  held  in  high  estimation,  as  we 
learn  from  St  Bernard,  who  says  that  the  early 
Cistercians,  who  could  find  nothing  more  authen- 
tic, sent  to  Mets  to  transcribe  the  Antiphonary, 
which  was  reputed  to  be  Gregorian,  for  their 
use.  It  is  also  said  that  the  clergy  of  Mets 
excelled  the  rest  of  the  Gallic  clergy  in  the 
Roman  Church  song  (Romana  Cantilena)  as  much 
as  the  Roman  clergy  excelled  them. 

A  Roman  Antiphonary  was  also  sent  by  Pope 
Gregory  lY.  (A.D.  827-844)  to  the  then  Abbat  of 
Corbie,  which  was  known  as  the  Corbie  Anti- 
phonary ;  and  as  this  often  varies  from  that  of 
Mets,  it  is  inforred  (as  is  probable)  that  certain 
changes  and  variations  between  different  copies 
had  by  that  time  crept  into  the  Antiphonary  as 
compiled  by  Gregory. 

After  the  Gregorian  Antiphonary  was  intro- 
duced into  France,  it  soon  underwent  many  addi- 
tions and  modifications. 

Walafrid  Strabo,  who  lived  in  the  9th  century, 
says  that  the  Church  of  Gaul,  which  possessed 
both  learned  men  and  ample  materials  for  the 
divine  offices  of  its  own,  intermingled  some  of 
these  with  the  Roman  offices.  Hence  a  great 
variety  in  the  usages  of  the  different  French 
churches,  on  which  we  need  not  touch. 

3.  As  examples  of  the  contents  of  these  booksy 
we  will  give  a  sketch  of  two. 

(1.)  "Hie  Antiphonary  for  the  Mass,  or  Gra- 
dual, attributed  to  St  Gregory.  This  is  headed 
^  In  Dei  nomine  incipit  Antiphonarius  ordinatus 
a  St  Gregorio  per  chrculum  anni." 

This  title  is  followed  in  the  St  Gall  MS.  by 
the  well-known  lines — 

**  droforiiis  Frsesol  meritis  et  nomine  dlgnm^ 
Undo  genus  ducit  Smnmnm  consoendlt  Honorem,"  elo. 

Tlie  book  contains  the  various  Antiphons  sune 
at  the  Mass  for  the  course  of  the  ecclesiasticu 
year,  divided  into  two  parts ;  that  for  the  Sun- 
days and  moveable  feasts,  and  that  for  the  Saints' 
days.  The  first  part,  corresponding  to  the  Ten^ 
poraie  of  the  Missals,  has  no  special  heading.  It 
begins  with  a  rule  for  finding  Advent  (that  it 
must  not  begin  before  V.  £d.  Dec,  or  after 
UL  Non.  Dec),  and  then  proceeds  with  the 
Sundays  and  Festivals  in  their  course,  beginning 
with  the  first  Sunday  in  Advent  (iHmL  1**  do 
Adventu  Domini),  giving  for  each  day  the  StaHon^ 
the  An^tpAona  ad  Introitmny  with  the  tone  for 
the  Psabn;  the  Besponsoritan  Oradale,  the  Trao- 
tu8f  when  it  occurs ;  the  Antiphona  ad  Offerenda^ 
and  the  Antiphona  ad  Communionemjt  each  with 
its  mrnu  ad  repetendum^  and  the  last  with  its 

In  the  arrangement  of  the  year,  there  is  little 
to  be  noticed.  The  Sundays  during  the  summer 
are  counted  from  the  Octave  of  Pentecost,  and 
are  called  Dominica  prima  post  Octavos  Pente» 
oostas;  and  so  on  until  the  5th,  which  is  called  in 
some  MSS.  Dominica  prima  post  NatcUe  Aposto^ 
lorum,^  the  numbering  from  the  Octave  of  Pente- 
cost being  likewise  continued  till  Advent  After 
six  of  Uiese  Sundays  post-Natale,  die,  comes 

B  Those  aro  now  oalled  reipectlvely  the  GradtuH  (Onip 
dnal%  or  Gndale),  the  Ofertonf  ((Mhrtoriam>  and  the 
Oommmien  (Ooamiiuiio%  and  the  last  two  aze  sbortenei 
into  a  BUigIa  vorse. 

kU  (A  Ffeter  and  Fink 



Vomiruca  prima  post  St,  Laurentixf  and  so  on  tbr 
six  Sondays  more,  when  we  come  to  Dominica 
prima  post  8,  Angeli,^  of  which  last  set  of  Son- 
dajs  seven  are  provided.  Trinity  Sunday  does 
not  appear,  bnt  the  last  Sunday  before  Advent  is 
called  «<fo  SS.  Trinitatej  [aL"]  Dom,  xxiv.  post 
Octav,'Pentec, ;  and  the  Antiphons  are  those  now 
used  in  the  Roman  Church  on  Trinity  Sunday,,  the  Octave  of  Pentecost.  The  Festival  of  the 
Circumcision  does  not  appear,  the  day  being  called 
Oct,  Domini,  There  is  also  a  second  office  pro- 
vided for  the  same  day,  according  to  an  old  prac- 
tice, called  variously  In  Natal,  Sanctae  Marias 
or  be  Sancta  Maria  in  Octava  D**j  or  Ad  hono- 
fwn  Sanctae  Mariae.^ 

The  offices  for  Good  Friday  *^ad  crucem  ado- 
randam,"  and  the  Reproaches  (called  here  simply 
Ad  crucem  Antij^tona)  and  that  for  baptism  on 
Easter  Eve,  as  also  various  Litanies  and  other 
occasional  additions  to  the  usual  office,  are  found 
in  their  proper  places. 

The  second  part  is  headed  "2>0  natalitiis 
Sanetorum,**  and  corresponds  with  the  Sanctorale 
of  later  books.  It  begins  with  the  festival  of  St. 
Lucy  [Dec.  13],  and  ends  with  that  of  St.  Andrew 
[Nov.  30].  This  is  followed  k  the  St.  Gall  MS. 
by  offices  for  St.  Nicholas,  the  Octave  of  St. 
Andrew,  St.  Damasus  [Dec.  11],  and  the  Vigil  of 
St.  Thomas,  and  one  for  the  Festival  of  St.  Thomas, 
)vbich  difiera  from  that  previously  given.  There 
are  also  a  variety  of  occasional  and  votive  offices. 

The  Festival  of  All  Saints  is  found  in  some 
MSS.  There  is  one  Festival  of  the  Chair  of  St, 
Peter  in  one  of  the  St.  Gall  copies  on  Jan.  IS,** 
and  one  in  three  MSS.  on  Feb.  22.«  There  is  no 
addition  in  either  case  of  the  words  Romae  or 
Antiochiae,  and  both  are  not,  it  seems,  found  in 
the  same  MS. 

As  a  specimen  of  the  arrangement,  take  the 
fint  Mass  for  Christmas  Day,  that  in  media  node 
or  in  gain  cantu. 

"VIIL  Kalendas  Jannarii 

N&tivltas  Domini  nostri  Jesa  CbrlstL 

Ad  Sauctam  Marinm. 

Antiphona  ad  Introitum. 
Domfnos  dixit  ad  me,  FUios  mens  es  to.  Ego  bodie 
genui  te.    [Dominos  dbcit] 

Tan.W.  oiOjewmae, 
Ps.  2.  Qn«re  fremnenmt  gentes?  et  popnli  medltati 
tantinanla?  [Domlnus  dixit]  [Gloria.  Dominus  dixit] 
.  P  od  rejpetenduM.  Postula  a  me,  et  dabo  tibi  gentes 
haeredltatem  toam.  et  poaeessloDem  tuam  termlnoB  terrae. 
[DominuB  dixit.]" 

Then  follow  successively  the  Besponsorium 
gradate^  the  Antiphona  ad  offerenda,  and  the 
Antiphona  ad  Cammunionem,  each  with  it« 
versus,  and  the  last  with  its  psalm  and  versus  ad 
Yepetendum.  All  these  Antiphons  are  repeated 
in  the  manner  which  has  been  explained  in  the 
article  on  Antiphons;   and  as  they  are  of  the 

'    >  i.e.  Ang.  10. 

^  i.e.  Mldiaelmas,  as  we  sbould  say. 

■■  This  lias  been  put  forward  as  an  ai^^ment  for  the 
Gregorian  authorship  of  this  Antlphonary,  as  it  Is  said 
that  St.  Gregory  was  in  the  habit  of  celebrating  two 
masses  on  this  day,  the  second  of  which  was  **de  Sancta 

■  This  corresponds  with  the  present  festival  of  the 
Chair  of  St.  Peter  at  Borne. 

«  This  corresponds  with  the  present  festival  of  the 
Chai  r  of  St  Peter  at  Antioch. 


ordinary  form,  it  does  not  seem  necessary  to  set 
them  out  at  length  here. 

(2.)  As  an  example  of  ui  Antiphonary  for  the 
canonical  hours,  we  will  take  the  Antiphonary  of 
the  Vatican  Basilica.  It  is  a  MS.  with  mosical 
notation  differing  from  that  adopted  later.  It 
represents  the  use  of  the  Roman  Church  in  the 
12th  century,  and  may  be  considered  as  embody- 
ing the  substance  of  the  Gregorian  Antiphonaiy, 
together  with  some  later  additions.  It  is  headed 
— ^*  In  nomine  Domini  Jesu  Christi  incipit  Be- 
sponsoriale  et  Antiphonarium  Romanae  Ecdesiae 
de  circulo  anni  juxta  veterem  usum  Canonicoram 
Basilicae  Vaticanae  St.  Petri."  It  begins  with  a 
calendar,  with  the  usual  couplets  of  hexameten 
at  the  head  of  each  month,  and  then,  without 
any  further  title,  proceeds  with  the  Antiphons 
at  the  first  Vespers  of  the  first  Sunday  in  Ad* 
vent,  and  thence  onwards  throughout  the  coum 
of  the  year,  giving  the  Antiphons  at  Noctanu 
and  all  the  hours;  and  the  Responsories  after 
the  lessons  at  Noctums.  These  Antiphons  and 
Responsories  ai*e  so  nearly  the  same  as  those  ia 
the  present  Roman  Breviary  that  it  is  unneces- 
sary to  quote  more  than  the  following  spedmet 
of  the  manner  in  which  they  are  set  out : — 

**  Dominica  i.  de  Adventu  Domini. 

Statio  ad  Sanctam  Marlam  Majorem  ad  Praesepe. 

I8tad  Invjtatorium  cantamns  eo  die  ad  MatatinoiD 
nsqne  in  Vigil.  Natal.  Domini,  exoeptls  Festivitatlbu 

Begem  venturum  Dorolnum,  venite  ■^^rfmns.  Venila 
in  i.  Noctumo. 

Ant,  Missus  est  Gabriel  Angelus  ad  Mariam  Viiiginen 
deeponsatam  Joseph.  PtaL  Beatns  vir.  Qoare  frenro- 
eront.    Domine  quid.    Domine  ne  in. 

AnL  Ave  Maria,  gratia  plena,  benedlcta  td  inter  rnnfi- 
erea.  Psal.  Domine  Dens  mens.  Domine  Douinos 
noster.    Oonfitebor.    in  Domino  confido. 

Ant.  Ne  timeas  Maria,  invenisti  gratiam  apod  Domi^ 
nam ;  ecce  concipies  et  paries  Fllium.  Alleluja.  PSnIL 
Salvum  me  fac.  Usqnequo.  Dixit  insiplena.  Domini 

V.  Ostende  nobis  Domine  misericordlam  Tuam. 

R.  Et  salutare  Tuum  da  nobis." 

Then  follows  a  long  rubric,  directing  how  the 
Responsories  should  be  sung,  and  then  the  thres 
well-known  Responsories : — 

(1)  Aspiciens  a  longe,  kc 

(2)  Aspiciebam  In  visu  noctis,  kc 

(3)  Missus  est  Gabriel,  &a 

The  lessons  are  not  indicated;  but  the  Re- 
sponsories ai*e  usually  taken  from  ihe  book  which 
is  being  read  in  its  course.  Thus,  on  the  Octave 
of  Pentecost  the  Books  of  the  Kings'  were 
begun ;  and  we  have  the  rubric,  **  Historia 
Regum  cantatur  usque  ad  Ealendas  Augusti,* 
followed  by  a  series  of  Responsories  taken  or 
adapted  from  those  books  for  use  during  that 

The  Antiphons,  &c.,  for  ordinaiy  week  days 
(Feriae)  are  given  after  the  Octave  of  the  Epi- 
phany. On  days  on  which  there  are  nine  lesson^ 
nine  Responsories  are  given.  According  to  the 
present  Roman  custom,  the  ninth  is  replaced  by 
Te  Deum  on  those  days  on  which  it  is  said. 

There  is  also  an  Antiphonary  of  this  description 

p  Including  what  we  call  the  Books  of  Samnel. 

1  The  older  Roman  custom  was  to  sing  In  the  OcUve 
of  Pentecoet  and  daring  the  following  week  Besponsorles 
from  the  Psahns  (de  PsahnisU)  after  thatfhmtbs  KJo» 


mAnM  to  St.  Gngoiy,  which  ezists  at  Bi, 
(ML  It  it  hetried  bj  an  introduetioE  in  Terse, 
vUch  Ugiaf  thus— 

•Baeipofw  OnforlQS  Pttra  de  more  aecntnt, 

iHtuiiBvlt  o|Ri^  Mizii  et  In  melius, 
ffis  f%IIl  CkrnB  meniem  cnnamtne  labdit 
(MUboii  pueem  hoc  na  oorda  faTO.* 

Hie  MS.  bean  the  heading — ^^Mncipinnt  Re- 
MMfia  et  Antiphonae  per  drculum  anni." 
Vmt  are  in  the  main  identical  with  those  in  the 
Aatiphooanr  jnst  mentioned,  but  are  arranged 
witk  reftrence  to  the  monastic  distribution  of 
pidBis  and  leMona. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  Antiphonary  is  a  large 
Hmber  of  Antiphons,  given  for  the  Benedicite, 
tke  BmedictUf  and  the  Magnificat  respectively. 

h  a  portion  of  an  Antiphonary  ("  ex  vetus- 
tinao  oodiee  MS.  membranaceo  Palatine  signato 
inL  497  in  Bibliotheca  Yaticana,  in  quo  conti- 
■atarTetnstiorea,  germanioresque  libelli  Ordinis 
RaBaai*^  containing  the  service  for  Easter 
vedc,  one  or  more  of  the  Antiphons  to  the 
prnfans  for  each  day  is  given  in  Greek,  but 
vxittea  in  Roman  chkractera,  the  others  remain- 
^  IB  Latin.  Thos  at  Vespers  on  Easter  Tuesday, 
titt  Antiphon  to  Pa.  czii  is  thus  given — 

'AIM^IiL    ProieclMie  laoe  mn  to  Qomo  mu :  dlnate  to 
■  hfua  li  ta  lUmata  tn  stomatoe  mo. 
f.  IMso  en  ptinibolaes  to  stoma  ma  :  phtbenxomae 



Those  to  the  other  psalms  at  the  same  Vespers 
art  in  Latin. 

This  may  suffice  to  explain  the  general  nature 
of  Aatiphonaries.  The  consideration  of  the  many 
paiits  of  interest  which  their  details  present  is 
hjwd  the  scope  of  this  article.  [U.  J.  H.] 

ANTI8TE8.— This  title  appears  to  have 
beta  common  to  bishops  and  presbyters  in  the 
Esriy  Church.  As  the  name  ^  saoerdos  "  is  com- 
BMn  to  both  estates  in  respect  of  the  offices  of 
tiriae  service  which  were  performed  by  both, 
10  ia  respect  of  the  government  of  the  Church 
ia  vkich  they  were  associated,  we  find  them 
deaignsted  alike,  sometimes  as  **  Presbyters  "  as 
■aiiii^  their  age  and  dignity — sometimes  in 
reelect  of  their  ^core"  or  charge — as  **antis- 
tites,**  rpoHrrmrtSy  praepositi.  Thus  in  the  first 
euea  of  the  Council  of  Antioch,  a.d.  341,  the 
baliop  and  presbyter  are  both  expressly  classed 
uM«g  the  vpoco-TWTcf,  and  the  corresponding 
title  of  ^'Antistites"  is  evidently  extended  to 
t^  seeood  order  of  the  ministry  by  St.  Augus- 
tine {Serm.  351  <U  Poeniterdid),  as  follows :  "  Ve- 
■iit  (peccator)  ad  aidistUes,  per  quos  illi  in 
tedesii  daves  ministrantur,  et  .  .  .  a  praepo- 
■tat  sacramentomm  accipiat  satisfactionis  suae 
■odom."  Here  it  is  plain  that  '^antistites  in 
Mdeni''  are  not  the  bishop  alone,  but  the  bishop 
sad  the  presbyters.  This  usage  of  the  word 
■pecs  with  that  of  Archisynagogus  in  the 
Jewish  synagogue,  and  may  have  been  suggested 
^  it  (Thomdike,  Primitive  Oovemmmt  of 
Oardss,  voL  i.  p.  34.)  [D.  B.] 

ANTOKlOnS,  saint,  commemorated  April  19 
{Mart  Bedae),  [C] 

*9pt9ixm  KaM  /imv  rtf  vifuf  ^tov  *  Kkivan  rh  oit 
■P^  ••«  tA  p4fLara  to*  9Tdft«Tt^  lum. 

AXTQNINA,  martyr,  commemorated  June 
10  (Col,  Byzant.,  Neale).  [C] 

ANTONINUS.  (1)  Abbat,  Jan.  17  {M. 

(8)  Martyr  at  Nicomedia,  May  4  (^Sf,  ffieron,). 
(8)  Martyr  at  Apamea,  commemorated  Sept.  2 
(MaH,  Bom,  Vet.) ;  Sept,  3  (Mart  Hienm.).  [C] 

ANTONIUS.  (1)  The  hermit,  Jan.  17  (Mart 
Bedaej  Col,  Byzant,  Armen.), 

(8)  Martyr  at  Bome,  commemorated  Aug.  22 
(Mart.  Bom,  Vet.). 

(8)  In  Piacenza,  Sept.  30  (if.  Hieron.). 

(4)  In  Caesarea,  commemorated  Nov.  18 
(Mart  Hieron,).  [C] 

ANYSIA,  martyr  of  Thessalonica,  conmiemo- 
rated  Dec  30  (CaL  Byzant),  [C] 

APEB,  bishop,  conunemorated  Sept.  15  (Mart. 
Bedae,  Hieron.),  [C] 

APCKDREOS  CAiTi^icpcw;).— The  Sunday  in 
the  Orthodox  Greeic  Calendar,  which  corresponds 
to  our  Sexagesima  Sunday,  is  called  Kvptcuc^ 
*Air6Kptws,  because  from  it  the  abstinence  from 
flesh  begins,  though  the  more  strict  observance  of 
the  Lent  fast  does  not  commence  until  the  follow- 
ing Sunday.  [Lent.]  The  whole  of  the  preceding 
week  is  also  named  from  this  Sunday,  and  is  a 
kind  of  carnival.  [C.] 

APOCRISIARIUS.    [Lboate.] 

AP0D0SI8  CAirrf«o<rij).— When  the  com- 
memoration of  a  Festival  is  prolonged  over  several 
days,  the  last  day  of  this  period  is  called  in  the 
Greek  Calendar  the  **ApodoBis"  of  the  FestivaL 
For  instance,  on  the  Thursday  before  Pentecost 
is  the  Apodosis  of  the  Ascension  (&xo8(8otcu  ^ 
'EopT^  r^s  'AvoX^tfrcws).  In  this  case,  and  in 
some  others  (for  instance,  the  Exaltation  of  the 
Cross  and  the  Transfiguiiition)  the  Apodosis 
coincides  with  the  octave ;  but  this  is  not  always 
the  case.  Sometimes  the  period  is  more  than  an 
octave ;  Easter-day,  for  instance,  has  its  Apodosis 
on  the  eve  of  the  Ascension :  but  generally  it  is 
less ;  the  Nativity  of  the  Theotoicos  (Sept.  8),  for 
instance,  has  its  Apodosis  Sept.  12.  (Neale's 
Eastern  Church,  Introd,  764;  Daniel's  Codex 
Liturgicus,  iv.  230.)  [C] 

APOLLINABIS.      (1)  Bishop,   martyr  at 
Ravenna,  commemorated  July  23  (Mart,  Bom, 
Vet  J  Bedae).    Antiphon  for  Natalie  Sancti  Apol- 
linaris  in  Liber  Antiphon,  p.  704. 

(8)  Commemorated  Aug.  23  (Mart  Bedae), 

(8)  "  Avernus,"  Sept.  26  (M,  Hieron.), 

(4)  Bishop,  Oct.  6  (/6.  et  Hieron,).  [C] 

APOLLINARIUS,  martyr,  commemorated 
June  5  (Mart.  Bedae),  [C] 

APOLLONIA,  virgin,  martyr  at  Alexandria, 
commemorated  Feb.  j  (Mart,  Bom,  Vet),    [C] 

APOLLON,  bishop  and  martyr,  commemo- 
rated Feb.  10  (MaH,  Hieron,),  [C] 

APOLLONIUS.  (1)  Commemorated  March 
19  (Mart  Bedae), 

(8)  Of  Egypt,  commemorated  April  5  (Mart, 
Bom.  Vet);  Dec.  14  (Cal.  Byzant,), 

(8)  Presbyter,  of  Alexandria,  April  10  (lb,  et 

(4)  Senator,  martyr  at  Rome,  April  18  (/ft. 
ei  Bedae), 



(5)  Commemorated  July  7  (Mart  Bedae  et 

(6)  Commemorated  Dec.  23  ( Jf.  EierotL),  [C] 

APOSTASY  (Axmrroo-fo,  apoOasia,  praevari- 
catid)  is  of  three  kinds.  1.  Apostasy  a  fide,  or 
perfidiae;  2.  Apostasy  a  reUgione;  3.  Apostasy 
a6  ordffitf  tmcepto.  Of  these  the  two  last  wiU 
be  more  appropriately  considered  under  the 
articles  Monastioism  and  DESERTION. 

Apostasy  a  fide  is  the  voluntary  and  com- 
plete abandonment  of  the  Faith  by  those  who 
have  been  made  members  of.  the  Ghnrch  by 
baptism.  It  is  voluntary^  and  herein  to  be  dis- 
tinguished ftrom  the  sin  of  the  lapsed  [Lafsi]^ 
who  fall  away  through  compulsion  or  the  fear 
of  death ;  it  is  also  oompUtey  and  consequently  a 
graver  crime  than  heresy,  which  is  the  denial 
of  one  or  more  of  the  articles  of  the  Faith,  but 
not  an  entire  rejection  of  the  Faith  itself.  Lastly, 
Apostasy  is  an  abandotument  of  the  Faith,  and 
therefore  an  offence  which  could  only  be  com- 
mitted by  members  of  the  Church,  by  those 
who  had  in  baptism  taken  the  soldier's  oath  to 
fight  under  her  standard.  For  this  reason  apos- 
tates were  accounted  to  be  betrayers  of  their 
Master's  cause,  and  deserters  from  the  ranks 
in  which  they  had  sworn  to  serve.  ''Praeva- 
ricatores  eos  ezistlmamus,  qui  susceptam  fidem 
et  cognitionem  Dei  adeptam  relinquunt;  aliud 
poUicitos,  et  aliud  nunc  agentes"  (St.  Hilar, 
hct.  in  Pt,  118,  wr».  119). 

It  would  also  appear  that  catechumens  were 
by  some  considered  capable  of  committing  the 
sin  of  apostasy  (Cod.  Theod.,  De  Apostat.  zvi.  7,  2), 
although  their  guilt  was  not  so  great  as  that  of 
the  baptized  apostate. 

Apostates  a  fide  were  of  two  classes:  those 
who  became  Jews,  and  those  who  became  Pagans. 
Of  the  former  class  there  were  thoee  who  entirely 
abandoned  the  Christian  Faith,  and  who  there- 
fore were  properly  called  apostates;  and  those 
who  did  not  altogether  reject  it,  but  mingled  to- 
gether Christianity  and  Judaism,  and,  as  it  were, 
made  for  themselves  a  new  religion.  Such  were 
the  Coelicolae,  Cerinthiani,  £bionaei,  Nazaraei, 
£lcesaei,  and  Samsaeu  There  were  others,  again, 
who  were  also  called  apostates,  who,  without 
embracing  any  distinctive  Jewish  doctrines,  ob- 
served parts  of  the  ceremonial  law,  such  as  rest- 
ing on  the  Sabbath,  or  who  kept  the  Jewish 
feasts  and  fasts,  or  consulted  Jews  with  the 
object  of  procuring  charms  for  the  cure  of  sick- 

And,  secondly,  there  were  those  who  volun- 
tarily abandoned  Christianity  and  returned  to 
heathenism.  And  persons,  who  without  going 
to  this  length,  accepted  the  office  of  flamen,  or 
who  attended  sacrifices  (except  in  the  discharge 
of  duty),  or  joined  as  actors,  stage  players,  or 
charioteers  in  the  heathen  games,  or  who  sold 
animals  or  incense  for  sacrifice,  or  manufactured 
idols  and  the  like,  were  considered  to  have  be- 
trayed their  faith  and  to  be  guilty  of  a  sin  almost 
as  grave  as  that  of  apostasy,  and  to  merit  the 
name  of  apostates  (Devoti.  Inst.  Can,  iv.  3; 
Bingham,  Aftfig.  zvi.  6,  4). 

The  crime  of  apostasy  was  punished  in  the 
same  way  as  heresy,  though  it  was  a  graver 
offence.  There  are  also  special  enactments  in  re- 
ference to  it,  both  in  the  canons  of  Councils  and 
ill  the  constitutions  of  the  Christian  emperors. 


By  the  1 1th  canon  of  the  Oecumenical  Coued 
of  Nicaea  (a.d.  325),  those  who  had  voluntarily 
denied  Christ,  if  they  gave  proof  of  hearty  re- 
pentance, were  admitted  for  three  years  amongst 
the  audientes.  For  the  next  seven  years  they 
were  permitted  to  become  eubttroH,  and  were 
obliged  to  leave  the  church  at  the  same  time  as 
the  catechumens.  After  the  expiration  of  this 
term  they  were  allowed  to  join  as  contUltenteB  in 
the  prayers  of  the  faithful ;  but  two  years  hsd 
still  to  elapse  before  they  were  permitted  . 
to  make  oblations,  or  to  partake  of  the  Holy 
Eucharist;  then  they  were  said  i\Bw  M  rh 
riKtiov  (cf.  Beveridge,  Pand,  Can*  Amuiaiiones  i 
in  loc,  and  Bingham,  Antiq.  viiu  8 ;  zviii.  1). 

These  provisions  were  an  amelioration  of  the 
earlier  discipline  of  the  Church,  as  we  learn  from 
St.  Cyprian  (a.d.  252).  <<Apostatae  vero  et  de- 
sertores  vel  adversarii  et  hpstes  et  Christi  £cele- 
siam  dissipantes,  nee,  si  oocisi  pro  nomine  foris 
fuerint,  admitti  secundum  Apostolum  possunt 
ad  ecclesiae  pacem,  quando  nee  Spiritus  nee  Eocle- 
siae  tenuerunt  unitatem  "  (St.  Cyprian,  Ep,  Iv. 
ad  fin.). 

By  the  63rd  (or  64th)  of  the  Canons  of  the 
Apostles,  clerks  who  went  into  synagogues  to 

Eray  were  deposed  and  exoommtmicated  ;  and  if 
tymen  committed  a  like  offence  they  were  ex- 
communicated (on  the  interpretation  of  this  canon 
with  regard  to  the  question  whether  or  not  clerics 
were  to  be  excommunicated  as  well  as  deposed, 
see  Beveridge,  Pand,  Can,  Annoiationes,  in  loc.). 
The  same  punishments  were  by  the  65th  (or 
66th)  canon  inflicted  on  clerks  and  laymen  wbo 
fasted  on  the  Lord's  Day,  or  upon  any  Sabbath 
Day  except  the  Great  Sabbath,  Easter  Eve ;  and 
by  the  69th  (or  70th)  canon,  those  were  included 
who  observed  Jewish  fasts  or  feasts,  or  (canon 
70  or  71)  who  gave  oil  for  consumption  in  syna- 
gogues or  heathen  temples. 

By  the  1 1th  canon  of  the  ^  Concilium  Qnmi- 
sextum,"  or  "in  Trullo"  (a.d.  691  or  692),  the 
clergy  and  laity  were  forbidden — the  former  under 
pain  of  deposition,  and  the  latter  under  pain  of 
excommunication — ^to  eat  unleavened  bread  with 
Jews,  or  to  have  any  friendly  intercourse  with 
them,  or  to  consult  them  in  ackness,  or  even  to 
enter  the  baths  in  their  company. 

In  Africa,  by  the  35th  canon  of  the  Srd 
Council  of  Carthage  (a.d.  397)  "Apostaticis  con- 
versis  vel  reversis  ad  Dominum  gratia  vel  re- 
conciliatio  non  negetur." 

In  the  East,  by  the  29th  canon  of  the  Conndl 
of  Laodicea  (a.d.  365,  according  to  Beveridge) 
Christians  were  forbidden  to  Ju(Uiize  (lov^atfwf) 
under  the  penalty  of  anathema.  By  the  37th 
and  following  canons  of  the  same  Council  they 
were  forbidden  to  be  present  at  Jewish  or  Pagan 

In  Spain,  the  Council  of  Eliberis  (a.d.  305  or 
306)  contains  several  provisions  for  the  supprs* 
sion  and  punishment  of  apostasy ;  for  example, 
by  the  first  canon  persons  of  full  age,  who  after 
baptism  went  to  a  heathen  temple  and  sacrificed 
to  an  idol  were  reftised  communion,  even  at  the 
hour  of  death.  By  the  46th  canon  of  the  same 
Council  apostates  who  have  not  been  guilty  of 
idolatry  are  admitted  to  communion  after  tea 
years'  penance ;  by  the  49th  the  blosing  of  the 
fruits  of  the  earth  by  Jews  is  forbidden,  and 
those  who  allow  that  ceremony  to  be  performed 
are  cast  out  altogether  from  the  CShurch.    Upoi 




tkboiM  H«fele  (QMcaieiigemAiekte,  u  148)  o^ 
mnu:  **!!  Spun  the  Jews  had  beeome  so  dq- 
wiMt  sad  powerlVil  dnring  the  early  ages  of  the 
Ghrktiaa  era  that  »Dej  believed  they  might  ren- 
tuf  to  attempt  to  eoDTert  the  whole  country.  .  . 
Tkcri  it  Bo  doubt  that  at  that  period  many 
ChriitiBas  in  Spain  of  high  standing  became  con- 
ftns  CO  jwnswii* 

A^UD,  by  the  59th  canon  of  the  4th  Council  of 
Toledo  (ajk  633X  apostate  Jews  who  practise 
dfcnndiioo  are  punished ;  but  (canon  61)  their 
duUicB,  if  beliereiBy  are  not  ezclnded  from  sue- . 
MMB  to  their  property.  The  next  canon  (62) 
ftrbids  any  interoonrse  between  conrerted  Jews 
tad  thoic  wlio  remain  in  their  old  fidth ;  and  there 
ai«  oerenl  other  canons  which  show  that  apos- 
Utf  to  Judaism  waa  still  a  prevalent  crime  in 
Spis ;  aS)  for  »««**«a*^  the  64th  canon,  which 
«dttB9  that  the  eridenoe  of  apostate  Jews  should 
■ot  be  received  in  a  ooort  of  justice. 

la  the  Frsach  Conncils  there  are  several  canons 
ithtiag  to  apostasy^  By  the  22nd  canon  of  the  Ist 
OoiBcil  of  Aries  (ajx  S14)  it  was  forbidden  to 
pn  oonunanion  to  apostates  who  sooght  it  in 
arkiiw.  nntil  they  were  restored  to  h«!dth,  and 
kd  «hfl«tJMi  proper  evidence  of  their  repent- 

By  the  12th  canon  of  the  Cotmcil  of  Vennes 
(iJi  465)  the  clergy  were  forbidden  to  attend 
Jcwkh  banqfnets  or  to  invite  Jews  to  their  own 
liMsi  s  prohibition  which  was  repeated  in  the 
40th  caaeo  of  the  Goondl  of  Agde  (A.D.  506),  and 
eitcaded  to  laymen  by  the  15th  canon  of  the 
Coaadl  of  Epone  (A.D.  517),  and  also  by  the  13th 
OBoaof  the  3rd  Council  of  Orleans  (aj>.  538), 
and  the  15th  canon  of  the  1st  Council  of  Macon 
(A.  a  581> 

la  the  eollectiona  of  the  Imperial  Law — ^the 
*Codcx  Theodttdaniia '  (which  was  promulgated 
UK  436)  eoBtaina  Tarions  provisions  made  by  the 
ChnttisB  emperors  for  the  punishment  of  apos- 
iMj.  CoBstantine  the  Great  ordained  (a.d.  315) 
ikst  spostates  to  Judaism  should  suffer  **  poenas 
writes"  (Ood,  Tlwod.  zvi  8,  IX  which  were  de- 
faed  by  Oenstantius  (A.11.  357)  to  be  the  oonfis- 
citioo  of  the  property  of  the  offender  (Cod. 
Vmd.  ivL  8,  7).  lliey  were  deprived  by  Yalen- 
tiaka  the  Younger  (a.d.  383)  of  the  ju8  Uttandi, 
bet  the  action  upsetting  the  will  had  to  be 
keoght  within  five  years  of  the  death  of  the 
tMtstor,  and  by  persons  who  liad  not  in  his 
Ufatime  known  of  his  offence,  and  remained 
■kat  (Cbd:  Theod.  xvi.  7,  3>  Apostates  to  Pa- 
gniiB  were  deprived  by  llieodosius  the  Great 
(UK  381)  of  the  pu  iaiandi  (Cod.  Theod,  xvi.  7, 
1);  bat  another  constitution  of  the  same  emperor, 
pnnvlgated  A.D.  383,  made  a  distinction  be- 
tincn  the  baptized  (Cftrudumt  ac  fideles)  and 
dtcebumeBs  {CkrigHam  et  caieckiimeru)^  and  the 
litter  were  permitted  to  execute  testamentary 
di^ositioM  in  fKtoQX  of  their  sons  and  brothers 
fonnan.  By  this  oonstitutijun  it  was  farther  pro- 
vided that  apostates  should  not  only  be  unable, 
with  the  forecoing  exceptions,  to  bequeath  pro- 
perty by  wil^  but  should  also  be  incapable  of 
Rcetriag  property  under  the  will  of  another 
pnon  (CodL  Thtod,  xvi.  7,  2).  One  day  later 
Valcatiaian  the  Younger  promulgated  through- 
set  the  Western  Empire  the  constitution  dted 
abort,  which  applied  to  all  classes  of  apostates 
aliks (CbdL  Theod,  xvL  7,  3>  By  a  constitution 
rf  the  y«K  391  Um  Mme  emperor  ordained  that 

baptised  apostates  professing  P^nism  should  be 
deprived  of  the  right  of  bequeathing  by  will,  of 
receiving  property  under  a  will,  of  bearing  wit- 
ness in  a  court  of  justice,  and  of  succeeding  to  an 
inheritance.  They  were  also  condemned  "  a  oon- 
sortio  omnium  segregari"  (on  the  meaning  of 
this  expression  see  the  note  of  Godefiroi,  in  he.^ 
and  were  dismissed  from  all  posts  of  civil  dignity. 
It  was  also  declared  that  these  penalties  remained 
in  force  even  though  the  apostate  repented  of 
his  sin — **perditi8,  hoc  est  sanctum  Baptismum 
profanantibus,  nullo  remedio  poenitentiae  (quae 
solet  aliis  criminibus  prodesse)  succurritur  "  (Cod. 
2%eod.  xvi.  7»  4-5).  Arcadius  (a.d.  396)  extended 
the  power  which  his  father  Theodosius  the  Great 
had  given  to  apostate  catechumens  to  make  cer- 
tain testamentary  dispositions,  and  ordained  that 
all  apostates,  whether  baptized  or  catechumens, 
should  have  the  power  to  bequeath  property  to 
their  father  and  mother,  brother  and  sister,  son 
and  daughter,  and  grandson  and  granddaughter 
(Cod.  Theod.  xvi.  7,  6).  The  last  constitution 
contained  in  the  Codex  Theodosianus  under  this 
title  is  a  very  severe  enactment  of  Yalentinian 
the  Third  (A.D.  426),  abrogating  the  provisions 
of  the  above-oited  constitution  of  Valentinian  the 


Younger  of  the  year  323,  as  far  as  it  related  to 
apostates  to  Paganism.  Under  its  provisions  a 
person  could  be  accused  of  apostasy  at  any  time, 
although  five  years  may  have  passed  since  his 
death,  and  it  was  immaterial  whether  the  accuser 
had  or  had  not  been  privy  to  the  offence.  Apo- 
states were  also  prohibited  from  disposing  of 
their  property  by  will  and  from  alienating  it  by 
sale  or  gift  (Cod.  Theod.  xvi.  7  ult.).  The  <*  Para- 
titlon"  prefixed  to  this  title  in  the  edition  of 
Godefroi  (Leipsic,  1736,  &c.)  gives  a  brief  but 
very  useful  summary  of  its  contents. 

The  ^  Codex  Bepetitae  Praelectionis  "  promul- 
gated by  Justinian  in  December  A.D.  534  contains 
a  title,  **  De  Apostatis  "  (Lib.  I  tit.  7),  the  first 
four  Sections  of  which  relate  to  this  subject,  and 
consist  of  extracts  from  the  *'  Codex  Theodosi- 



The  first  section  re-enacts  the  constitution  of 
Constantius  (A.D.  357),  by  which  the  property  of 
apostate  Jews  is  confiscated  (Cod.  Theod.  xvi.  8, 
7).  The  second  section  contains  that  part  of  the 
constitution  of  Valentinian  the  younger  (A.D. 
383),  which  limits  the  time  in  which  an  accusa- 
tion of  apostasy  could  be  brought  (Cod.  Theod. 
xvi.  7,  8).  In  the  third  section  the  constitution 
of  the  same  emperor  (a.d.  391)  is  re-enacted, 
which  is  contained  in  the  Codex  Theodosianus  (xvi. 
7,  4),  and  is  cited  above.  The  fourth  section  re- 
peats the  enactment  of  Valentinian  the  Third 
(A.D.  426),  by  which  very  severe  penalties  were 
inflicted  on  apostates  (Uod.  Theod.  xvi  7  ult. 
cited  above).  It  appears,  therefore,  that  the  le- 
gislation of  Justinian  was  not  more  tolerant  than 
that  of  his  predecessors  in  its  treatment  of  this 

Although  beyond  the  limits  of  this  article,  it 
may  be  noted  that  the  title  of  the  Decretals  re- 
lating to  apostasy  is  the  9th  title  of  the  fifth 
book  0*De  Apostatis  et  Reiterantibus  Baptisms  "). 
The  subject  is  also  considered  by  St.  Thomas 
Aquinas  (Brnma  Theol.  2-2,  quaestio  12>  [L  B.] 

APOSTATE  (&TMrrctTi|s,  apodato^  praefxui- 
oator).    See  Ap08TAST. 

AFOBTLE  (in  Hagiology).    The  word  'Avd 



iTTo\oi  it  Dsel  in  the  Gnek  Cateudar  to  dtslgnita 
not  onlf  thoK  who  are  called  Apostles  m  the 
Htw  Teitameat,  bat  the.Sevent;  Disciples  aod 
others  who  were  companJODS  of  the  Apostles, 
strictly  so  ctdled.  It  is  applied,  for  iDitanra,  to 
Agabos,  RafOs,  Asjiicritiu,  and  others,  supposed 
to  be  of  the  Seveoty  (April  S) ;  and  to  AiuuiiBs 
of  Daiutucns  (Oct.  1).  Bat  the  Apostles,  in  the 
narrower  sense,  are  distiaguished  from  othen  t« 
whom  the  title  is  applied  bj  some  epithet  or 
description.  For  iostuice,  Kor.  30  is  described 
u  the  FestiTsl  tsD  iylov  iyS6iou  nal  waytiup^ 
uvu  'ATOrmfAou  'Avlpt'ou  toG  UpttTaKkirrov, 
■c.T.A. ;  SS.  Peter  uid  Paul  are  described  bj 
the  terms  rp<rroitO|>i>f«riii,  in  addition  to  the 
epithets  applied  to  St.  Andrew.  It  is  noteworthy 
lint  the  Constaatinople  "Typicom"  enpresGl; 
ftrbidiSt.  Peter  to  be  called  the  Apostleo/JiotM, 


inannnch  as  be  waa  a  teachei  and  culightcMr  ol 
the  whole  world;  and  it  hinU  that  if  any  placa 
is  In  be  connected  with  his  name,  it  shonld  bt 
Autioch  (Daniel,  Codex  Lit.  iv.  261). 

The  term  'laawirriikoi,  the  equal  of  the 
Apostlu,  is  applied  to 

1.  Biihopi  supposed  to  be  consecrated  bj 
Apoetles ;  as  Abercioi  of  Uisrapolis  (Oct  22). 

2.  H0I7  women  who  were  companions  of  the 
Apoetles :  as  Uary  Magdalene,  Junia,  and  Thekla. 

3.  Princes  who  hare  aided  the  spread  of  the 
Faith ;  as  RansUntiDe  nod  Helena  in  the  Ortbo 
doi  (h^ek  Church,  and  Vladimir  in  the  Bunian 

4.  The  first  preachers,  or  "  Apostles,"  of  the 
Faith  in  any  countrf;  as  Nina,  in  the  Gaor^iaa 
Calendar  (Neale,  EatUnt  CAurcA,  lotra].  f. 
761).  [C] 


In  representations  of  the  Twelre,  antecedent  to 
the   fear  1300  a.d.  or  thereabouts,  only  slight 

u  t""  '"T 

§  2.   tJ/  W«  EasUm  and  Grmk   Churches 
Eastern    monuments  of  an  early  date  are 
limited  in  number,  owie  "      ' 

first  of  the  Iconoclaate, 

cues,  of  theTurks.  Ana  among  tneie  lae  oniv 
ntpreaentatiouB  of  the  Twelve  Apostles  known  to 
the  present  writer  are  the  following.  In  an  early 
Syriac  manoscript  of  the  Gospels  written  at 
Zagba  in  Mesopotamia  in  the  rear  fiSo  a.d.,  now 
in  the  Library  of  the  Medici  at  Floreoce,  is  a 
picture  of  the  AGCensioo,  in  which  twelve  (not 
eleven  only)  Apoetles  are  represented,  the  Vii'gin 
Mary  standing  in  the  midst  of  them  (ste  thi* 
figured  under  Anscis).    Of: 

I  of  St.  i 

Thosalonicn,  figured  by  Teller  and  Pullan  in 
their  'ByEBntine  Architecture,'  pi.  il.,  ili.  Se- 
parate representatious  of  many  of  the  Apoetlea 
will  be  found  among  the  illumioAtions  of  the 
Heuoti^am  Graecomm  of  the  emperor  Basil. 
Theee,  though  of  coDsiderahh  later  date  (1 0th  or 
Ilth  cantary),  are  all  but  ijentical  in  character 

with  those  above  mentioned.  Indeed  the  reli- 
gions art  of  the  Greek*,  as  everything  elae  per- 
taining to  religion,  has  been  stereotyped  once  for 
all  from  the  close  of  the  8th  century  until  now. 
"Greek  art,"  says  M.  DidroO,  "is  wholly  Inde- 
pendent of  time  and  place.  The  painter  of  the 
Mores  reproduces  at  this  day  art  such  as  it  was 
at  Venice  in  the  10th  century;  and  those  Vene- 
tians again  reproduce  the  art  of  Mount  Athot 
four  or  five  centuries  before.  The  costume  of 
the  personages  represented  is  everywhere  and 
at  all  times  the  same,  not  only  in  shape,  but 
in  colour  and  drawing,  even  to  the  very  number 
and  size  of  the  folds  of  a  dress."  For  in  the  eyes 
of  the  Greeks,  at  all  times,  religious  art  has  b«n, 
what  one  of  the  Fathers  of  the  Seventh  General 
Conncil  de8Cril>ed  it — not  a  matter  U>  be  r^u- 
lated  bv  the  inventive  power  of  painlers,  but  bj 
the  prescriptions  and  tradition  of  the  Cbuni 
(Labbe's  Ctwnl.  tom,  vii.  col.  831). 

S  3.  Early  Uonummti  m  tie  Wat.— F.iprr- 
sentations  of  the  Apostles  in  monnments  ofearly 
date,  still  eitstiog  in  Italy  and  in  France,  an 
very  numerous,  and  of  very  various  kinds;  is, 
for  eiample,  in  nmsaics,  fresceea,  marble  sarco- 
phagi, and  even  in  smaller  objects  of  art,  sucb 
■a  vessels  of  glass  or  omamenta  of  bronie.  The 
principal  works  in  which  theee  an  Ggniodtrde- 
scribed  are  cnamerated  in  g  13  beiow. 


§  4.  Oottmme  ami  Intignwu — ^In  all  the  early 
WBumtaU  abore  referred  to,  whether  of  the 
bet  or  of  the  West,  in  which  the  Twelve  are 
npnseated,  almost  exactly  the  same  costume 
uiii  iasignia  are  attributed  to  them.  ChilySt. 
Pirtcr  and  St.  Paul  [see  Paul  and  Pcter  below] 
hATC  uy  special  attributes.  The  dress  assigned 
to  then  is  a  loog  tonic  reaching  to  the  feet  (with 
rare  exeeptions,  which  are  confined,  as  far  as  the 
writer  knowi,  to  some  of  the  Roman  catacombs) 
sod  with  a  pallimm  (Iftdnoy)  as  an  enter  gar- 
Boit  The  insignia  by  which  they  are  designated 
an  a  roll  of  a  book  (volumen)  generally  in  the 
left  hand,  indicatiye  of  their  office  as  Preachers 
•f  the  IXrine  Word,  or  a  chaplet  (porona)j  also 
bdd  ia  the  hand,  significant  either  of  the  Mar- 
tjfi  crown,  or  of  w^t  is  but  a  slight  variation 
of  the  same  idea,  the  crown  of  Victory  which 
tke  Lord  bestows  upon  them  who  contend  faith- 
fnliy  unto  the  end.  The  scroll  above  spoken  of 
ii  sometimes  replaced  by  a  codex  or  book  of  the 
store  modem  form  (thiis  latter  is  generally  the 
distinctive  mark  of  a  bishop).  In  the  mosaics  of 
St  Sophia  at  Thessalonica  above  mentioned  (§  2) 
tJie  roll  is  assigned  to  some,  the  codex  to  others, 
while  others  are  represented  without  either. 
[For  an  example  of  the  codex  assigned  to  an 
•poitle  in  Western  Art,  see  Ciampini,  Vet,  Jfon. 
ton.  ii.  tab.  zlliL,  a  monument  of  the  9th  cen- 
tarj.]  They  are  occasionally  represented  as  seated 
QB  *  thrones'  or  chairs  of  state  (see  woodcut,  p. 
106)  in  reference  to  their  delegated  authority 
(compare  Luke  zxiL  30)  to  rule  in  Christ's  name 
•rer  the  Chnrck.  And  in  one  mosaic,  probably 
af  tJie  5th  century,  in  the  church  of  St.  John  in 
Peote  at  Ravenna,  all  the  Twelve  wear  a  kind  of 
tian  or  peaked  cap,  suggestive  of  the  thought 
that  the  office  of  the  Apostles  in  the  Church 
canetponds  to  that  of  the  High  Priest  under 
the  Law.  [See  farther  under  TiARA.]  This 
monoment  is  engraved  by  Ciampini,  Vet.  Mon, 
torn.  L  tab.  Ixx. 

§  5.  Names  of  the  Apostles  in  early  Monuments, 
—In  early  representations  of  the  whole  munJber  of 
the  Twelve  the  addition  of  names  to  each  is 
ef  very  exceptional  occurrence.  The  only  ex- 
aai^  known  to  the  present  writer  is  that  of  a 
BMiaie  referred  to  'above  in  the  church  of  St. 
ifkiL  m  Fonte  at  Ravenna.  The  arrangement 
there  is  a  circular  one,  the  figures  being  so  dis- 
posed that  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  occupy  the 
priadpal  position,  while  the  names,  and  figures, 
of  the  rest  occur  in  the  following  order :  An- 
TfssjkM — Jaoobub — Joannes  — Puiijpus — Bar- 
TDUWECB — SDf ON— Judas  Thadeus— Jacobus 
n— Matkub— Thomaa.  It  will  be  observed  that 
the  namber  Twelve  is  obtained,  after  insert- 
iag  the  name  of  St.  Paul,  by  omitting  that  of 
Mathias  This  last  omission  is  generally  made 
in  fimilar  enumerations  of  the  Twelve  in  later 

$  6.  Mode  of  representation. — ^In  Western  mo- 
Bimests  of  the  first  eight  centuries  (the  period 
with  which  we  are  here  principally  concerned) 
the  Twelve  are  almost  invariably  represented  as 
standing,  or  as  seated,  on  either  side  of  our  Lord, 
like  is  either  figured  in  His  human  person,  or 
(aoeh  more  rarely)  symbolically  designated.  In 
cither  case  He  is  distinguished  from  the  Apostles 
theoaelTes  by  conventional  designations  of  higher 
digaity.  And  in  the  case  of  the  Apostles  them- 
isifm  symbolical  designations  sometimes  take  the 



place  of  any  more  direct  representation,  while  in 
other  cases,  as  on  many  of  the  sarcophagi,  the 
two  modes  of  representation  are  combined. 

§  7.  Direct  representation — In  many  early  mo- 
numents (see  under  Paul  and  Peter)  there  has 
been  an  evident  attempt  at  portraiture  in  the 
case  of  the  two  *'  chiefest  Apostles."  Of  the  rest, 
some  are  represented  as  of  youthful  appearance, 
and  beardless,  others  as  bearded,  and  of  more  ad- 
vanced years.  But  beyond  this  no  special  tradi- 
tionary rules  of  representation  can  be  traced  in 
early  monuments. 

§  8.  Symbolical  designation. — Of  the  symbols 
employed  to  represent  the  Twelve,  the  most 
common  is  that  of  twelve  sheep,  adopted  (so  it 
has  been  thought)  with  reference  to  those  words 
of  Our  Lord,  *'  Behold  I  send  you  forth  as  sheep 
in  the  midst  of  wolves."  These  twelve  sheep  are 
commonly  represented  six  on  either  side  of  Our 
Lord  (personally  or  symbolically  representedX 
who  is  generally  seen  standing  upon  a  rock, 
whence  flow  four  sti-eams.  To  such  a  repre- 
sentation Paulinns  refers  (in  his  Epist.  xxxii.  ad- 
dressed to  his  friend  Severus,  bishop  of  Milevis 
in  Africa ;  Migne,  F,  C.  C.  tom.  1x1.  p.  366)  in 
speaking  of  his  own  church  at  Nola  in  Campania. 
He  is  writing  ciro.  400  A.D. 

"  Petram  saperstat  Ipse  petra  Eodeslae, 
De  qua  aonori  quatuor  fontes  meant, 
EvangeUatae,  viva  Cbristi  flumina." 

The  two  groups,  each  of  six  sheep,  are  generally 
represented  as  issuing  from  two  towers  repre* 
senting  Betnlehem  and  Jerusalem,  the  cities  of  the 
birth  and  the  passion  of  Our  Lord,  the  beginning 
and  the  end,  as  it  were,  of  that  Life  upon  earth, 
of  which  the  Apostles  were  the  chosen  witnesses. 
Another  symbol,  founded  also,  in  all  probability 
on  words  of  Our  Lord  (*'  Be  ye  . . .  .  harmless  as 
doves,"  Matt.  x.  16)  is  that  of  twelve  doves.  Pau- 
linus,  bishop  of  Nola,  in  the  letter  already  quoted, 
speaks  of  a  mosaic  picture  on  the  roof  of  the  apee 
of  his  church,  on  which  was  represented,  inter 
alia,  a  Cross  surrounded  with  a  '  Corona,'  a  circle 
of  light,  to  use  his  own  words,  and  round  about 
this  Corona  the  figures  of  twelve  doves,  emblem- 
atic of  the  twelve  Apostles.  Beneath  this  picture 
was  the  following  inscription,  descriptive  of  its 
meaning :— - 

"  Pleno  ooroscat  Tiinitaa  mysterio  : 
Stat  Christus  agno ;  vox  Patrls  caelo  tonat ; 
Et  per  oolumbom  Splrilus  Sancius  flui^ 
Cruoem  corona  lucldo  dogit  glubo, 
Coi  coronae  sunt  corona  ApostoU, 
Quorum  flgura  est  in  columbanim  choro." 

A  representation  ^  of  the  Twelve,  nearly  an- 
swering to  this  description,  forms  the  frieze  of  an 
early  sarcophagus  preserved  in  the  Museum  at 
Marseilles,  and  figured  below  (after  Miilin,  Voy^ 
ageSf  etc  plate  Ivi.  6).     Yet  other  symbols  are 

occasionally  used  in  designation  of  Apostles,  bat 
these,  as  being  less  capable  of  definite  interpre- 
tation, are  rather  accompaniments  of  personal 

•  A  cnidflx  with  twelve  doves  upon  the  four  portions 
of  the  cpoas  itself  in  the  apee  of  the  dmrch  of  St  Clement 
at  Rome,  la  of  the  13th  oenlory.  So  Didron,  in  the  Annalet 
Arckaeoloffiquts,  torn,  zxv L  p.  1 7.  Thia  cross  Is  figured  b^ 
Allegranra,  Spitgasione,  &&,  torn.  1.  pi  118. 

108  AP08TLB8 

MpnMnUtloiu  of  the  TwalTe,  thu  BnbiUtnta* 
for  them.  Sucli  tn  palm  tno,  tIubs,  and  other 
trm,  to  which  ■  myttical  nrereace  «u  gitau 
in  Cbriatiui  art  u  well  u  ia  orlf  Chriitfam 
liteimtiiTe.  St  Hila<7  of  Poitou,  commanting  on 
Hitt.  liiL  (tlie  pirabU  of  the  <  Sioapu '  or  Un>- 
tud  PlantX  Me*  in  th«  wad  committwl  to  the 
ground,  anl  then  apringlng  up  therefrom,  a  tjpe 
of  Chriit,  and  in  the  iranoW  of  the  tree,  put 
forth  by  the  Power  of  Chrut,  and  embracing  the 
whole  earth  beneath  their  abade,  a  tjpe  of  the 
Apoatlei,  bnncbei  to  which  Che  Gentilea,  like 
bird*  of  the  air,  ihonld  fly  from  the  world's 
troubling  storms,  and  find  rut.  St.  Augnatine 
Dees  nearly  aimilar  language  in  referenm  to  the 
aame  parable.  (Smno  in  Ftslo  S.  LaumtU.) 
And  thta  traditional  application   aSbrda  a  pro- 

bable  interpretation  of  the  amall  bosh-Uke  tntei 
which  ore  aeen  tanidated  In  aome  earlr  bfcm 
with  epiraa  of  Onr  Lord  and  the  ApoatW  Tla 
iTmboliiiD  of  the  Tine  mnlted  oatntaliy  friM 
the  words  addrsnad  lo  Hie  dlscipiea  by  OnrLoB 
("lamthBTmel  y*  an  the  branchee,"  Job. ir. 
5).  The  palm-tree,  as  the  recognised  lymbol  el 
Tietory  and  of  triumph,  waa  saggeatiTe  of  tlii 
aame  Ihoughta  si  those  indicated  by  the  Tictoi'i 
chaplet  (pimjm)  which  Apoatles  often  b«r  is 
their  hands,  or  have  beitowed  upon  them  bra 
hand  Irom  heaTeii. 

Yet  one  other  lymbol  may  be  reftmd  le, 
nniquB  of  its  kind,  adopted,  eo  it  baa  been  ia^ 
nionily  suggeatod,'  by  soma  poor  man  who  eoold 
not  by  aoy  other  more  elaborate  means  eiprm  tht 
Chriatian  bith  and  hope  ia  which  he  r«al«l.   On 

the  walls  of  the  cemetery  of  St.  Calliitua  ia  an 
'--  -•-■Ion,  in  1     ■       ■         ■  •  ■ 



The  oantral  letten  of  the  inscription  are  belleTad 
to  reprvarat  the  A  and  Q,  which  frequently  occur 
In  early  monuments  ai  symbols  of  Oai  Lord ; 
while  the  twelve  letters  on  either  side  signify 
the  tweire  Apoatlea,  who  in  early  monuments, 
and  especially  on  sarcophagi,  are  frtqaently  re- 
presented, ail  on  either  hand. 

%  9.  Zaitr  coatentimal  dtsignatioru  of  tht 
different  J/iostfes.— Christian  art  in  the  West 
for  the  last  fire  centuries,  or  rather  more,  haa 
assigned  special  attributes  to  each  one  of  the 
Twelve,  moat  of  them  having  reference  to  late 
traditiona  omaerning  them,  unknown  to  the  earlv 
Church.  These  traditions,  by  their  late  date, 
lie  beyond  the  range  properly  embraced  by  the 
present  work.  But  for  the  sake  of  comparison 
and  contrast  with  the  older  representations  alwTe 
described,  it  may  be  well  very  briefly  to  notice 
them.  For  fuller  particulars,  the  reader  shonld 
consult  Didron's  Manuel  tTlconograpAie  (see  be- 
low S  12)  and  Jameson's  Saertd  and  Ltgendaru 

%  10.  Am  AuOiort  of  Mparate  ArticUi  qf  Vie 
Cried. — Probably  the  earliest  of  these  later  modes 

i after  1300  a.D.)  of  designating  the  several 
kpostles,  is  that  of  assigning  to  each  (written  on 
a  scroll  held  in  the  hand)  the  particular  article 
of  the  Creed  of  which  each  was,  by  tradition,  the 
author.  (For  the  tradition  as  to  this  autborahip, 
aee  l>urand],  Rationale,  lib.  iv.  cap,  xxr.)  In  the 
cathedral  church  of  AIbi  (DidroD,  Manual  iTIco- 
nograpMe,  p.  3M)  the  Apoetloa  are  teptwented 
ID  thii  manner. 

S  11.  DiitinsvwAed  by  tpeciai  Iniignii.—it 
an  eumpla  of  yet  another  mode  of  desigcathig 
the  Apostles  individoBllj,  we  may  refer  (with 

Limousin  in  the  church  of  St.  Peter  at  Cbartre, 
The  Twelve  are  there  represented  with  the  fol- 
lowing insignia:— St.  Peter  with  the  Keys;  St. 
Paul  with  a  Sword  ;i  at.  Andrew  with  a  Cna, 
saltier-wise;' St.  John  with  aChalicejf  St.  Jama 
theLaaawithaBookSandaClub;'  St.Jamestht 
Elder  with  a  Pilgrim's  StaH;^  a  broad  Hat'  witb 
acaUop-ahelta,  and  a  Book ;  I  St.  Thomaa  with  ai 
Architect's  Square;'    St.  Philip  with    a  smaU 

ample.  In  that  of 

ird,  «illi  tiFD  AposUe*  on  dllwr  I 
IL  AgiKS  at  Rome.    AHngU,  S. 


tc    Fama.  ITMi 

'  As  the  tostnuoHit  by  wbLdi  he  waa  belle  vedlolitTt 
anf&red  mar^rdoDi :  or  (so  Dunndo^  Hai,  \,  9p.  1U.  It] 
aaa  Kidler  r>t  Chrtil,  ansed  (sDbe  probsblj  would  au(|"i) 

Hsnjniliigies  (snd  In  one  or  two  Western  «SD|ln) 
CTudAcd  on  a  cross  of  tbc  cnll- 
Eee  ibe  JAiuhybw  crasemt,  VOL  L  p.  HI 

srdiilecU  sad  buiUexa 



OsH,  tb«  ftaff  of  which  is  knotted  like  a  reed ;^ 
Sl  XattiMW  with  a  Pike  (or  Spear);-  St  Ma- 
tUas  with  an  Axe;"  St.  Bartholomew  with  a 
Book*  and  a  Knife  ;■  St.  Simon  with  a  Saw.* 

1 11  AuUkfniiet  referred  to.— In  the  fbllow- 
ii^  aection  are  enumerated  the  principal  works 
ia  wkidb  the  monuments  aboye  refernd  to  are 
fi^ared  or  described.  For  the  Syriac  MS.  re- 
fend  to  in  §  2,  see  the  BMiotheca  Medicea  of 
&  E.  AaRmanns,  Florentiae,  fol.  1742.  For  the 
Greek  Monomenta,  see  Texier  and  PuUan,  Byzan^ 
tm  Ard^iiectMre,  Ibl.  London,  1864.  The  MenO' 
kfiim  Qraeeormm  referred  to  in  §  2  was  published 
at  Drbino,  3  Tola.  fol.  1727.  And  on  the  subject 
«f  the  kter  Greek  Religious  Art  generallj,  see  Di- 
dxen,  MoHmel  ^loonograpkie  CkiiUenM,  Qrecqae, 
4  Laiiaej  Flaris,  1845.  (This  is  a  French  trans- 
ktioa  of  the  'Epfn|yc(a  rqs  (tfypo^iciyf,  or 
'htater's  Guide '  of  Penselinoe,  a  monk  of  Mount 
Ithaa  in  the  1 1th  century,  and  the  recognised 
sithority  in  the  achool  of  Greek  Art  which  has 
its  entre  in  the  same  **  holy  mountain  "  to  this 
day.  It  is  enriched  with  very  yaluable  notes  by 
tkc  editor.  For  what  relates  to  the  Apostles, 
aee  pi  299  sjg.)  For  early  monuments  at  Bome 
sad  Sayeana  —  Ciampini,  Vetera  Monumenta, 
Basne,  f>L  1699 ;  and  for  those  of  the  Roman 
CHacnmba  more  particularly  —  Aringhi,  JRoma 
SMerraneOy  2  rols.  foL  Romae,  1651,  or  Bottari, 
BaUture  e  Pitture  eagre,  etc,  Romae,  fol.  1737 ; 
Pienek,  CataoonAee  de  Borne,  6  vols.  fol.  Paris, 
1S51  (not  always  to  be  depended  on  in  matters 
af  detail);  Alemannas,  de  Parietinie  Lateranen- 
ai&ai,  R<Hiiae,  4*  1625 ;  and  for  ancient  ornaments 
ia  Glass,  chiefly  from  the  Roman  Catacombs, 
Gamed,  Vetri  omati,  etc  Roma,  1864.  For 
■loauinenta  at  Verona,  Maffei,  Ver<ma  Hhutrata, 
M.  1732 ;  and  at  Milan,  All^ranza  (Giuseppe), 
Spkgazitme  e  Bifieseioni,  etc,  Milano,  4»  1757. 
For  eariy  sarcophagi  at  Aries,  Marseilles,  Aix, 
aad  other  towns  in  France,  the  chief  authority 
is  MtUin,  Voyagea  dans  lea  D^rtemena  du  Midi 
dt  b  France,  8*  and  4*  Paris,  1807-1811.  One 
BMiament  of  special  interest,  that  of  the  Sancta 
Padentiatta  at  Rome  (the  figures  of  the  Twelve, 
tai  only  of  which  now  remain,  are  believed  with 
good  reason  to  be  of  the  4th  century,  though 
the  upper  part  of  the  mosaic  is  of  the  8th)  may 
best  be  studied  in  the  coloured  drawing  and 
dcKription  giren  by  Labarte,  Histoire  dea  Aria 
IndairieU,  etc,  toL  it.  p.  166  eqq.,  and  the 
AAoti  of  Platea,  toL  ii.  pi.  czxi.  This  mosaic 
is  abo  represented  in  Gaily  Knight,  'EooUaiaa' 
tkai  Architecture  <f  Italy  (London,  1842),  toI.  i. 
pL  xxfii.  [W.  B.  M.] 

— L  Feeticala. — 1.  In  the  Apoatolical  Conati- 
Mmb*  (TiiL  33,  §  3)  we  find  abstinence  from 
Uwor  enjoined  on  certain  "  days  of  the  Apostles  ** 
(tAs  \iUfn  Tw  kwocr6XMW  iipytlrateav),  but 

k  *  Fettle  cnte  do  rooaanz.**   So  Dldnm.    A  reference 
S.  and  L,A.p.  S42.  aad  to  the  drawing  there 
the  ezplaiiatlon  above  gfven.    The  shape 
is  that  of  a  trendUr'a  ataff;  and  the  emUnn 
the  apDollo  as  a  preodier  of  Christ  crucified  to 

*  8ae  note  ',  peeoaAng  page. 

*  S«  note  f  .  preceding  page. 

*  AeoDRHag  to  Wntera  tradition  Be  was  sawn  ascnder; 
tat  la  the  Oraak  repreaantatlon  of  his  martyrdom  he 
b  aflxfld  to  a  cnaa  exactly  Hke  that  of  our  Savloiir 

what  these  days  were  does  not  appear,  though 
the  injunction  to  abstain  from  labour  betokena 
a  great  festival. 

2.  As  the  aervices  of  Easter  week,  following 
the  evangelic  narrative  of  the  events  after  the 
Resurrection,  placed  a  commemoration  of  the 
aolemn  aending  and  consecration  of  the  Apostles 
(St.  John  xz.  21-23)  on  the  first  Sunday  after 
Easter,  this  day  appears  to  have  been  sometimes 
called  <<the  Sunday  of  the  Apostles."  This 
Sunday  was  one  of  the  highest  festivals  in  the 
Ethiopian  Calendar  (Alt,  ChriaUiche  Cultua.  u. 
33, 184). 

3.  In  the  West  the  oommemoiation  of  all  the 
Apostles  was  anciently  joined  with  that  of  the 
two  great  Apostles,  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul ;  and 
this  festival  appears  to  have  been,  at  the  time  of 
its  first  institution,  the  only  ftstival  in  honour 
of  the  Apostles;  for  we  find  in  the  Missae  for 
that  festival  in  the  Leonine  Sacramentary 
(Migne's  Patrol,  vol.  55,  p.  44)  an  **  oratio  super 
oblata,"  which  runs,  **Omnipotens  sempiteme 
Dens,  qui  nos  omnium  apostolorum  merita  sub 
una  tribuisti  cekbritate  venerari."  And  this 
seems  to  have  been  the  case  also  when  the 
^Epistola  ad  Chromatium"  quoted  by  Cas- 
siodorus  (in  Leonine  Sacram,  p.  44)  was  written ; 
for  we  there  read  that  the  Apostles  were  com- 
memorated on  one  day,  '*ut  dies  varii  non 
videantur  dividere  quos  una  dignitas  Apostolatus 
in  coelesti  gloria  fecit  esse  sublimes.** 

4.  It  was  no  doubt  from  this  close  connection 
with  the  Festival  of  SS.  Peter  and  Paul  (June  29) 
that  the  Festival  of  the  Twelve  Apostles  (:S^va(if 
r&v  SiiSeKa  *K'Kwrr6\wv)  came  to  be  celebrated  in 
the  orthodox  Gh*eek  church  on  the  morrow  of 
that  festival — June  30 — as  it  is  to  this  day. 
This  is  a  great  festival,  with  abstinence  from 
labour  (^Apyla). 

5.  In  the  Armenian  calendar,  the  Satuoday  of 
the  sixth  week  after  Pentecost  is  dedicated  to  the 
Twelve  Holy  Apostles,  and  their  chiefr,  Peter 
and  Paul ;  and  the  Tuesday  in  the  fifth  week 
after  the  elevation  of  the  Cross  is  dedicated  to 
Ananias  of  Damascus,  Matthias,  Barnabas,  Philip, 
Stephen,  Silas  and  Silvanus,  and  the  Twelve 
Apostles.    (Alt,  ChriaUiche  Cultua,  ii.  242,  256.) 

6.  The  Micrologus  tells  us  (c.  55)  that  on 
May  1,  *Mnvenitur  in  Martyrologiis  sive  in 
Sac^ttmentariis  festivitas  SS.  Philippi  et  Jacob. 
et  omnium  Apoatohntm,"  The  existing  Mar- 
tyrologies  and  Sacramentaries,  however,  men- 
tion no  commemoration  on  May  1,  beyond  that 
of  SS.  Philip  and  James ;  but  the  mention  of  a 
commemoration  of  all  Apostles  may  have  arisen 
from  the  *'  Deposition*'  of  the  bodies  of  SS.  Philip 
and  James  in  the  **  Basilica  omnium  Apostolo- 
rum.** (Binterim*s  DenkwHrdigkeiteny  v.  i.  365 ; 
Wetzer  and  Welte's  Kirchenlexiconf  xii.  57.) 

7.  The  15th  of  July  is  in  the  Roman  calendar 
the  Feast  of  the  **  Division  of  the  Apostles,'* 
(Divisio  SS.  Apostolorum).  This  was  probably 
intended  to  commemorate  the  traditional  event 
related  by  Rufinus  (^K  E.,  1. 9),  that  the  Apostles, 
before  leaving  Jerusalem  to  begin  their  work  of 
preaching  the  Gospel  to  all  nations,  determined 
by  lot  the  portions  of  the  world  which  each 
should  evangelise.  By  others,  however,  the 
Feast  ia  supposed  to  commemorate  the  *'  IMvisio 
oaaium  Petri  et  PaulL**  The  legend  to  which 
this  refers  is  as  follows: — ^The  remains  of  St. 

I  Peter  and  St.  Paul  were  placed  together  after  their 



martyrdom,  and  when  Po]te  Sylvester,  at  the 
consecration  of  the  great  charch  of  St.  Peter, 
desired  to  place  the  sacred  remains  of  the  patron 
«amt  in  an  altar,  it  was  found  impossible  to  dis- 
tinguish them  from  those  of  St.  Panl ;  but  after 
fiisting  and  prayer,  a  divine  voice  revealed  that 
the  larger  bones  were  those  of  the  Preacher,  the 
amaller  of  the  Fisherman;  and  they  were  con- 
sequently placed  in  the  churches  of  St.  Peter 
and  St.  Paul  respectively.  (Ciampini,  de  Sacris 
AedifciUy  p.  53,  quoting  Beleth,  Explicat.  Divin, 
Offic.  c.  138.) 

II.  Fasts, — 1.  As  early  as  the  ApostoliccU 
Constitutions  (v.  20,  §  7)  we  find  the  week  fol- 
iowi^ig  the  octave  of  Pentecost  marked  as  a  fast. 
The  intention  of  this  probably  was,  as  no  fast 
was  allowable  in  the  joyful  season  between  Pasch 
and  Pentecost,  that  men  should  endeavour  to 
render  themselves  fit  recipients  of  the  gifts  of 
the  Holy  Spirit  by  subsequent  mortification. 
This  fiist  was  afterwards  extended  to  the  eve  of 
the  Festival  of  SS.  Peter  and  Paul,  and  as  it 
now  filled  the  whole  space  between  the  **  Apostle 
Sunday"  and  the  great  commemorations  of  the 
Apostles  on  June  29  and  June  30,  it  came  to  be 
called  the  <*  Apostles'  Fast,"  N97<rrcfa  rwr  ayiwp 
*Awoar6Kmv,  (Augusti,  BancRmch  der  Christl. 
Archaologiey  iii.  481.) 

2.  There  is  a  collect  for  a  Fast  in  the  mass 
already  referred  to  in  the  Leonine  Sacramentary. 
This,  perhaps,  indicates  that  an  extraordinary 
fast,  instituted  in  the  time  of  St.  Leo  for  the 
relief  of  Rome,  or  for  some  other  reason,  con- 
curred with  the  Festival  of  All  Apostles.  (Note 
in  the  Leonine  Saoram,  Migne's  Patrol.  voL  55, 
p.  44.) 

IIL  Dedications. — ^A  church  (Mapr^ptov),  de- 
dicated to  the  Twelve  Apostles,  second  in 
splendour  only  to  that  of  St.  Sophia,  was  built 
at  Constantinople  by  Constantine  the  Great,  who 
intended  it  for  the  place  of  his  own  sepulture 
(Eusebius,  Vita  Constantini,  lib.  iv.,  cc.  58-60). 
He  also  dedicated  at  Capua,  in  honour  of  the 
Apostles,  a  church  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of 
Constantinian  {Liber  Fontif.,  under  *  Sylvester,' 
Muratori  Scriptores,  iii.  1).  The  ancient  church 
at  Rome  dedicated  to  the  Apostles,  is  said  to  have 
been  begun  by  Pope  Pelagius  L  (555-560),  and 
completed  by  his  successor  John  III.  (560-573). 
(Ciampini,  de  Sacris  Aedif.  p.  137.)  [C] 

APOSTOLUS,  the  formal  missive  of  the  judge 
of  a  lower  court,  whereby  a  cause  was  trans- 
ferred to  a  higher  court  to  which  appeal  had 
been  made  from  him.     See  Justinian,  Cod.  vii. , 
62,  &c.  &c.,  and  under  Appeals.       [A.  W.  H.] 

A.D.,  Dionysius  Exiguus,  a  Roman  monk  of  great 
learning,  at  tlie  request  of  Stephen,  Bishop  of 
Salona,  made  a  collection  of  Greek  canons,  trans- 
lating them  into  Latin.  At  the  head  of  this 
collection  he  placed  50  canons,  with  this  title, 
''  Incipiunt  Regulae  Ecclesiasticae  sanctorum 
Apostolorum,  prolatae  per  Clementem  Ecclesiae 
Romanae  Pontificem."  At  the  same  time,  how- 
ever, Dionysius  says  in  the  preface  to  his  work, 
**  In  principio  itaque  canones,  qui  dicuntur  Apos- 
tolorum, de  Graeco  transtulimus,  qu^rus  quia 
plurimi  consensum  non  praebuere  facilenij  hoc 
ipsum  vestram  noluimus  ignorare  sanctitatem, 
quamvis  postea  quaedam  constituta  pontificum 
«x  ipsis  canonibus  assumpta  esse  videantur.'* 

These  words  obviously  point  to  a  difimnoe  of 
opinion  prevailing  in  the  Church,  though  it  hu 
been  doubted  by  some  whether  the  dissentienti 
spoken  of  rejected  the  canons  altogether,  or 
merely  denied  that  they  were  the  work  of  the 
apostles.  And  with  regard  to  the  last  claose,  it 
is  much  disputed  whether  previous  popes  can  be 
shown  to  have  known  and  cited  these  canons." 
Hefele  denies  that  **  Pontifices  "  means  Popes,  and 
would  understand  it  of  bishops  in  their  synoidical 

The  subsequent  course  taken  by  the  Church  of 
Rome  in  relation  to  these  canons  is  not  aitc^ther 
clear.  In  the  last  decade  of  the  5th  century 
Pope  Gelasius  published  a  decree  De  LSbris  non  re- 
cipiendis,  and  in  the  text  of  this  decree  as  it  now 
stands  in  the  Decretum  Oratiani  there  appean^ 
amongst  other  rejected  works,  '  Liber  canonmn 
Apostolorum  apocryphus.'  But  it  is  said  that 
these  words  are  not  found  in  the  most  andoit 
MSS.  of  the  decree,  and  Hincmar  of  Rheims,  in 
speaking  of  it,  expressly  says  that  Gelasius  is 
silent  as  to  the  Apostolical  Canons.  Moreover, 
Dionysius,  who  was  by  birth  a  Scythian,  does  not 
seem  to  have  come  to  Rome  until  after  the  death 
of  Gelasius,  and  consequently  his  collection  cannot 
have  appeared  at  the  time  of  the  decree.*^ 

Hefele  therefore  thinks  that  the  words  inqQe»> 
tion  were  for  the  first  time  inserted  by  Pope  Hor- 
misdas  (514-523),  when  he  republished  the  decree 
'  De  Libris  non  recipiendis '  {ConcUiengeschi^dej  i. 
719).'  If  so,  the  point  is  not  very  material.  It 
is  clear  that  Dionysius,  in  setting  forth  a  lata" 
collection  during  the  popedom  of  Hormisdas  (of 
which  the  preface  alone  is  now  extant)  left  out 
these  canons.  He  says :  '*  Omones  qui  dicuntur 
Apostolorum  et  Sardicensis  ooncilii  atque  Afri* 
canae  provinciae  quos  non  admisit  universUaSj  ego 
quoque  in  hoc  opere  praet^rmisi,  &c"  * 

•  Bishop  Pearaon  conteDds  that  Leot  Innocent,  and  Ge* 
laslos  blnuelt  refer  to  them  (Ftndtc.  Tgnatn  part  L  ajk 
iv.) ;  but  this  has  been  as  stroogly  denied.  Bickell  thinks 
Uiat  DionyslTis  may  have  had  in  view  expresdaDi  of 
Siricius  (Sp.  ad  Div.  Epiic.,  anno  386)  and  Innocent  (Jl^ 
ad  Yiclric.,  anno  404),  which,  however,  he  conceives  him 
to  have  misunderstood  (GeaA.  det  JTircAenreohis,  p.  T4). 
Von  Drey  seems  to  think  the  canons  were  not  known  at 
Rome  till  the  version  of  Dionysius ;  bnt  Hefele  dbaarm 
that  they  might  have  been  known  in  their  Greek  &nik 
Dionysius  in  his  preface  aays  that  he  had  been  exhorted 
to  the  work  of  translation  by  his  friend  Laurentius,  who 
was  "  confuslone  prlscae  translationis  ofiensos.'*  Does  thii 
point  to  an  existing  version  of  the  canons,  or  Is  it  to  te 
understood  of  the  other  matters  contained  in  his  col- 
lection f  The  latter  seems  moat  ta  accordance  with  the 
received  theory. 

b  See  his  CondUengesekichte,  voL  L  pb  76t.  Bat  mdni 
it  can  be  Ihnited  to  Eastern  bishops,  this  view  wwld 
equally  admit  that  the  canons  so  quoted  or  relied  an  nrait 
have  been  known  in  the  Western  Ghurdi. 

«  Dionysius  says  in  his  prefinoe :  "  Noa  qui  earn  (6«- 
laaium)  praesentii  corporali  non  vidimus."  This  in  itself 
would  not  be  conclusive  as  to  the  decree,  thou^  the  only 
alternative  would  be  to  admit  that  the  canons  were  knofn 
at  Rome  beftHre  Dionysins's  translation.  Bishc^  PBarBoo 
seeks  to  throw  donbi  on  the  decree  (  Vindic,  IgnaL,  part  L 
cap.  iv.) ;  but  much  of  his  reasoning  is  not  laconrinlirt 
with  the  theory  of  Hefele. 

d  So  too,  apparently,  Bickell,  vol.  i.  p.  74. 

*  Cited  in  Bickell  (i.  lb),  who  also  mentions  that  they 
were  omitted  fhnn  the  Spanish  collection  of  canons  in  the 
7th  century,  with  these  words :  **  Ouiones  antem  qui 
dicuntur  Apostolorum.  sed  quia  eoadem  neo  sedea  apM* 
toUca  redpil,  nee  S&  patrea  UUs  oonseQsom  praidmeni&i. 




At  aD  ercnts  it  must  be  taken  that  the  Church 
•f  SoBM  U  the  precent  day  does  not  accept  these 
ouMH  at  of  apostolic  authority.  Though  the 
dtatioas  made  by  Qratian  under  the  head  ^  De 
aactoritate  et  numero  Canonum  Apcetolorum/' 
are  not  Tery  consistent  with  each  other,  yet  the 
latart  caaonists  speak  more  distinctly. 

*'CuoMS  illi  non  sunt  opus  genuinum  aposto- 
kmn,  mc  <A  omni  naevo  immuna  ;  merito  tamen 
RpaUntnr  insigne  monumentum  disciplinae  Ec- 
dense  per  priora  secula,"  says  M.  Icard  in  his 
f^•m^0ctionel  Jwis  Cammici  at  St.  Sulpice  (pub- 
tiihed  with  the  approbation  of  the  anthorities  of 
Ikf  Charcfa)  in  1862,  and  he  then  cites  the  Gela- 
dccree  declaring  them  apocryphal. 

Nereitheless  great  attention  has  been  paid  to 
Extracts  were  admitted  by  Gratian  into 
the  Deeretnm,  and,  in  the  words  of  Phillips  ('  Du 
Droit  eeclesiastique  dans  ses  Sources,'  Paris,  1852) 
*^iis  oat  pris  rang  dans  la  legislation  canonique." 

But  we  must  return  to  the  6th  century, 
iboot  fifty  years  after  the  work  of  Dionysius, 
Joka  of  Antioch,  otherwise  called  Johannes  Scho- 
lasticos,  patriarch  of  Constantinople,  set  forth  a 
wiwnjfim  aor^rwr,  which  contained  not  50  but 
8S  GuKMB  of  the  Apostles.  And  in  the  year  692 
tkee  were  expressly  recognized  in  the  decrees  of 
tlw  Qoinisextine  Council,  not  only  as  binding 
cuoas,  but  (it  would  seem)  as  of  apostolic  ori- 
pnJ  They  are  therefore  in  force  in  the  Greek 

How  it  came  to  pass  that  Dionysius  translated 
•alj  50  does  not  appear.  Some  writers  hare 
supposed  that  he  rejected  what  was  not  to  be  re- 
eoBoled  with  the  Roman  practice.*  But,  as 
Hcfele  obsenres,  this  could  hardly  be  his  motive, 
inssmach  as  he  retains  a  canon  as  to  the  nullity 
of  heretical  baptism,  which  is  at  variance  with 
the  view  of  the  Western  Church.  Hence  it  has 
been  suggested  that  the  MS.  used  by  Dionvsius 
vas  of  a  different  class  from  that  of  John  o^  An- 
tioch (for  they  vary  in  some  expressions,  and 
hsre  also  a  difference  in  the  numbering  of  the 
eaaoBsX  and  that  it  may  have  had  only  the  50 
tmslated  by  the  former.  And  an  inference  has 
also  been  drawn  that  the  35  latter  canons  are  of 
later  date.^  Indeed,  according  to  some,  they 
are  obviously  of  a  different  type,  and  were  pos- 
hUj  added  to  the  collection  at  the  same  time 

p(o  eo  qood  ab  haeretkls  sab  nomtne  Apootoloram  oom- 
PmM  digBoeeQiitar,  qoamTis  in  eladem  quaedmm  Inve- 
ntSlktL,  soctorttate  tamen  csnoDlca  et  apostolica 

et  inter  apocrypha 

■M  wwrntmadrta^  Mon  /iCM&r  aol  ««o  rov  vw  fitfiaiovt 
■H  o»f^W  *P^  ^x^  $«paania9  koa  iaxfi^Cav  waBmv 
Vivf  vrt  Mr  «p^  iw^^  myium  xal  fuutafiUiv  wariptov 

OuL  IL.  dted  In  Ultzen.  Preil 

DeifiMge  sTfuca  that  the  word  MfiAri  shewn  that, 
vhde  their  valktity  as  canons  of  the  Church  was  admitted, 
ttelr  a|«stolicil  origin  wa^  not  decided.  Gontra  Hefele, 
i^tiotaimffetek.  L  7t8. 

The  additioaal  35  csnons  in  the  collection  of  Scho- 
hadcas  have  not  been  In  any  way  recognised  by  the 
3Baf4  of  SdoMu 

•  Ax  for  lastanee;  DeMarca;  and  aee  Ayllffc's  Partrgon, 
banU  p,iw. 

^  See  oa  this  mbject,  Hefele,  L  T68.    SchoUsUcos  sstb 
I  pievhius  oottectkna  oontainlng  85. 

that  the  canons  were  appended  to  the  Constitu* 

It  is  time  to  come  to  the  Canons  themselves. 
Both  in  the  collection  of  John  of  Antioch  and  in 
that  of  Dionysius  they  are  alleged  to  have  been 
drawn  up  by  Clement  from  the  directions  of  the 
Apostles.  In  several  places  the  Apostles  speak  in 
the  first  person,*'  and  in  the  85th  canon  Clement 
uses  the  first  person  singular  of  himself.' 

Their  subjects  are  briefly  as  follow : — i 

I  &  2  (I.  &  II.).  Bishop  to  be  ordained  by  two 
or  three  bishops ;  presbyters  and  deacons,  and  the 
rest  of  the  cleri(^  body  by  one. 

3  &  4  (III.)  relate  to  what  is  proper  to  be  of- 
fered at  the  altar ;  mentioning  new  com,  grapes, 
and  oil,  and  incense  at  the  time  of  the  holy  ob- 

5  (IV.).  First-fruits  of  other  things  are  to  be 
sent  to  the  clergy  at  their  home,  not  brought  to 
the  altar. 

6  (V.).  Bishop  or  presbyter  or  deacon  not  to 
put  away  his  wife  under  pretence  of  piety. 

7  (VI.).  Clergy  not  to  take  secular  cares  on 

8  (VII.).  Nor  to  keep  Easter  before  the  vernal 
equinox,  according  to  the  Jewish  system. 

9  (VIII.).  Nor  to  fail  to  communicate  without 
some  good  reason. 

10  (IX.).  Laity  not  to  be  present  at  the  read- 
ing of  the  Scriptures  without  remaining  for 
prayer  and  the  Communion. 

II  (X.).  None  to  join  in  prayer,  even  in  a 
house,  with  an  excommunicate  person. 

12  (XI.).  Clergy  not  to  join  in  prayer  with  a 
deposed  man  as  if  he  were  still  a  cleric. 

13  (XII.  &  XIII.).  Clergy  or  lay  persons,  being 
under  excommunication  or  not  admitted  to  Com- 
munion, going  to  another  city  not  to  be  received 
without  letters. 

14  (XIV.).  Bishop  not  to  leave  his  own  diocese 
and  invade  another,  even  on  request,  except  for 
good  reasons,  as  in  case  he  can  confer  spiritual 
benefit ;  nor  even  then  except  by  the  judgment  of 
many  other  bishops,  and  at  pressing  request. 

15  (XV.).  If  clergy  leave  their  own  diocese, 
and  take  up  their  abode  in  another  without  con- 
sent of  their  own  bishop,  they  are  not  to  perform 
clerical  functions  there. 

16  (XVI.).  Bishop  of  such  diocese  not  to  treat 
them  as  clergy. 

17  (XVII.).  One  twice  married  after  baptism, 
or  who  has  taken  a  concubine,  not  to  be  a  cleric. 

18  (XVIII.).  One  who  has  married  a  widow  or 
divorced  woman,  or  a  courtesan  or  a  slave,  or 
an  actress,  not  to  be  admitted  into  the  clerical 

t  So  Bickell.  i.  86  and  235.  For  the  CoDsUtntions,  see 
the  next  article. 

^  Beveridge  however  contenda,  from  the  variations  and 
omittlons  in  MSS.  and  versions,  that  the  introduction  of 
the  first  person  is  a  mere  interpolation  of  late  date,  in 
order  to  promote  the  fiction  of  apostolic  origin  (Cod.  Can. 
in  Ootel.,  vol.  iL  p.  73,  Appendix).  See  instances  in 
Canons  XXIX.,  L.,  LXXXIU  LXXX  V.  The  various  read- 
ings may  bo  seen  in  LHtxen's  edition,  afad  in  Lagarde's 
Iteliq.  Jur.  Eoda.  Anliquitt, 

1  The  numbering  varies.  Thus  Canon  III.  of  the  Greek 
text  Is  divided  into  two  by  Dionydns.  The  Arabic  nu- 
merals represent  the  order  in  Dionysius ;  the  Roman  that 
in  the  Greek  of  Johannes  Scholasticus.  Coielerius,  again, 
gives  a  dlffenait  nnmbexing,  making  the  canons  only  It 



19  (XEL).  Nor  one  who  has  married  two  sis- 
ters or  his  niece. 

20  (XX.).  Clergy  not  to  become  sureties. 

21  (XXI.).  One  who  has  been  made  a  eonnch 
by  violence,  or  in  a  persecution,  or  was  so  born, 
may  be  a  bishop. 

22  (XXII.).  But  if  made  so  by  his  own  act, 
cannot  be  cleric 

23  (XXIII.>  A  cleric  making  himself  so,  to  be 

24  (XXrV.).  A  layman  making  himself  a 
eonnch  to  be  shut  out  m>m  Commnnion  for  three 

25  &  26  (XXV.).  Clerics  guilty  of  inconti- 
nence, perjory,  or  theft,  to  be  deposed,  but  not 
excommunicated  (citing  Nah,  1,  9  ovit  Muc^trtis 
ais  M  rh  abrhy 

27  (XXVI.).  None  to  marry  after  entering  the 
clerical  body,  except  readers  and  singers. 

28  (XXvIIA  Clergy  not  to  strike  offenders. 

29  (XXVIU.).  Clergy  deposed  not  to  presume 
to  act,  on  pain  of  being  wholly  cut  off  from  the 

30  (XXIX.).  Bishop,  &c.  obtaining  ordination 
by  money  to  be  deposed,  and,  together  with  him 
who  ordained  him,  cut  off  from  communion,  as 
was  Simon  Magus  by  me,  Peter. 

31  (XXX.).  Bishop  obtaining  a  church  by 
means  of  secidar  rulers  to  be  deposed,  &c 

32  (XXXI.).  Presbyters  not  to  set  up  a  sepa- 
rate congregation  and  altar  in  contempt  of  his 
bishop,  when  the  bishop  is  just  and  godly, 

33  (XXXII.).  Presbyter  or  deacon  nnider  sen- 
tence of  his  own  bishop  not  to  be  receiyed  else- 

34  (XXXIII.\  Clergy  from  a  distance  not  to 
be  received  without  letters  of  commendation,  nor 
unless  they  be  preachers  of  godliness  are  they 
to  have  anything  beyond  the  supply  of  their 

35  (XXXIV.).  The  bishops  of  every  nation  are 
to  know  who  is  chief  among  them,  and  to  consi- 
der him  their  head,  and  do  nothing  without  his 
judgment,  except  the  affairs  of  their  own  dio- 
ceses, nor  must  he  do  anything  without  their 

36  (XXXV.).  Bishop  not  to  ordain  out  of  his 

37  (XXXVI.).  Clergy  not  to  neglect  to  enter 
on  the  charge  to  which  they  are  appointed,  nor 
the  people  to  refbse  to  receive  them. 

38  (XXXVIL).  Synod  of  bishops  to  be  held 
twice  a  year  to  settle  controversies. 

39  (XXXVIIL).  Bishop  to  have  care  of  all  ec- 
clesiastical affurs,  but  not  to  appropriate  any- 
thing for  his  own  family,  except  to  grant  them 
relief  if  in  poverty. 

40  (XXXIX.  &  XL.).  Clergy  to  do  nothing 
without  bishop.  Bishop  to  keep  his  own  affairs 
separate  from  those  of  tne  Churdi,  and  to  provide 
for  his  family  out  of  his  own  property. 

41  (XLI.).  Bishop  to  have  power  over  all  eccle- 
siastical affairs,  and  to  distribute  through  the 
presbyters  and  deacons,  and  to  have  a  share  him- 
self if  required. 

42  (XLII.).  Cleric  not  to  play  dice  or  take  to 

43  (XLIII.).  Same  as  to  subdeacon,  reader, 
singer,  or  layman. 

44  (XLIV.).  Clergy  not  to  take  usury. 

45  (XL v.).  Clergy  not  to  pray  with  heretics, 
itill  less  to  allow  them  to  act  as  clergy. 


46  (XLVI.).  Clergy  not  to  recognise  herttied 
baptism  or  sacrifice. 

47  (XLVII.).  Clergy  not  to  rebaptize  one  trvly 
baptized,  nor  to  omit  to  baptize  one  polluted  by 
the  ungodly,*  otherwise  he  contemns  the  croa 
and  death  of  the  Lord,  and  does  not  distingokh 
true  priests  from  false. 

48  (XLVIII.).  Laynum  who  has  put  away  his 
wife  not  to  take  another,  nor  to  take  a  divorced 

49  (XUX.).  Baptism  to  be  in  name  of  Father, 
Son,  and  Holy  Ghost,  not  of  three  eternals,  or 
three  sons,  or  three  paracletes. 

50  (L).  Baptism  to  be  performed  by  three  im- 
mersions, making  one  initiation — not  one  single 
immersion  into  &e  Lord's  death. 

LI.  Clergy  not  to  hold  marriage  or  the  use  of 
meat  and  wine  things  evil  in  themselves,  or  to 
abstain  on  any  other  than  ascetic  grounds. 

LII.  Bishop  or  presbyter  to  receive,  not  to  re- 
ject penitents. 

LIU.  Clergy  not  to  reftise  to  partake  of  meat 
and  wine  on  feast  days  [as  if  evil,  or  on  other 
than  ascetic  grounds3. 

LIV.  Clerics  not  to  eat  in  taverns  except  on  a 

LV.  Clerics  not  to  insult  bishop. 

LVL  Nor  presbyter  or  deacon. 

LVII.  Nor  to  mock  the  maimed,  dea^  dumb, 
blind,  or  lame,  nor  must  a  layman  do  so. 

LVIII.  Bishops  and  presbyters  not  to  n^lee; 
their  clergy  or  people. 

LIX.  Nor  to  refuse  succour  to  the  needy 

U.  Nor  to  publish  in  the  church  as  sacred 
works  forged  by  the  ungodly  in  false  names. 

LXI.  Those  convicted  of  incontinence  or  other 
forbidden  practices  not  to  be  admitted  into  the 
clerical  body. 

LXII.  Clerics  from  fear  of  Jew  or  Gentile  or 
heretic  denying  Christ  to  be  excommunicated,  or 
if  only  denying  that  they  are  clerics,  to  be  de- 
posed.  On  repentance,  to  be  admitted  as  laymen. 

LXIII.  Cleric  eating  blood,  or  things  torn  by 
beasts,  or  dying  of  themselves,  to  be  deposed,  ob 
account  of  the  prohibition  in  the  law.  Layma 
doing  so  to  be  excommunicated. 

LXIV.  Cleric  or  layman  entering  synagogue  of 
Jews  or  heretics  to  pray,  to  be  deposed  and  ex- 

LXV.  Cleric  in  a  struggle  striking  a  single 
blow  that  proves  mortal  to  be  deposed  for  his 
precipitancy.    Laymen  to  be  excommunicated. 

LXVI.  Neither  cleric  nor  laym'an  to  fiwt  on 
Sunday  or  on  any  Saturday  but  one.* 

LXVII.  Any  one  doing  violence  to  an  unbe- 
trothed  virgin  to  be  excommunicated.  He  msv 
not  take  another,  but  must  keep  her,  though 

LXVin.  Clergy  not  to  be  ordained  a  second 
time,  unless  when  ordained  by  heretics,  for  those 
baptized  or  ordained  by  heretics  have  not  really 
been  brought  into  the  number  of  the  faithful  or 
of  the  clergy. 

LXIX.  Bishop,  presbyter,  deacon,  reader,  or 
singer,  not  fasting  in  the  holy  forty  days,  or  on 
the  fourth  and  sixth  days,  to  be  deposed,  unless 

*  I.e.  bapUscd  by  hereUca.  HereOosl  bapUon  to 
styled  not  an  InltiatloD,  bat  a  poUntlon.  See  Jftd, 
Cond.  vL  15. 

•  Namely,  that  before  Easter  day.  AfttL  Omd,  % 
18  and  30. 




fnm  bodily  weftkiiMi.    Laymen  to  be 

IXX.  None  to  keep  fut  or  feast  with  the 
Jew,  or  reedre  their  feast-gifts,  as  unleavened 
hwsdaad  so  forth. 

LXXL  No  Chrktiaa  to  give  oil  for  a  heathen 
tenple  or  Jewish  synagogue,  or  to  light  lamps  at 
their  feast  times. 

1.1X11.  Nor  to  purloin  wax  or  oil  from  the 

LXXin.  Nor  to  convert  to  his  own  use  any 
esBsecnted  gold  or  silver  vessel  or  linen. 

LXXIY.  Kshop  accused  by  credible  men,  to  be 
~  by  the  bishops ;  and  if  he  appear  and 
the  charge,  or  be  proved  guilty,  to  have 
spprapriate  sentence ;  but  if  he  do  not  obey  the 
iiumflns,  then  to  be  summoned  a  second  and 
tkird  time  by  two  bishops  personally ;  and  if  he 
itill  be  ooatumacioaa,  then  the  Synod  is  to  make 
tke  fit  decree  against  him,  that  he  may  not  ap- 
pstf  to  gain  anvthing  by  evading  justice. 

LXXY.  No  heretic,  nor  less  than  two  wit- 
MBH,  even  of  the  fiuthful,  to  be  received  against 
sbiikop(Dent.  19,  15). 

LXXYL  Kshop  not  to  ordain  relatives  bishops 
set  of&vonr  or  afiection. 

LXXVIL  One  having  an  eye  injured  or  lame 
■ay  still  be  a  bishop,  if  worthy. 

LXXVIII.  But  not  one  deaf^  dumb,  or  blind,  as 
bdi^  practical  hindrances. 

LXilX.  One  that  has  a  devil  not  to  be  a  cleric, 
DOT  even  to  pray  with  the  faithAil,  but  when 
deaascd  he  may,  if  worthy. 

LXXX.  A  convert  from  the  heathen  or  ftx>m  a 
Tidoas  life  not  forthwith  to  be  made  a  bishop ; 
lor  it  is  not  right  that  while  yet  untried  he 
ihottki  be  a  teacher  of  .others,  unless  this  come 
abMt  in  some  way  by  the  grace  of  God.® 

LXXXL  We  declare  that  a  bishop  or  presbyter 
ii  oat  to  stoop  to  public  [secular]  offices,  but  to 
give  hiauelf  to  the  wants  of  the  Church  (Matt. 

LXXXn.  We  do  not  allow  slaves  to  be  chosen 
isto  the  clerical  body  without  consent  of  their 
Bsateis,  to  the  injury  of  those  who  possess  them, 
&r  this  would  subvert  households.  But  if  a  slave 
Mem  worthy  of  ordination,  as  did  our  Onesimus, 
■ad  the  masters  consent  and  set  him  free,  let  him 

LXXXIII.  Clergy  not  to  serve  in  the  army,  and 
aeck  to  hold  both  Roman  command  and  priestly 
teietOlatt  22,  21). 

LXXXIY.  Those  who  unjustly  insult  a  king  or 
filer  to  be  punished. 

LXXXY.  For  you,  both  clergy  and  laity,  let 
tbert  be,  as  books  to  be  reverenced  and  held  holy, 
iitbc  Old  Testament — ^five  of  Moses,  Genesis,  Exo- 
^  levtticus.  Numbers,  Deuteronomy-M>f  Jesus 
tbe  MB  of  Nun,  one  ;  of  Judges,  one  ;  Ruth,  one ;  of 
Cap,  four ;  of  Panleipomena  the  book  of  days, 
two ;  of  Esd^aa,  two ;  of  Esther,  one ;  of  Macca- 
^  three ;  of  Job,  one ;  of  the  Psalter,  one  ;  of 
Sobmoa,  throe  Proverbs,  Eodesiastes,  Song  of 
SosfB ;  of  the  Prophets,  thirteen ;  of  Isaiah,  one ; 
•f  Jeremiah,  one ;  of  Ezekiel,  one ;  of  Daniel,  one. 
Orer  and  above  b  to  be  mentioned  to  you  that 
yrar  TOQBg  men  study  the  Wisdom  of  the  learned 
Sirach.  But  of  ours,  that  is  of  the  New  Testa- 
■tat,  let   there    ba  four  gospels,  Matthew's, 

*X.c.«BksBhsbedei|gnatedas  such  in  some  apedsl 
*V  ^  lbs  hand  «f  God.    Befsridn  refers  to  the  esse 

Mark's,  Luke's,  John's;  fourteen  epistles  of 
Paul ;  two  epistles  of  Peter ;  three  of  John ;  one 
of  James ;  one  of  Jude ;  two  epistles  of  Clement ; 
and  the  regulations  addressed  to  you  bishops 
through  me,  Clement,  in  eight  books,'  which  it  is 
not  right  to  publish  before  all,  on  account  of  the 
mysteries  in  them;  and  the  Acts  of  us,  the 

The  above  is  merely  the  substance  of  the 
canons  in  an  abridged  form.  It  will  not  of  course 
supersede  the  necessity  of  referring  to  the  origi- 
nal in  order  to  form  an  exact  judgment.  For  tiie 
sake  of  brevity  the  penalties  have  been  in  most 
cases  omitted.  They  are  usually  deposition  for 
the  clergy,  excommunication  for  laymen. 

Turrianus  attempted  to  maintain  that  these 
canons  really  are  what  they  proftss  to  be,  the 
genuine  work  of  the  apostles.  Daill^  on  the 
other  hand,  contended  that  they  were  a  produc- 
tion of  the  middle  or  end  of  the  5th  centurv. 
Against  him  Bishop  Beveridge  entered  the  fielcl ; 
and  in  two  treatises  of  great  learning,  acuteness, 
and  vigour,  4  sought  to  show  that  though  not  the 
work  of  the  apostles  themselves,  they  were  yet 
of  great  antiquity,  being  in  substance  the  decrees 
of  primitive  Synods  convened  in  different  places 
and  at  different  times  during  the  latter  part  of  the 
2nd,  or  at  latest  the  earlier  part  of  the  Srd  cen- 
tury. And  he  frirther  thinks  that  during  the 
Srd  century  they  were  brought  together  and 
formed  into  a  collection  or  Codex  Canonum, 
which  was  recognized,  and  cited  as  of  authority 
in  the  Church. ' 

Bishop  Pearson  also  holds  the  canons  in  a  col- 
lected form  to  have  been  in  existence  prior  to  the 
Council  of  Nice  {Vindic,  Ignat,  part  L  cap.  iv. 
in  Cotel.,  vol.  ii.,  append,  p.  295).  ■ 

It  will  be  well  to  endeavour  to  give  some 
samples  of  the  evidence  which  Beveridge  adduces 
to  show  that  the  canons  are  quoted  at  all  events 
from  the  first  part  of  the  4th  century  down- 

George  of  Cappadocia  buys  the  favour  of  the 
Praefect  of  Egypt,  and  is  thrust  into  the  bishopric 
of  Alexandria.  Athanasius  thereupon  says,  'nnh- 
TO  robs  iKKKiiiriaffriKohs  Kc»6vas  irapaXwrw  (ad 
ubique  orthod.  c.  1,  p.  945).  The  reference,  it  is 
alleged,  is  to  Apost.  Can.  30  (xxix.)  and  31  (xxx.) 

»  Yis.  the  ApotL  CoiuHtettma    See  next  article 

4  *  Jodldom  de  GanoDibos  ApostoUds,'  to  be  fonnd  in 
Ootel.  rotret  Apott,  voL  L  p.  433.  edit  1Y34 ;  snd  *  Codex 
Qmonnm  Eodeslae  Primitfvaa  illosnwtaib  Ibid.  vol.  it 
Appendix,  p.  L 

'  *  Jndlc'  in  OoteL  voL  1.  pp.  43M41 ;  and  see  Cod. 
Can.  In  OoteL  voL  iL  Append,  pp.  S-IO,  et  allU.  He 
appears  to  think  that  in  manj  cases  they  maj  represent 
apostoUcal  traditioos.  They  wen  csUed  "apostoUcal" 
tarn,  this  feeling,  and  also  hecanss  fhuned  by  apoatoUcal 
men.  He  allows,  however,  that  they  were  probably  col- 
lected by  dirers  peracma  aome  of  whom  pot  together 
more,  aome  fbwer.  Henoe  Dknyrtns  firand  only  60  in 
theOodex  flnom  wbidi  he  translatwi.  while  Scolaaticas 
foand  8S.  Hlncmar  of  Rheims  is  cited  hj  BeTerldge  as 
on  his  aide ;  bat  it  woold  aeem  that  he  looked  on  the 
Apostolical  OBaons  ss  ooUectkns  of  apostolical  tradi- 
tknis  made  by  pioos  persons,  rather  than  ss  decrees  off 
fjDods.  He  speaks  of  them  as  "anteqoameplsoopicunctUa 
llbeie  indperent  oclebrare^  a  devotls  qnibnaqne  collectos." 
See  Clod.  0cm.  in  OoteL  voL  li.  App.  p.  IX 

•  The  qnesUoD  of  the  collection,  however,  stands  on 
very  dlibrent  groonds  from  that  of  tlie  antlqailj  of  par- 
ticular canons,  and  the  twopdnts  ahoold  be  kept  sepinM 
in  investigating  the  snltfect 

114        AFOSTOUGAL  0AN0N8 

"BtBiif  in  his  letters  to  Amphilochins  (which 
Live  themselves  obtained  the  authoritj  of 
Canons  in  the  Greek  CShnrch)  says  a  deposed 
deacon  is  not  to  be  oxoommonicated,  ii6Ti 
apxcuSf  ieri  Kta^  robs  iwh  fioBfiov  TewTMK^ 
TOT,  ro^T^  fiSy^  r^  rpifwtf  r%i  KoXJurtws  hro- 
fid\\€<rBM,  Reference  alleged  to  be  to  Apost. 
Can.  25.« 

Again  he  sajs,  robs  Htyd/jLovs  inanr§\&s  6 
Kav«^y  rqs  dirrypt Was  owiKXtio'e.   Comp.  Can.  17. 

Once  more  he  says,  the  Church  must  SovXc^ciy 
iucptfitiif  Koaflvwf^  and  reject  heretical  baptism. 
See  ApMt.  Can.  46. 

The  Council  of  Nice,  Can.  1,  while  treating 
self-inflicted  mutilation  as  a  bar  to  orders,  says : 
— Amrep  9^  tovto  irp69fri\ow,  8ri  ir€(A  r&w  hnnn- 
Zw6inw¥  rh  wpSyfAa  kcU  roK/t^rrt^y  hunobt 
iicT4fi3f€t9  dfnrraC  o9tws  «f  rircs  hrh  fiapfidpcty 
9ili§<nror&v c^ovx/<r09}<ray,  §^pUrKoufro ih  &AA«s 
A^toi,  robs  roio^ovs  tis  lAiipoy  irpovtertu  6 
KwAv,  Reference  alleged  to  Can.  Apost.  21 
and  22. 

Again  Can.  2  says,  that  things  had  lately  been 
done  tcapk  rhp  K€»6pa  rbr  iKKhticuurriKoy,  to 
correct  which  it  enacts  that  no  neophyte  is  to  be 
made  a  presbyter.  The  reference  is  alleged  to 
be  to  Apost.  Can.  Izzx. 

Can.  5  says : — Kpvr^lrm  ^  yvAfiii  kotA  rhv 
Kap6ya  rhv  hiceyopt^ovra  robs  hf>*  kripoiv  &xo- 
0\flB4rras^  6<p*  irtpctv  fi^  wpoffUcBau,,  Comp. 
Can.  Apost.  13  (xii.  and  xiii.)  and  33  (xxxii.) 

Again,  Can.  9,  concerning  the  ordination  of 
known  sinners,  treats  it  as  iraoh  KoySvoi,  and 
says,  To^ovs  6  Kcufity  ob  wpoaitrai.  See  Can. 
Apost.  Ixi. 

Can.  10,  concerning  such  as  are  ordained  in 
ignorance  of  their  having  lapsed,  says : — rouro  ob 
wpoKplytt  r^  Kav6yi  r^  iKKKiiaruurriK^'  yp^c- 
Bivrts  y^  KoBeupowreu.  Bev.  thinks  the  re- 
ference is  to  Can.  Apost.  Ixii.,  and  that  the 
Council  of  Nice  found  it  needful  to  extend  the 
rule  to  those  who  had  lapsed  before  ordination. 

Can.  15  and  16  restrain  the  clergy  from 
moving  from  city  to  city,  a  practice  which  it 
calls  aw^B^ia  inpii  rhp  kopSpo,  and  speaks  of 
such  persons  ss  fifyrt  rhp  4KKkii<ruurrtKbp  KCBp6pa 
€l96r€s,    Comp.  Can.  Apost.  14  and  15. 

The  Synod  of  Gangra,  held  in  the  middle 
of  the  4th  century  against  the  Eostathians,  after 
passing  several  canons  on  matters  more  or  less 
similar  to  those  treated  in  some  of  the  Apost. 
Canons,  declares  that  its  object  hss  been  to  con- 
demn those  who  bring  in  novelties, — rapit  rcks 
7pa<^&9  KoL  robs  iKKKfiffuurrucobs  kopSvos. 

The  Council  of  Constantinople,  A.D.  381,  speaks 
of  a  woXaios  BtiTfihs,  as  well  as  the  Nicene 
Canon,  for  bishops  to  ordain  in  the  ^iropx^^  or 
ecclesiastical  province  to  which  they  belong. 
Bev.  finds  in  the  mention  of  *'  provinces,"  a  re- 
ference to  the  authority  of  Metropolitans,  Can. 
Apost.  35  (xxxiv.). 

Not  long  afterwards  a  synod  at  Carthage  says : 
-^6  hpxiuos  r^os  ^uXax^<reT«,  fpa  fiij  ^^rropts 
rpiAp  r&p  6purB4prt9P  tls  xc'P<'TO''^av  'Eirio-ic^ 
vuv  kpK4in»mp,    Comp.  Can.  Apost.  i. 

«  Dalll6,  ud  his  ally, «  Obeervator"  (who  seems  to  have 
been  Matt,  de  la  Roque)  cooiend  that  the  oontezt  shews 
that  Basil  cannot  have  meant  to  allude  to  the  Apostolical 
Canons.  Beveridge  repUee  at  length  {CodL  Osn.  88, 39X 
BickeU  takes  the  same  vinw  as  DailU  (Oeieh.  detiTtirvftai-. 
rseUt.  I.  aa;  noteX  but  wlthonk  notlcinf  tlw  aisnmaatsor 


The  Council  of  Ephesus,  431  A.D.,  sent  thtcc 
times  to  summon  the  accused  bishop,  Nestoriu, 
to  appear,  saying,  that  it  did  so  in  obedience  t^ 
Kopopiy  and  afterwards  informed  the  Emperor  of 
the  course  taken,— rSr  K«p6ptp  vapcureXevo* 
lihmp  rp  rplrjf  leK-fiiru  vapoKoKuffBai  rhp  &vci- 

And  in  like  manner  at  Chalcedon,  451  a.d., 
upon  the  third  summons  sent  to  Dioscorus,  the 
bishops  who  were  the  bearers  of  it  say  that 
the  Council  sent  them  to  him: — rpinip  1^ 
KXijinp  rmn^p  wotovfiipTi  Karii  ri/p  tucoKw 
Biop  r£y  kyi^p  KOpSpmp,  Compare  Can.  Apost. 

At  Ephesus  a  complaint  was  made  against  the 
Bishop  of  Antioch  for  trying  to  subject  to  him- 
self the  island  of  Cyprus : — ^  Contrarj  to  the 
Apostolic  canons  and  the  decrees  of  the  most 
holy  Nicene  Synod."  Comp.  Can.  Apost  36 

We  may  now  perhaps  pause  in  our  extracts 
fh>m  Councils  and  Svnods,  as  we  are  approaching 
a  period  about  which  there  is  less  dispute :  but 
we  must  go  back  to  the  Nicene  times  in  order  to 
cite  one  or  two  individual  testimonies.  Alex- 
ander, bishop  of  Alexandria,  writes  that  Anns, 
though  excommunicated  there,  was  received  by 
other  bishops,  which  he  blames, — r^  ^^«  r^p 
* KftoffroKuc^p  KCLpSpa  rovro  avyx^P^iP  (apod 
Theodoret,  Hisi.  Eod,  i.  c  iv.).  See  Can.  kpo^ 

About  the  same  time  Eusebius,  declining  to  be 
translated  from  Caesarea  to  Antioch,  Constaniine 
the  Great  writes  to  praise  him  for  observing  rds  tc 
iproXjks  rov  Osov  icol  rhp  *A'woaroKucdp  kop^po, 
KoL  r^s  4ieKKyi<rias  (Euseb.  Vita  Oond.  iil  61). 
The  reference  is  alleged  to  be  to  Osn.  Apost.  14, 
while  iicKXiio'las  is  said  to  allude  to  Uie  loth 
Canon  of  Nice. 

Again,  during  the  reign  of  Constantine,  Pope 
Julius,  writing  of  the  deposition  of  Athanasins 
and  the  intrusion  of  Gregory  into  his  see,  declares 
it  to  have  been  done  in  violation  of  the  Canons 
of  the  Apostles.  See  2nd  Apol.  of  Athanasins. 
The  reference  is  asserted  to  be  to  Can.  36  (xxxv.) 
and  Ixxiv.  (Gregory  being  an  untried  laj- 

Once  more,  in  a  provincial  synod  at  Con- 
stantinople, 394  A.D.,  it  was  determined  that  the 
deposition  of  a  bishop  most  not  be  merely  1^  two 
or  threo  bishops, — &XA&  TKtiopos  trvp^ov  ^|r^^. 
iccU  rup  rris  4irapxias,  KaB^s  fcol  ol  'AwwrroKutoi 
Ka»6p§s  impio-arro.  The  allusion  is  said  to  be 
to  Can.  Apost.  Ixxiv. 

Of  late  years  not  much  has  been  done  by 
English  scholars  in  the  way  of  original  inrestigar 
tion  into  the  subject,  but  German  writers  have 
given  a  good  deal  of  attention  to  it  during  the 
present  century,  and  have  arrived  at  rwolts 
widely  different  from  those  we  have  just  been 
considering.  Among  these  Von  Drey  and  Bickell 
stand  conspicuous.  The  former  seems  to  con- 
sider that  the  first  50  canons  were  collected  in 
the  early  part  of  the  5th  century,  partly  out  of 
decrees  of  post-Nicene  Councils,  partly  cot  of 
the  so-called  apostolical  constitutions ;  and  that 
the  other  35  were  added  subsequently,  probably 

«  If  this  oonld  be  consldaed  to  be  proved.  It  wobM 
settle  Uie  point  that  the  Canons  were  known  at  BoDSb 
and  referred  to  hf  popes  beAm  Dlunyslusls  venlon  of 
them.  AndiftheLXXiythbenaUjlDteBde4tt««all 
•bow  that  more  than  60  wece  then  rsfwanlsfd 


rt  ik  begbiuBg  of  the  6t2i  oenturji  when  the 
vMt  B5  were  appended  to  the  constitiitioiit.* 

KMd  wkile  adoptiiig  a  similar  theory  does 
Ml  pen  it  BO  fiur.  He  believes  the  ooUection  to 
hsff  becB  Bade  out  of  like  materials  to  those 
tftd&ti  by  Drej,  but  to  be  not  later  than  the 
«1  of  the  4th  century ;  and  holds  that  the  apos- 
tslicil  esaoBs  were  qnoted  at  Chalcedon  instead  of 
ksif  iapaitderired  fromthedecreesof  ^t  Coun- 
cil H  Drey  would  maintain),  and  possibly  aUo  at 
IfAifai  and  CoMtantinople,  448  (Oe$ck,  dea  Kir- 
dimnekt$f  toI.  L  p.  83 ;  see  also  Hefele  Oond- 
iJei^MBL,  ToL  L  p.  771)1  Both  Von  Drey  and 
Biekell  sgree  in  denyii^^  the  position  of  BevO' 
ridge  thst  the  collection  was  made  not  later 
Ihn  the  3rd  century,  and  was  composed  out  of 
M  fd$  prerious  canons  then  existing.  And 
tkr  meet  his  citations  by  denying  that  Kotfifv, 
hrph  sad  such  like  words  always  imply  what 
ve  tail  a  eanon,  and  by  alleging  that  they  are 
sfed  ia  esrly  Unttm  of  any  generally  receiyed 
rak  ia  the  Oiurch.  Thus  K€t»Ay  kwocroXuchs 
■ight  either  refer  to  some  direction  of  the  Apos- 
tki  caatsined  in  the  New  Testament,  or  to  some 
eockdastiGal  practice  supposed  to  have  been 
•rigiBated  by  them,  and  to  have  their  authority. 

nos  €3enL  Rom.  speaks  of  r^y  itpurfUvop  t^s 
kmmffUa  ovreS  K€af6m  {Ep,  L  41),  and  it  is 
Mt  to  be  supposed  that  he  can  here  allude  to 
ay  sjBsdieal  decree.  Gomp.  Iren.  Ad,  Hfur,  i.  9  ; 
PtalTcntei,  apud  Euseb.  Hut.  EocL  y.  24 ;  aem. 
AL  a^mL  i.  350,  yt  676,  yii.  753,  756,  764  (see 
alw  the  iMtaiices  in  De  Lagarde  i?«/.  Jvnr,  EccL 
iit.  pnt  p.  yL).  Accordingly  Bickell  would 
thai  iateqnet  (as  Dailltf  had  done  before  him) 
the  OK  of  the  words  tcaifiaf  and  irairowac^s  y6fios, 
m  caaott  15  of  NeocaMsrea,  and  in  canons  13, 15, 
U,  of  KiceJ     So    also  Cornelius  Ad  Itibiwn 

■  lbs  tJDowIng  table  gives  iriiBt  be  sopposes  to  be  the 
•t^  of  ite  varioos  GsnoDt>- 

1,  n,  VI,  vn,  xviL.  xvm,  xx,  xxvl.  xxxiil, 

XLVI,  XLYIL,  XUX..  LL.  LIL.  LIIL.  LX^  LXIV..  are 
al  tikm  torn  the  Aposlolkaa  OoDstitations ;  the  first 
it  tooki  of  whkh  be  cooriders  as  of  letter  half  of  3rd 

LXm.  h  from  the  8th  book,  which  Is  later,  bat 
XXUXXIY^  and  LXXX^  are  token  ihnn  the  Nioeoe 

TUL-XYL.  sBd  XXVni,  sad  XXXL-XLI^  Dram 

XLT.  LUL.  LXXL.  fhn  those  efLeodicea. 
LIIY.  bam  those  of  Cbnslaotiiiopie,  ajpi  881. 
XXTILfrm  those  of  GoostantiDopleb  aj>.  3M. 
XXY.  ftom  a  csaookal  letter  of  BesO. 
mx  sad  LXX^  oat  of  tiw  supposed  BplsUe  of 
"^T"^  id  PWIikWjA 

Dhntt  a  thM  of  tlM  OuoDS  Drey  treats  OS  of  unknown 
■%tfc  Tbi  9w»Jm.t  aioaer  off  many  of  them  he  conridoro 
■V  te  amo  aadcBt,  but  not  in  tte/orsi  ^  omons. 

As  to  tte  dMoeilaa  seid  to  be  appsront  between  the 

Intfe  QtaHnseiHl  the  residoe,  see  Bkkell,  1. 86  sod  230. 

'  Sor  aa  euaiiBation  of  these  Initanoes  fttan  a  oon- 

^petat  of  viBw,  aee  Beverldge (CML  Oim.  lib.  1.  cap. 

iLX  Bit  the  leader  aboold  nothse  that  in  NicL  C^  18, 

^  fcH*rt|y  twnslelee  uowp  ovr«  e  lutmw  ovrc  ^  <rvi^ 

by  **  nee  ceoooem  nee  ooDsoetDdfaem 

he  worie  ««pA  M»<jm  ma  npA  Td[|«F 

oftheOsaon.    He  ooderotands  the  Osnon  of 

ilbeiemaflt  be  seven deaoons, unA  yhv 

teaUiiitajUlivL  (ths  writtm  tow  of  At4»- 

AP06T0UGAL  0AN0N8        115 

(Euseb.  yi  43)  ttark  r^  r^s  UnKiivlaa  KW^^tm, 
and  Firmilian  Ad  Cfyprian.(iBp,  75)  and  Cone  Are- 
lat.  canon  13,  ''eoclesiastica  regula,"  and  comp. 
Euseb.  yi.  24.  Bickell  also  thus  interprets  the 
letter  of  Alexander  to  Meletius,  and  that  of 
Constantine,  which  as  we  haye  seen  (an<«,  p.  114) 
Beyeridge  takee  as  allusions  to  the  apostolical 

In  short  Von  Drey  and  Bickell  maintain  that 
the  instances  brought  forward  by  Beyeridge  are 
not  really  proofk  that  the  set  of  canons  called 
apostolical  are  there  quoted  or  referred  to,  but 
rather  that  allusion  is  made  to  broad  and  gene- 
rally acknowledged  principles  of  ecclesiastical 
action  and  practice,  whether  written  or  un- 
written (see  Bickell,  L  p.  2,  and  p.  81,  82,  and 
the  notes)."  But  they  go  fturther  and  proceed 
to  adduce  on  their  side  what  they  consider  to  be 
a  positiye  and  decisiye  argument.  Many  canons 
of  the  Council  of  Antioch,  a.d.  341,  correspond 
not  only  in  subject  but  to  a  yery  remarkable 
degree  in  actual  phraseology  with  the  apostolical 
canons.  Yet  they  never  quote  them,  at  least  so 
The  following  table  gives  the  parallel  cases  i~^ 
Antioch  L  compared  with  Oan.  Apost  YIL 

XT  iVra,  IX,  X, 

"-  "  ••  "    lXL,XIL.Xin. 

ni.  ,,  ,,  .,       XY..XYL 

lY.  ,,  ,,  ,,       XXYin. 

» '  ( t  1 »  f  •        XXXT. 

VX  M  ,«  ,,       XXXIL 

Yn..YiiL       „       »,        ,,     xnuxxxm 
xni.       ,,       ,,        .,     xxxY. 

XYIILJ        "  "  *•       XXXYL 

ZXI.  ,,  ,,  ,,        XIY. 

XXIL  .,  ,,  „       XXXV. 

XXni.  ,,  ,,  p,       LXXYL 

XXI Y.  ,,  ,y  ,,  XIl. 

XX  Y.  •  I  IS  « ■        Xlil*. 



On  this  state  of  facts  Von  Drey  and  Bickell 
maintain  that  the  apoetolical  canons  are  ob- 
yiously  borrowed  from  those  of  Antioch,  while 
Beyeridge  argues  that  the  converse  is  thtf  case. 
The  argument  turns  too  much  on  a  dose  com- 
parison of  phrases,  and  of  the  respectiye  omis- 
sions, additions,  and  modifications,  to  admit  of 
being  presented  in  an  abridged  form.  It  will  be 
found  on  one  side  to  some  extent  in  Bickell,  yol. 
i.  p.  79,  et  89q.j  and  p.  230,  et  wq.  (who  gives 

twre).  Some  mieht  possibly  contend  that  the  words  of 
the  E|rfBtl6  of  AlftxandPT  (M4Mna»  p.  1 14)  refer  io  2nd  Epist 
John  10.  He  also  deals  with  a  Canon  of  Anpyra  (Can. 
%l\  which  mentkAs  that  h  wpwnfUK  Spec  refased  com- 
mmiion,  except  on  the  death-bed.  to  nnchaste  women 
gnllty  of  abortion.  This  Beveridgeevgaos  does  not  mean  a 
"CsDon"  at  alU  bat  rstber  adedsion  of  Church  disdpUne. 
Hefel^  on  the  other  hand,  thinks  it  sUodes  to  a  Ouoa 
of  ElTba,  reftafaig  the  sacnuaent  to  sacb  seen  at  death 
(CtonoUofi^eMlk.  L  208). 

•  To  a  certain  extent,  Beveridge  discoases  this  theory 
when  put  figrwaxd  by  '•Obeerrator"  (eoe  (M.  C4m.  lib.  L 
e.  11,  p.  44),  and  appears  to  contend  tlttt  «ai^  la  not  need 
for  unwritten  law,  at  all  eventa  hj  OoanoHs  in  their  de- 
crees. There  certainly  seems  some  apparent  diatinctton 
drawn  in  Nic  Oaa  18»  o6t«  &  inamif  ovrt  ^  gynj^ia 

•  It  wni  be  obaerved  that  aU  the  ApostoUeal  OuHns 
except  one,  for  which  parallels  are  hoe  fonnd  hi  the 
Antkwh  decree^  foU  within  theflrstSO:  and  the  panOlel 
to  the  LXXYIth  Oinon  ia  teiy  (ar-fetebed. 

I  2 


the  references  to  the  corresponding  parts  of  Von 
Drej's  work) ;  and  on  the  other,  in  fieveridge's 
Codex  CmMonvm^  lib.  i.  cap.  iy.  aiid  cap.  xi^  and 
elsewhere  in  that  treatise.* 

As  a  general  mle  the  apostolical  canons  are 
shorter,  the  Antioch  canons  ftiller  and  more  ex- 
press :  a  circumstanoe  which  leads  Bickell  to  see 
in  the  former  .a  compendium  or  abridgment  of 
the  latter,  bat  which,  according  to  Beyeridge, 
proyes  the  former  to  be  the  brief  originals,  of 
which  the  latter  are  the  subsequent  expansion. 

Beyeridge  obeeryes  with  some  force  that 
though  the  apostolical  canons  are  not  quoted  by 
name,  the  canons  of  Antioch  repeatedly  profess 
to  be  in  accordance  with  preyious  ecclesiastical 
rales,  whereas  the  apostolical  canons  neyer  men- 
tion any  rules  previously  existing.^  Still  the 
same  question  most  arise  here  as  in  relation  to 
the  canons  of  Nice,  yix.,  whether  the  allosion 
really  is  to  pre-existing  canons  of  councils,  or 
whether  the  terms  used  are  to  be  otherwise  ex- 
plained. And  as  regards  the  silence  of  the  apos- 
tolical canons  as  to  anything  older  than  them- 
selyes,  it  must  be  recollected  that  any  other 
course  would  haye  been  self-contradictory.  They 
coald  not  pretend  to  be  apostolic  and  yet  rely  on 
older  authorities.  Hence  eyen  had  such  refer- 
ences been  found  in  the  materials  of  which  they 
were  composed,  these  must  haye  been  struck  out 
when  they  were  put  together  in  their  present 

The  synod  of  Antioch  lying  under  the  re- 
proach of  Arianism,  it  may  seem  improbable  that 
any  decrees  should  haye  been  borrowed  from  it. 
To  meet  this  objection  Bickell  urges  that  though 
the  Antioch  clergy  were  Arian,  the  Bishop  Me- 
letios  was  not  un-orthodox,  and  was  much  re- 
spected by  the  Catholics.  And  he  throws  out 
the  theory  that  the  apostolical  canons,  which 
shew  traces  of  Syrian  phraseology,  may  be  a 
sort  of  corpus  canonum  made  at  that  period  in 
Syria,  and  drawn  up  in  part  from  the  Antioch 
decrees,  in  part  from  the  apostolical  constitutions 
(which  shew  like  marks  of  Syrian  origin),  and 
in  pirt  from  other  sources.'  This  work,  it  is 
coDjeetured,  Meletins  brought  with  him  when 
he  came  to  the  Council  of  Constantinople  (where 
he  died)  in  381  A.D.,  and  introduced  it  to  the 
favourable  notice  of  the  clergy:  a  hypothesis 
which  is  thought  to  account  ^r  the  apostolical 
canons  being  cited  (as  Bickell  thinks  for  the  first 
time)  at  the  Proyincial  Synod  of  Constantinople, 
A.D.  394. 

The  opinion  of  Hefele  may  be  worth  stating. 
He  thinks  that  though  there  is  a  good  deal  to  be 
said  for  the  theory  that  many  of  the  apostolical 
canons  were  borrowed  from  those  of  Antioch, 

b  The  saggoitlon  is  there  made  that  the  Ooancil  stn- 
diooflly  re-enacted  certain  orthodox  canons,  in  order  to 
gain  a  good  reputation,  while  they  tbmst  in  here  and 
there  a  canon  dT  their  own  so  ftwiied  as  to  tell  against 
Athanaaias  and  the  Cathollos.  See  CtA,  Cosi.  lib.  L  oq>.  iv. 

•  However,  it  is  to  be  observed  that  the  ST-39  CJanons 
of  Laodlcea,  wUdi  cloaBly  resemble  the  LXX.  and  LXXI. 
Apostolical  OanoD^  do  not  in  any  way  refer  to  them, 
though  on  Beveridge^s  theory  the  A  post  CSanons  most 
have  been  in  the  bands  of  the  Fathers  of  Laodlcea. 

«  In  Gan.  XXXYII.  the  Syro-Maoedonlan  name  of  a 
month,  Hyperberetaens,  occnrs  In  oonnexlon  with  the 
time  for  the  autmnnal  synod.  Similar  names  of  months 
oocor  in  Ap,  Ctmd,  v.  if,  20,  and  at  viii.  10.  Evadlns, 
Bishop  of  Antioch.  is  prayed  fiir  aa  **  oar  bishop." 


the  oonyerse  is  quite  possible,  and  the  ^Hnnt  bjr 
no  means  settled.  In  regard  to  the  Cc  uieil  of 
Nice,  it  would  appear,  he  thinks,  that  it  refen 
to  older  canons  on  the  like  subjects  with  those 
which  it  was  enacting.  And  it  is  by  no  means 
impossible  tiutt  the  allusion  may  be  to  those 
which  are  now  foimd  among  the  apostolic  caaou. 
and  which  might  haye  existed  in  the  Cbnrch 
before  they  were  incorporated  in  that  collectioa. 
This  yiew  he  thinks  is  supported  by  a  letter  from 
certain  Egyptian  bishops  to  Meletius  at  the  com- 
mencement of  the  4th  century,*  in  which  thev 
complain  of  his  haying  ordained  beyond  the 
limits  of  his  diocese,  which  they  allege  is  con- 
trary  to  **  mos  divinus  "  and  to  *'  regula  eccle- 
siastica;"  and  remind  him  that  it  is  the  ^lex 
patrum  et  propatrum.  ...  in  alienis  paroedis 
non  licere  alicui  episcopornm  ordinataones  celt- 
brare."  The  inference,  Htfele  thinks,  is  almost 
irresistible  that  this  refers  to  what  is  now  the 
36th  (xxxy.)  Apostolical  Canon.  And  at  all 
eyents  he  appears  to  hold  with  Bickell  that  the 
wostolical  canons  are  referred  to  at  Ephesoa^ 
Constantinople  (A.D.  448),  and  Chaloedon.  Bat 
such  a  view  falls  short  of  that  of  Beyeridge. 

Coming  to  the  internal  eyidence,  we  find  great 
stress  to  haye  been  laid  by  Daill^  Von  Drer, 
Bickell,  and  others  on  the  contents  of  the  canons,  as 
distinctly  marking  their  late  date.  Thus  the  8th 
(yii.)  (as  to  Easter)  is  in  harmony  with  the  pre- 
sent interpolated  text  of  the  apostolical  consti- 
tutions, but  is  at  yariance  with  what  EpijAaains 
read  there,  and  with  the  Syriac  didascalia  (see 
infra,  pp.  122, 123).  It  relates  to  the  settlement  of 
a  particular  phase  of  the  Easter  controversy  which 
did  not,  according  to  Hefele,  spring  up  ontil 
the  3rd  century  (JjonciHengnch,  i.  303  and  776^ 
Moreover,  if  known  and  recognized  preyioos  te 
the  Council  of  Nice,  it  seems  extraordinary  that 
this  canon  should  not  have  been  mentioned  in 
Constantino's  famous  letter  to  the  Kioene  Fathers 
on  the  Easter  Controyersy  (Euseb.  Vita  ConuL  iii. 

Canon  27  (xxyi.)  hardly  sayours  of  a  yerr 
early  time.  On  this  canon  Beyeridge  (^AkmL  w 
Can,  Apoat,  sub  Can/one  xxyi.)  cites  the  Conncil 
of  Chalcedon  (a.d.  451),  as  saying  that  in  manj 
proyinces  it  was  permitted  to  readers  and  singers 
to  marry  ;  and  anderstands  it  of  those  proyinces 
in  which  the  apostolical  canons  had  b^  put  in 
force,  they  having  been,  he  says,  originally  passed 
in  different  localities  by  proyincial  synods.  (See 
also  his  Jvd,  de  Can,  Apod,  §  xil.  in  CoteL  yoL  i. 
p.  436.)  This  seems  to  derogate  somewhat  from 
the  general  reception  which  he  elsewhere  appeals 
disposed  to  claim  for  them.  So  limited  an  opera- 
tion eyen  in  the  5th  century  is  scarcely  what  was 
to  be  expected  if  the  whole  collection  had  been 
made,  and  promulgated  a  century  and  a  half  be- 

The  31st  (xxx.),  the  Ixxxi.,  and  Ixxnil,  all 
appear  to  sprak  of  a  time  when  the  onpire  was 
Christian  (see  Hefele,  yol.  i.  p.  783,  789 ;  Bio 
kell,  i.  80.).v 

•  Given  in  EUmth,  ReL  Soar,  vol.  ilL  pp.  381, 38S. 
r  If  Hefele's  view  on  this  sal^ect  be  accepted,  Beveridp 
most  be  held  to  have  conftised  the  special  point  here  rded 

with  other  qneationB  in  dlspate  in  the  fiaster  vuuuuvaij 
(^Cod.  Can.  lib.  2,  c.  liL). 

f  Von  Drey,  however,  points  ont  that  It  la  difflcolt  to 
snppoee  a  ooancil  nnder  the  empire  would  si*  iCRif  m 
openly  agsinst  the  emperor's  intsitteenoe.   If  m  «■■ 


IW  35tk  (zxxiv.),  recognicing  a  kind  X}f  metro- 
fiiSUm  wUhmiij,  has  also  been  much  insisted 
m  bj  Vot  I>Rj  and  Bickell,  as  well  as  hj  Daille, 
m  pRwf  of  an  origin  not  earlier  than  the  4th 
ccatvj  («e  eont^^  Bey.  CotL  Ccm,  lib.  2,  cap.  t.).^ 

Tht  Mkh  iQggests  the  remark  that  if  it  were  in 
cxistcice  at  the  timo  of  Cjprian,  it  would  snrely 
iHTe  becB  cited  in  the  controversy  as  to  heretictU 
bpciflD.  It  agrees  with  the  doctrine  of  the  apoa- 
toJkal  eoBstltntions  vL  15,  and  according  to  some 
b>  protebl  J  been  taken  thence.  Beveridge  indeed 
thgrrei  that  Cjprian  {Epitt,  to  Jubajanus)  does 
idj  «n  the  decree  of  a  synod  held  under  the 
prmdcacj  of  Agrippinus  (see  Jud.  de  Can.  Ap. 
$  iL  sad  Cod,  Can.  lib.  3,  cap.  xii.).  This  de- 
em be  Mems  to  think  may  be  the  original  of 
CUM  46.  If  80)  however,  it  would  seem  to  shew 
tiw  locsl  and  partial  character  of  the  apostolical 
moot,  ftr  we  know  that  the  Roman  Church 
kdd  st  this  very  time  a  contrary  view  (Comp. 
the  siimisKiaBs  of  Bev.  in  Jud.  de  Can,  §  xii.). 

igsii,  other  orders  besides  bishop,  priest,  and 
imeok  appear  in  the  clerical  body.  We  have  sub- 
teooBi,  readers,  and  singers  (canon  43).*  Though 
tht  second  of  these  is  found  in  Tertullian,  the 
int  sad  last  are  not  to  be  traced  further  back 
thu  the  middle  of  the  third  century. 

Sot  to  mention  other  instances,  it  may  in  con- 
doBoa  be  obserred  that  much  contest  has  taken 
fket  OTcr  the  list  of  canonical  books  in  the  last 
cuot,  aad  as  to  the  reference  therein  to  the  con- 
ititakioBL  Beveridge  thinks  that  the  variation 
ia  that  list  from  the  canon  of  Scripture  as  eventu- 
slir  settled,  is  a  proof  that  it  was  drawn  up  at 
aa  early  date  aiid  before  the  final  settlement 
•ai  nadow  But  at  the  same  time  he  (somewhat 
■Maasteatly)  is  inclined  to  take  refuge  in  the 
tbeary  that  this  last  canon  has  been  interpolated. 
Here  again  it  would  be  vain  to  attempt  an 
•WidioMttt  of  the  argument  (see  Cod.  Canon, 
Uh.  2,  e.  ix.  and  Jud,  de  Cttn,  Apod.  §  xvi.  et  aeq.) 

Beftre  omclading,  the  opinions  of  one  or  two 
other  vritera  most  be  mentioned.  Erabbe  think  s 
that  at  the  end  of  the  4th  or  early  in  the  5th 
ccitvry,  a  writer  of  Arian  or  Macedonian  teu- 
^caciss  drew  up  both  the  8th  book  of  the  consti- 
tntioai  aad  the  collection  of  canons,  the  former 
htiif  composed  out  of  precepts  then  in  circulation 
■■der  the  Apostles'  names,  with  many  additions  of 
hii  own,  the  latter  out  of  canons  made  in  different 
piooes  during  the  2Dd  and  3rd  centuries,  with 

^Tiit  al^l  be  henoe  gained  for  the  theory  that  these 
eaiai(ia  the  pitint  fomi,  at  aU  eTCDts)did  not  really 
^Hsli  fiQii  any  oooscU. 
*  Beveridge  obaervca  thai  the  Apostolical  Canon  merely 
of  fW  vpHTor  imivmww,  whereas  the  corre* 
Obmo  of  Andodi  has  tW  ev  rg  infrpowokti 
wLntomotf\  the  latter  betog  in  coofonnlty 
vtfh  (be  Bime  metropolitan.  This  name  did  not  arise  till 
fti4fteatai7;  and  he  therefore  thinks  the  Apostolical 
Gtea  h  prand  to  be  the  older  of  the  two,  and  to  be 
Mn  IhM  oia.  Moreover  the  Canon  of  Antioeh  pro- 
^MS  te  enactawnt  to  be  mar^  vor  opj^otonpor  jcpor 
Mr  wBT^pMr  i^twv  KOj^JMu  It  may  be  worth 
thai  thoe  Is  no  traoe  of  a  primacy  among 
h  the  Apoatolieal  Conatltotiona,  even  in  their 

*  fcaaHBHa  we  Had  only  a  general  etpreaalon,  as  In 
^^ (vfl.)«  wfakfa  nma  «S  rcc  htinunnt  ^  wptapSrtpot 
WiWec  ^hi  Ttm  HrnnXtrgoit  tw  Mparucev;  the  latter 
**dio— ythendtBg  the  other  orders,  and  being  appa- 
^'■^AtBl^  eqnfvalcDt  to  the  phraae  ^  ikmt  rov  xara- 
A^ia  oSr  cAmmt  hi  Osa.  1ft. 

APOSTOLICAL  0 ANCNS       1 1 7 

the  mterpolation  of  the  7th  and  85th  canons 
forged  by  himself  (see  (Jltzen,  p.  xvi.  pref.). 

Bunsen  attaches  much  importance  to  the  apos- 
tolical canons.  He  regards  them  as  belonging 
to  a  class  of  ordinances  which  were  '^  the  local 
coutumes  of  the  apostolical  Church,"  i.  e.  if  not 
of  the  Johannean  age,  at  all  events  of  that  imme- 
diately succeeding.  Yet  such  "never  formed 
any  real  code  of  law,  much  less  were  they  the 
decrees  of  synods  or  councils.  Their  collections 
nowhere  had  the  force  of  law.  Every  ancient 
and  great  church  presented  modifications  of  the 
outlines  and  traditions  here  put  together;  but 
the  constitutions  and  practices  of  all  churches 
were  built  upon  this  groundwork  "  (Christ,  and 
Mankind,  vol.  ii.  421).  Our  apostolical  canons 
served  this  purpose  in  the  Greek  Church.  The 
fiction  which  attributes  them  to  the  Apostles  is 
probably  ante-Nicene  (vol.  vii.  p.  373) ;  but  they 
are  now  in  an  interpolated  state. 

Internal  evidence  shews,  he  thinks,  that  the 
original  collection  consisted  of  three  chapters : — 
I.  On  ordination. 
II.  On  the  oblation  and  communion. 

III.  On  acts  which  deprive  of  ofiScial  rights 
or  offices. 

These  comprise,  with  some  exceptions,  rather 
more  than  a  third  of  the  whole.  To  these,  he 
says,  were  appended,  but  at  an  early  date — 

IV.  On  the  rights  and  duties  of  the  bishop ; 
and  subsequently  when  the  collection  thus  ex- 
tended had  been  formed — 

V.  Other  grounds  of  deprivation. 

Canons  6  (v.),  27  (xxvi.),  he  considers  from 
internal  evidence  to  be  interpolations.  Relying 
on  the  fiict  that  the  Coptic  version  (to  which  he 
attaches  much  weight,  calling  it  "The  Apos- 
tolical Constitutions  of  Alexandria")  omits 
canons  xlvii.,  xlviii.,  xlix.,  1.,  he  treats  these 
also  as  of  later  date.  Canon  35  (xxxiv.)  ho 
appears  to  consider  as  a  genuine  early  foim  of 
what  subsequently  became  the  system  of  metro- 
politan authority. 

Coming  then  to  what  he  styles  "  The  Second 
Collection,  which  is  not  recognized  by  the  Roman 
Church,"  •*.  e.  to  the  canons  not  translated  by 
Dionysius,  he  says  they  "bear  a  more  decided 
character  of  a  law  book  for  the  internal  dis- 
cipline of  the  clergy,  with  penal  enactments." 

Canon  Ixxxi.  is  a  repetition  and  confirmation 
of  one  in  the  first  collection,  viz.,  xx.  compared 
with  31  (xxx.).  This  and  canons  Ixxxiii.,  Ixxxiv., 
are  post-Nicene.  The  canon  of  Scripture  also  is 
spurious,  as  contradicting  in  many  points  the 
authentic  traditions  and  assumptions  of  the  eariy 
Church.  It  is  wanting  in  the  oldest  MS.,  the 
Codex  Barberinus  {Christianity  and  Maniind, 
vol.  ii.  p.  227). 

Oltzen,  though  modestly  declining  to  express 
a  positive  judgment,  evidently  leans  to  the  view 
of  Bickell  that  the  Antiochene  decrees  were 
the  foundation  of  manv  of  the  canons,  and  re- 
grets that  Bunsen  should  have  brought  up  again 
the  theory  of  Beveridge,  which,  he  considers, 
"recentiores  omnes  hujus  rei  judices  refuta- 
verant "  (Pref.  p.  xvi.  note,  and  p.  xxi.). 

There  are  Oriental  versions  of  the  apostolical 
canons.  As  Bunsen  has  observed,  the  Coptic  and 
Aethiopic  (the  former  being  a  very  late  but 
faithful  translation  from  an  old  Sahidio  version, 
see  Tattam's  Edition,  1848)  omit  certain  of  the 
canons  relating  to  heretical  baptism.    Except  in 


AF06T0LI0AL  0AN0N8 

thif  and  in  Oan.  Ixxxt.  they  do  not  differ  in  any 
important  degree  ^  Some  acooont  of  these  yer- 
aions,  and  alto  of  the  STriao,may  be  leen  in  Bickell, 
ToL  L  append*  iv.  He  ooneiden  OTen  the  last- 
named  to  be  later  than  oar  Qreek  text,  and  that 
little  ajnistance  is  to  be  derived  from  them  (tee 
p.  215) ;  others,  howerer,  as  Bonsen,  rate  them 
Highly.    The  subject  deserves  further  inquiry. 

To  attempt  to  decide,  or  eyen  to  sum  up  so 
large  a  oontroyersy,  and  one  on  which  scholars 
have  differed  so  widely,  would  sayoor  of  pre- 
sumption. It  most  suffice  to  indicate  a  few 
pomts  on  which  the  decision  seems  principally 
to  turn.  The  first  question  is,  Can  we  come  to 
Beyeridge's  conclusion  that  a  corpus  canonum 
corresponding  to  our  present  collection,  and  pos- 
sessing a  generally  recognised  authority,  really 
existed  in  the  3rd  century  ?  If  so,  much  weight 
would  deservedly  belong  to  it. 

But  if  an  impartial  view  of  Beveridge's  argu- 
ments should  be  thought  to  lead  merely  to  the 
conclusion,  that  a  number  of  canons  substanti- 
ally agreeing  with  certain  of  those  now  in  our 
collection,  are  quoted  in  the  4th  century,  and 
presumably  existed  some  considerable  time  pre- 
viously, we  find  ourselves  in  a  different  position. 

In  this  case  the  contents  of  our  present  col- 
lection may  possibly  be  nothing  more  than  de- 
crees of  synods  held  at  different  and  unknown 
times,^  and  in  different  and  uncertain  places,  not 
necessarily  agreeing  with  each  other,  and  not 
necessarily  acknowledged  by  the  Church  at  large, 
at  all  events  till  a  later  period."* 

Again,  if  our  present  collection  as  a  whole  be 
not  shewn  to  be  of  the  3rd  century,  the  question 
at  once  ariMs  when  and  how  it  was  made,  and 
whether  any  modification  or  interpolation  took 
place  in  the  component  materials  when  they  were 
so  collected  together." 

If  it  be  to  be  looked  upon  as  a  digest  of  pre- 
existing canons  brought  together  from  various 
sources,  it  is  necessary  to  consider  how  far  the 
fact  that  any  particular  canon  is  authenticated 

k  In  Can.  LXXXY.  the  C!optlc  omits  Esther  from  the 
0.  T.  end  pnts  Judith  and  ToUt  tn  pUoe  of  Maccabees, 
and  after  mentioning  the  16  Prophets,  it  goes  on :  *■  These 
also  let  7oar  yoong  persons  learn.  And  ont  of  the  Wis- 
dom of  Solonion  and  Esther,  the  three  Books  of  Maccabees, 
and  the  Wisdo|n  of  the  Son  of  Slrach,  there  is  mncfa  In- 
straetioQ."  In  N.  T.  it  adds  the  Apocalypse^  between 
Jode  sod  the  Epistles  of  Clement,  and  says  nothing  tohot- 
aer  about  tki  €iglU  bookt  <^  rtgultttioiu.  •'The  Acta" 
are  merely  mcntlooed  by  that  name^  and  Mlow  the 
Gospela  in  the  list. 

1  Some  may,  no  doubt,  be  of  an  early  date :  thus  Von 
Drey  admits  the  probable  antiquity  of  Can.  1,  Oan.  10  (iz.). 
Can.  11  (z.),  and  others.  See  notes  to  the  Canons  in 
Hefele's  OoneiUengeockidUe,  voL  1.  Append. ;  end  comp. 
Bickell,  vol.  1.  pp.  80,  81. 

■  Beverldge  speaks  of  the  Apostolical  Ouions  as  the 
work  *  not  of  one  bat  of  many  synods,  and  those  held  in 
divers  plaoes"  (Ood.  Oatn.  lib.  1,  cap.  U.).  He  thinks 
that  the  name  of  the  month  Hyperberetaeos  in  Can. 
ZXXVIL  shews  that  Csnon  to  be  of  JSaatem  origin; 
while  he  argnes  that  the  rule  as  to  Easter  in  Can.  VII. 
proves  that  Canon  to  belong  to  the  WuUm  Church, 
inosmndi  as  the  rule  in  question  doa  not  agrot  viik  the 
Oriental praeKoe  (/ud.  de  Can.  s.  12;  and  see  a  27). 

>  As  to  admiasions  of  Interpolations,  see  Bev.  JiuL  de 
Octn.  ad  finemt  and  Cod,  Can.  in  CoteL  vol.  IL  Append. 
pp.  10,  T3, 114.  Nor  can  It  be  (brgotten  that,  in  the  only 
shapes  in  which  ve  know  of  their  having  been  cdlected, 
thij  are  introduced  by  the  untrue  pretext  of  being  the 
welds  of  the  Apoitks  dictated  lo  dement. 


by  being  dted  at  Nice  or  elsewhere,  in  aaj 
degree  authenticates  any  other  canon  not  ss 
cited.  For  unless  some  bond  of  connexion  cu 
be  shewn,  two  canons  standing  in  juztapositiflB, 
may  be  of  quite  different  age  ud  origin. 

These  considerations  have  been  principally 
framed  with  reference  to  the  arguments  of  Beve- 
ridge.  Of  course  if  the  views  of  Yon  Drey  be 
adopted,  any  im|>ortance  to  be  attadied  to  the 
canons  is  materially  diminished.  Up  to  a  certain 
point  Beveridge  certainly  argues  not  only  with 
ingenuity  but  force,  and  his  reasoning  does  not 
seem  to  have  received  its  fair  share  of  attention 
from  Von  Drey  and  Bickell.*  Still,  after  allow- 
ing all  just  weight  to  what  he  advances,  a  careful 
consideration  of  the  points  just  suggested,  may 
perhaps  tend  to  shew  that  it  is  not  difficult  to 
see  why  controversialists  of  modem  times  have 
not  ventured  to  lay  much  stress  on  the  apos- 
tolical canons. 

But  there  is  another  reason  for  this.  Ne 
Western  church  can  consistently  prodaim  their 
authority  as  they  now  stand.  Protestant  chnrcfaes 
will  hardly  agree,  for  instance,  to  the  rule  that 
one  who  was  ordained  unmarried,  may  not  after- 
wards marry,  nor  will  they  recognize  the  Mac- 
cabees as  a  canonical  book ;  while  the  csnoas 
which  require  a  trine  immersion  in  baptism,  and 
the  repetition  of  baptism  when  performed  by 
heretics,  will  not  be  accepted  by  either  Protest 
ant  or  Roman  Catholic.' 

It  may  be  proper  to  add  that  the  canons  here 
discussed  are  not  the  only  series  extant  which 
claim  apostolical  authority. 

ThuB,  for  instance,  besides  the  Atard^tis  rir 
kyicev  kiroor6Kttv  v^pl  x^^porovt&Vt  9tit  'lv» 
a-oAirrov  and  Al  iutrayai  ed  M  KXif/tlrrof  sal 
ieear6yts  ^KieKfia'uurracol  r&v  kyUav  dtMoarihmw 
(both  of  which  will  be  treated  of  in  oonnexioB 
with  the  Apost.  Constitutions),  we  have  certain 
pretended  canons  of  an  apostolic  council  at  An- 
tioch  (the  title  being  rov  iiylov  Upo/idprvpo$ 
Rofi^Xov  iie  T^s  4v  *AyTiox«tf  tAv  iarwrT6km^ 
tnnf^av,  tovt*  iirriw  4ir  rw  avpoiuc&v  wbrwt 
KOMivotv  lUpos  r&v  ^  oAtov  t^ptidrreev  €ls  vV 
'dptydwovs  fiifiXioHiniw).  They  are  in  Bickell, 
i.  138,  and  Lagarde,  Belig.  Jvria  Eocles.  p.  18. 

We  also  find  another  set  of  apostolic  canons 
(Bpos  Koifoyuchs  r&v  itffiwv  iarotrriXoni)  also 
published  by  Bickell,  i.  133,  and  Lagarde,  p.  36 
(and  of  which  the  latter  critic  says  that  it  is 
*<nondum  theologis  satis  oonsideratum  ") ;  and 
yet  again  a  curious  series  of  alleged  apoetolie 
ordinances  (many  of  which  resemble  parts  of 
the  apostolical  constitutions),  in  three  ancient 
Syriac  MSS.,  one  translated  into  Greek  by  Lagarde 
(Rd.  Jw.  Eccl.  p.  89),  and  two  into  English,  with 
notes,  by  Cureton,  in  *  Ancient  Syriac  Documents, 

•  Tet  it  is  oertainly  remarkable  tbatt  when  we  flrtt 
hear  of  theee  Quions,  the  questioD  seems  to  be  whether 
thej  are  apostolic  or  apocryphaL  The  view  that  they 
are  an  authentic  coUectiou  of  post^Hpoeiolie  sjuodial 
decrees  does  not  seem  to  have  then  suggested  IteeUl 

p  Refined  distinctions  have  indeed  been  drawn  to  qua- 
lify the  an;MUPent  sense  of  some  of  these  Oanoos  (see  Ber. 
Cod.  Can.  in  CoteL  voL  iL  Append,  p.  100,  and  p,  130); 
but  the  difllcnlty  attending  them  has  pnAaUy  had  its 
share  in  preventing  their  full  recognition.  Hefele  qteaks 
of  the  Canon  on  Heretical  BoptiMOi  as  contraiy  to  the 
Booian  rule.  Gul  LXVl.  i^  also  contraiy  U>  the  dlKH 
pltaie  of  Rome;  but  not  being  in  the  first  M^  It  Is  hiU 



nbliif  totlMMrlkst  6ftabliaiim«nt  of  CSiruti- 
iBftjitldMH,'  iK^witb  prefiMebj W.Wright, 
lmLl96i,  It  appetn  that  in  God.  Add.  14,173, 
fcL  37,  a  Brit.  Miu.  this  document  is  quoted  as 
•*CuaM  of  the  .^postles." 

It  is  not  ptfhapo  a  wholly  unreasonable  hope 
tkst  farther  researches  into  the  ecclesiastical 
less,  of  Syria  may  he  the  means  of  throwing 
■sie  li^t  on  the  perpleung  questions  which 
Mirouid  alike  the  apostolic  canons  and  the  apos- 
telk  eoBstitutaons,  both  of  them,  in  all  proba- 
liliij,eIoEel7  connected  in  their  origin  with  that 
Ghnick  sad  oountry.4 

jMaftritia.--^Ctniwriatore8  MagMurg.  il  c.  7, 
f.  5H  ^  f r.  Turrianus,  Pro  Canon.  Apost.  et 
^JkateL  Poktif.  Apost,  Adterwa  Magd,  (ktdur. 
/i^MM>(Flor.  1572,  Lutetiae  1573),  Ub.  L  P.  de 
]iitci,0Mic&ic«r<i^iii2.  J.I>allaeus,i>ePs«u<i- 
tfigrofka  Apod^  lib.  iii.  Pearsoni  VincUc, 
Igid.  Qm  Cotelerius,  Pair,  Apoat^^  toL  ii.  app. 
f.  251X  part  L  cap.  4.  Hatt.  Larroquanus  in 
Jfp.  (H»,  ad  P§ar9omaaa$  Tgnatu  Vtndic.  (Rotho- 
m^.  1674).  Beveregii  Judicium  de  Can,  Apost, 
CnCoteL,  Po^r.  Apost,,  edit.  1724,  yoL  I  p.  432). 
Bcreregii  Aiaototalones  ad  Can,  Apost.  (Ibid.  p. 
455>  Codsx  CammumEocIesiae  Umversalis  Vin- 
ioatu  a  GuL  Beyeregio  (Ibid.  yol.  ii.  app.  p.  1, 
aad  Oxfoid  1848.)  BrJUkatoM  Judicium  da  Auctore 
Caomm  st  Consktutiomim  ApostoUcorum  (Cotel. 
wL  ii  app.  pw  177).  Prokg,  in  Ignatium  Jac, 
UstfH  (Ibid.  ToL  u,  app.  p.  199),  see  cap.  yi. 
KegobKcht,  Diss,  de  Can.  Ap,  et  Cod,  Ecc, 
Bkfi,,  fiatiftb.  1828.  Eiabbe,  De  Cod,  Can,  qui 
Apod,  (ficiutfur,  Eitt.  1829.  Von  Drey,  Neue 
Uderssck.  Hber  die  Konstit,  und  Kanones  der 
ifMt.,  Tiibingen  1832.  Bickell,  Geschichte  des 
KtrekesredUs,  Giessen  1843,  yoL  i.  Hefele,  Cor^ 
eikagesddekte,  Freiburg  1855,  yol.  i.  append. 
BuMD,  Cbistiamty  and  Mankind,  London  1854. 
ClticB,  Oonstitutiones  Apod,,  Suerini  1853,  pre- 
set §  2.  De  Lagarde,  SeHguiae  Juris  Eccleai- 
adidAidiqeiMaunaSy  1856.  [B.  S.] 

apoitoUcal  constitutions  consist  of  eight  books. 
Taeir  general  scope  is  the  discussion  and  regnla- 
tMB  (Dot  in  the  way  of  concise  rules,  but  in 
difiiae  and  hortatory  language)  of  ecclesiastical 
sfiirL  la  some  places  they  enter  upon  the 
private  behayiour  proper  for  Christians;  in 
ctltfr  parts,  in  connexion  with  the  services  of 
tb«  Cknrch,  they  furnish  liturgical  forms  at 
nanderable  length.*  A  large  share  of  the 
vbele  is  taken  up  with  the  subjects  of  the  sac- 
maents,  and  of  the  powers  and  duties  of  the 

M  the  end  of  the  eighth  book,  as  now  com- 
■oalr  edited,  are  to  be  foond  the  apostolical 
caaoiB.  These  we  haye  already  treated  of  in  the 
ptriooi  article. 

The  constitutions,  extant  in  HSS.  in  yarious 
•ibuies,^  appear  during  the  middle  ages  to  haye 
beei  practically    unknown.     When    in    1546, 

^  Bfckd],  howefsf,  warns  us  thai  the  fruits  of  such 
nnntei  amsl  be  wd  with  csnttoo.  on  aoooont  of  the 
avritial  wqr  in  wbkh  ysiioas  pieces  are  pai  to> 
ynte  la  these  MBS.  (voL  L  p.  318). 

*  Tbeie  belang  eapvdsUy  to  the  question  of  Litoigles, 
«<  «1tt  not  ttaerefcre  be  ooostdered  St  length  here. 

^  la  eooogat  of  ttw  IfiflL  Is  given  in  UlCsen's  ediUon. 
■d  ly  Ugnde  !n  BoMea's  CMd,  ond  JKm.,  yol.  ri. 

Carolus  Capellns,  a  Venetian,  printed  an  epitome 
of  them  in  Latin  translated  from  a  MS.  foand  in 
Crete,  Bishop  Jewell  spoke  of  it  as  a  worlc  **  in 
these  countries  neyer  heard  of  nor  seen  beture.*' 
(Park.  Soc,  Jew,,  i.  111.)  In  1563  Boviua  pub- 
lished a  complete  Latin  yersion,  and  in  the  same 
year  Turrianus  edited  the  Greek  text.  It  is  not 
expedient  here  to  pursue  at  any  length  the 
question  of  subsequent  editions,  but  it  may  be 
as  well .  to  mention  the  standard  one  of  Cote- 
lerius in  the  Patres  Apostolici  and  the  usefal  and 
portable  modern  one  of  tJ'ltzen  (Suerin,  1853). 
There  is  also  one  by  Lagarde,  Lipsiae,  1862. 

The  constitutions  profess  on  the  face  of  them 
to  be  the  words  of  the  Apostles  themselves 
written  down  by  the  hand  of  Clement  of  Remi:, 

Book  1  prescribes  in  great  detail  the  mannars 
and  liabits  of  the  faithfiU  laity« 

Book  2  is  concerned  chiefly  with  the  duties  of 
the  episcopal  office,  and  with  assemblies  for 
divine  worship. 

Book  3  relates  partly  to  widows,  partly  to  the 
clergy,  and  to  the  administration  of  baptism. 

Book  4  treats  of  sustentation  of  the  poor,  of 
domestic  life,  and  of  virgins. 

Book  5  has  mainly  to  do  with  the  subjects  of 
martyrs  and  martyrdom,  and  with  the  rules  for 
feasts  and  fasts. 

Book  6  speaks  of  schismatics  and  heretics,  and 
enters  upon  the  question  of  the  Jewish  law,  and 
of  the  apostolic  discipline  substituted  for  it,  and 
refers  incidentally  to  certain  customs  and  tradi- 
tions both  Jewish  and  Gentile. 

Book  7  describes  the  two  paths,  the  one  of 
life,  the  other  of  spiritual  death,  and  follows  out 
this  idea  into  several  points  of  daily  Christian 
life.  Then  follow  rules  for  the  teaching  and 
baptism  of  catechumens,  and  liturgical  pre- 
cedents of  prayer  and  praise,  together  with  a  list 
of  bishops  said  to  have  been  appointed  by  the 
Apostles  themselves. 

Book  8  discusses  the  diversity  of  spiritual 
gifts,  and  giv»  the  forms  of  public  prayer  and 
administration  of  the  communion,  the  election 
and  ordinations  of  bishops,  and  other  orders  in 
the  Church,  and  adds  various  ecclesiastical  regu- 

This  enumeration  of  the  contents  of  the  books 
is  by  no  means  exhaustive — ^the  style  being 
diffuse,  and  many  other  matters  being  incident- 
ally touched  upon — ^but  is  merely  intended  to  give 
the  reader  some  general  notion  of  the  nature  of 
the  work. 

From  the  time  when  they  were  brought  again 
to  light  down  to  the  present  moment,  great 
differences  of  opinion  have  existed  as  to  the  date 
and  authorship  of  the  constitutions. 

Turrianus  and  Bovius  held  them  to  be  a 
genuine  apostolical  work,  and  were  followed  in 
this  opinion  by  some  subsequent  theologians,  and 
notably  by  the  learned  and  eccentric  Whiston, 
who  maintained  that  (with  the  exception  of  a 
few  gross  interpolations)  they  were  a  record  of 
what  our  Saviour  himself  delivered  to  hia 
Apostles  in  the  forty  days  after  his  resurrection, 
and  that  they  were  committed  to  writing  and 
were  sent  to  the  churches  by  two  apostolic 
councils  held  at  Jerusalem,  a.d.  64  and  a.d.  67, 
and  by  a  third  held  soon  afler  the  destruction 
of  the  city. 

On  the  other  hand  Baronius,  Bellarmine  and 
Petavius  declined  to  attach  weight  to  the  Cob- 



ttitationa,  while  DailM  and  Blondel  fiercely  at- 
tacked their^enuineness  and  authority. 

Whiston's  main  argument  was  that  the  early 
Fathers  constantly  speak  of  SiScuncaX^a  ixo- 
croKuc^t  ttard^fis,  iiarayal,  Hiardy/wra  rwy 
iaroer^MV,  Kiufi»¥  t^»  Kttrovfryiasy  tcwitv  -nj* 
kKifi^las,  and  so  forth,  which  is  tnie ;  bu4  he 
has  not  proyed  that  these  expressions  are  neces- 
sarily oMd  of  a  definite  book  or  books,  and  far 
less,  that  they  relate  to  what  we  now  have  as 
the  so-called  Apostolical  Constitutions. 

It  will  be  well  to  look  at  some  of  the  chief  of 
these  passages  fxt>m  the  Fathers. 

We  may  begin  with  the  words  of  Irenaeus  in 
the  fragment  first  printed  by  Pfaff  in  1715.  al 
Tcuf  8(vr^pcuf  r&v  inro<rT6\MV  Ziard^tct  vafnt- 
Ko\ovBiHKvr€s  iffwri  t6v  K^piov  viiuf  wpoir^opiuf 
4y  Tp  Kcuyf  HMd-fiicp  maBfoniKiycu  tearit  t6 
MaXaxiov  k,  r.  \. 

Professor  Lightfoot  is  disposed  to  see  here  a 
reference  to  £e  apostolical  constitutions,  bat 
does  not  recognise  the  Pfiiffian  fragments  as 
genuine.*  (Lightfoot  On  Epist,  to  PfulippianB, 
London,  1868,  pp.  201,  202.)  But  if  the  genu- 
ineness be  admitted,  the  reference  is  surely  in 
th«  highest  degree  vague  and  uncertain.  There 
is  nc  eyidence  that  the  ordinances  spoken  of 
(whAeyer  they  were)  were  to  be  found  in  any 
one  particular  book — still  less  is  there  anything 
to  identify  what  is  spoken  of  with  the  apostoliou 
constitutions  either  as  we  now  haye  them,  or 
under  any  earlier  and  simpler  form.  Moreoyer, 
it  appears  singular  that  if  the  Constitutions  were 
really  what  the  writer  was  relying  on,  he  should 
not  quote  some  passage  from  them.  Instead  of 
this,  he  goes  on  to  cite  the  Reyelation,  the  Epistle 
to  the  Romans,  and  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews, 
almost  as  if  these  contained  the  Utard^cts  in 
question.  What  is  meant  by  the  word  8c^«pai 
it  seems  yery  difficult  to  say  with  certainty. 

Origen  speaking  of  fasting  (in  his  10th  Homily 
on  Leyiticus)  says,  '*  Sed  est  et  alia  adhuc  re- 
ligiosa  [jejunandi  ratio],  cujus  laus  qrtorundam 
apostolontm  Uteris  praedicatur.  Inyenimus  enim 
iu  quodam  libeUo  ab  apostolis  dictum,  Beatus 
est  qui  etiam  jejunat  prae  eo  ut  alat  pauperem. 
Hujus  jejunium  yalde  acceptum  est  apud  Deum 
et  reyera  digne  satis :  imitatur  enim  Ilium  qui 
animam  suam  posuit  pro  fratribus  suis." 

The  terms  in  which  Origen  intixKluccs  this 
citation  do  not  seem  yery  appropiiate  to  such  a 
work  as  the  Constitutions,  nor  in  point  of  fact 
do  the  words  (which  seem  meant  as  an  exact 
quotation)  occur  in  it.  There  is  indeed  (Book 
T.  1)  a  general  exhortation  to  fast  in  order  to 
giye  the  food  to  the  saints,  but  the  passage  has  a 
primary  reference  (at  all  eyents)  to  saints  im- 
prisoQMl  on  account  of  the  fitith.  There  Is,  there- 
fore, a  considerable  diyergenoe  between  the  words 
in  Origen  and  those  in  the  Constitutions;  and 
we  are  hardly  justified  in  seeing  any  reference  to 
the  latter  in  the  former.^ 

«  Hilgenfeld  eppesrs  to  take  a  like  vipw,  both  as  to  the 
Apostolical  Constttatlons  bdng  intendeii,  and  as  to  the 
passage  not  being  genuine.  {Nov.TaLmtraCamon,recepL 
Faadc  iy.  pp.  83,  84.)  Bunsen  thinks  the  Fragment  ge- 
naloe.  and  |hat  it  refers  to  some  early  "  Ordinanoes,"  oot 
neoesstfily  the  lame  as  we  now  have :  CkritL  and  Jfoik, 
voL  It  p.  398,  et  aeq. 

d  Primft  fade,  too^ "  Uterae  quorvmdaM  apostoloram  "  is 
not  an  apt  designatiaa  of  a  work  professing  to  represent 
tha  joint  decrees  of  oK. 

A  later  treatise  entitled  <  De  Aleatoribos,'  ef 
unknown  date  and  authorship,  erroneously  as- 
cribed to  Cyprian,  refers  to  a  passage  **  in  doe- 
trinis  apostolorum,"  relating  to  Church  discipline 
upon  offenders.  Here  again  no  effort  has  suc- 
ceeded in  tracing  the  words  of  the  citation  either 
in  the  constitutions  or  in  any  known  work. 
There  is,  indeed,  a  passage  of  a  similar  effect 
(Book  ii.  c.  39),  bvt  the  actual  langua^  is  not 
the  same ;  and  a  similarity  of  general  tenor  v 
not  much  to  be  relied  upon,  inasmuch  as  th« 
subject  in  hand  is  a  very  common  one. 

We  come  now  to  Eosebius.  In  his  list  of 
books,  afler  naming  those  generally  allowed,  and 
those  which  are  hvriX^iii^poi,  he  goes  on, — "  We 
roust  rank  as  spurious  (v6Boi)  the  account  of  the 
*  Acts  of  Paul,'  the  book  called  <  The  Shepbeid/ 
and  the  '  Revelation  of  Peter,'  and  besides  these, 
the  epistle  circulated  under  the  name  of  'Bar- 
nabas,' and  what  are  called  the  'Teadiings  of 
the  Apostles '  (Twk  iiToarT6\»y  at  \ty6ti€imi  8i- 
SayaC),  and  moreover,  as  I  said,  the  '  Apocalypse 
of  John,'  if  such  an  opinion  seem  correct,  whidi 
some  as  I  said  reject,  while  others  reckon  it 
among  the  books  generally  received.  We  may 
add  that  some  have  reckoned  in  this  division  the 
Gospel  according  to  the  Hebrews,  to  which  those 
Hebrews  who  have  received  [Jesus  as]  the  Christ 
are  especially  attached.  All  these  then  will  be- 
long to  the  class  of  controverted  books."  (Ensebu 
Hist.  JSccl  iii.  25.) 

The  place  here  given  to  the  ZiZaxai  (even 
supposing  them  to  be  the  constitutions)  is  in- 
consistent with  their  being  held  a  genuine  work 
of  the  Apostles.  It  speaks  of  them,  however,  as 
forming  a  well-known  book,  and  from  the  cos- 
text  of  the  passage,  they  seem  to  be  recognised 
as  orthodox ;  but  there  is  nothing  to  identify 
them  directly  with  our  present  collection. 

Athanasius,  among  books  not  canonical,  but 
directed  to  be  read  by  proselytes  for  instmctiim 
in  godliness,  enumerates  the  Wisdom  of  Solomon, 
the  Wisdom  of  Sirach,  Esther,  Judith,  Tobias, 
and  what  he  styles  8<Sax^  KoXovfieyri  rw  &yo- 
0-TuXwK.  The  same  remarks  obviously  apply  to 
this  Father  as  to  Eusebius  (Op,  S,  Athan.  I  963, 
Ed.  Bened.). 

The  language  of  neither  of  them  indicates  that 
the  work  in  question  was  looked  upon  as  an  au- 
thoritative collection  of  Church  laws.  Lagarde 
denies  that  either  of  them  is  to  be  considered 
as  quoting  any  book  of  our  constitutions,  laying 
much  stress  on  the  distinction  between  Si^axsi 
and  Siorr^eis  or  Siorayol  dTooroAw.  (Bunsen. 
Christ,  and  Man,,  vol.  vi.  p.  41.")  Bunsen,  how- 
ever, himself  is  inclined  to  see  here  a  real  refer- 
ence to  a  primitive  form  of  the  constitutions. 
(Ibid,  vol.  ii.  p.  405.) 

We  now  come  to  Epiphanius,  who,  writing  at 
the  close  of  the  4th  century,  has  nnmerous 
explicit  references  to  the  Hidra^ts  of  the  Apostles, 
meaning  thereby  apparently  some  book  of  s 
similar  kind  to  that  which  we  now  have.  His 
view  of  its  character  and  authority  is  to  be  found 
in  the  following  passage  : — 

^For  this  purpose  the  Audiani  themselves 
[a  body  of  heretics]  allege  the  Constitution  of 
the  Apostles,  a  work  disputed  indeed  with  the 

•  In  this  work  Lagarde  writes  under  the 
Boettlcher.  which  he  has  since  changed  for  family 
to  Ijsgarde. 




Mjwttf  Ud  Ghrktiaiia]  jet  not  worthy  of  re- 
'  For  all  ea&onical  order  b  contained 
wad  DO  point  of  the  fiuth  is  falsified,  nor 
jit  rf  the  caBnoBon,  nor  yet  of  the  adminis- 
tiatifi  syrtem  and  rule  and  faith  of  the  Chnrch." 
{Him'.  7Q|  No.  10 ;  oomp.  also  Ibid.  No.  11,  12  ; 
7d,Ko.6;  80,No.7.) 

Bofc  wha  we  examine  his  citations,  we  find 
that  none  of  them  agree  exactly  with  our  present 
tot,  while  some  of  them  rary  from  it  so  widely, 
that  they  can  be  connected  with  it  only  by  the 
fappodtion  that  they  were  meant  to  be  made  ad 
seasom  not  ad  literam.  Even  this  resource  fails 
n  a  fiuiKMis  passage,  immediately  following  that 
jot  dted,  where  Epiphanius  quotes  the  coosti- 
tstaoas  ss  directing  Easter  to  be  observed  ac- 
ondiog  to  the  Jewish  reckoning,f  whereas  in  our 
praeat  ot^ues  they  expressly  enjoin  the  other 
sTBtem.    ^ee  Book  y.  17.) 

Ia  a  wwk  known  as  the  '  opns  imperfectum  in 
Mstthseom,'  once  ascribed  to  Chrysostom,  but 
Mv  eoosidered  to  hare  been  the  production  of 
u  uknown  writer  in  the  5th  century,  there  is 
a  dirtiact  reference  to  *'  the  8th  book  of  the 
apostolic  caBcntB."  And  words  to  the  effect  of 
ti«ae  quoted  are  found  in  the  second  chapter. 
Aaother  citation,  however,  in  the  same  writer 
cunoC  be  rerified  at  all. 

it  is  not  neceaaary  to  pursue  the  list  further. 
Fna  this  time  forwards  references  are  found 
Thick  can  be  verified  with  more  or  less  exactness, 
and  ia  the  year  692  the  council  of  Constantinople, 
kaovi  as  Qnlnisextum,  or  the  TruUan  council, 
W  the  work  under  their  consideration,  bat  came 
10 « (ormal  decision,  refusing  to  acknowledge  it 
as  aathoritative  on  account  of  the  extent  to  which 
it  had  been  interpolated  by  the  heterodox. 

It  appears  then  that  we  must  conclude  that 
there  is  no  sufficient  evidence  that  the  Church 
geaerally  reoeired  as  of  undoubted  authority  any 
coUcctioB  of  constitutions  professing  to  have 
raae  from  the  Apostles  themselves,  or  at  least 
to  be  a  trostwoilhy  primitive  record  of  their 
4edBocia.  Even  Epiphanius  bases  his  approbation 
•f  the  work  of  which  he  speaks  on  subjective 
gienods.  He  refers  to  it,  because  he  thinks  it 
d^hodox,  but  admits  that  it  was  not  received  as 
a  biaiiag  authority.  Yet  had  such  a  work 
ezirted,  it  should  seem  that  from  its  practical 
charscter  it  most  have  been  widely  known,  per- 
pctaaliy  dted,  and  generally  acted  upon. 

Indeed  that  the  so-called  apostolic  constitu- 
tMos,  as  they  now  stand,  are  not  the  production 
•f  the  Apostles  or  of  apostolical  men,  will  be 
dear  to  most  readers  from  their  scheme  and  con- 
tmta.  **  Apostles,"  says  the  author  of  an  article 
a  the  subject  in  the  *  Christian  Itemembranoer ' 
ia  18S4y  *^  are  brought  together  who  never  could 
hav«  been  together  in  this  life :  St.  James,  the 
ireater  (after  he  was  beheaded),  is  made  to  sit 
in  eooBcil  with  St.  Paul  (Lib.  vi.  c.  14),  though 
elaewhere  he  is  spoken  of  as  dead  (Lib.  v.  c.  7). 
Thus  aawmbled,  they  condemn  heresies  and 
hoeties  by  name  who  did  not  arise  till  a.fter 

'  IV  wv  «n«T6AMF  3cara(ir,  o9<ray  ftir  roic  «oA- 

MK  «r  a^iiyiAMiry,  «AA  ovc  MMifAOr. 

*  "OpiQtwn  yap  cr  rg  mtrS  itard$^  oi  iar69ro\M  5ri< 

tfuii  pji  ^nf^i^ifTw,  iJkXk  vouZtc  irar  ot  a5«A^0i  vi»mv  oi 

unpiqv*  fMT^  avTwv  iita  voiciTe.    And  he  adds : 

.  Xdyotrrtt  or*  K£y  n  srAomitfiMri)  fufi* 

their  death  (Lib.  vi.  c.  8);  they  appoint  the 
observance  of  the  days  of  their  death  (Lib.  viii. 
c.  33),  nay,  once  they  are  even  made  to  say 
*  These  are  the  names  of  the  bishope  whom  we 
ordained  in  our  lifetime '  (Lib.  viii.  c  47)." 

Most  persons  will  also  be  of  opinion  that  there 
is  a  tone  about  the  constitutions  themselves 
which  is  by  no  means  in  harmony  with  what  we 
know  of  apostolic  times.  Thus  for  instance,  the 
honour  given  to  the  episcopate  is  excessive  and 

ohros  [i.  e.  6  Mckowos]  ^fMor  0affi\€bs  icol 
Zvvdffrris'  obros  ^fi&v  iiriydos  ©e^s  fieri  Oc^v, 
6s  64>c(Aet  rqr  wap*  hfiSty  rtfi^s  &iroXa^«v  (citing 
Ps.  Ixxxii.  6  and  Exod.  xxiL-xxvili.  in  LXX.). 
*0  7&P  MffKtnros  xpoKa0€(M»  bfiMv  its  OeoS 
&|f9  T9rifiiift4yos,  f  leparu  rov  KX^pov  icol  rov 
Xaov  vayrds  &px<*  (Book  ii.  26;  comp.  alsQ 
Book  ii.  33). 

And  in  Book  vi.  2  we  read : — 
c2  ykp  6  $a<nX,tv<riv  hrfy€ip6fJityos  KoXdfftus 
ll^ioSj  khy  vl6s  fi  khtf  ^l\ov  w6ir<f  fuiXXoy  6 
Uptvtrtv  iTrayurrdfttvos ;  *Oa'(p  yip  Upwr6vri 
fieuriKelas  hin^lvwy,  wepl  tfrvx^f  (fx^^^**  "^^^ 
hrfwckj  ro<ro{n(p  ical  $apvT4pap  Ix*'  ''^'^  rifiw- 
ptcof  6  ra^rp  roXfififfas  kmofipMrtlVf  ^ircp  6  r^ 

A  system,  too,  of  orders  and  classes  in  the 
Church  stands  out  prominently,  especially  in  the 
8th  book,  of  which  there  is  no  trace  in  the  ear- 
liest days  (see  Bickell,  vol.  i.  p.  62).  Thus  we 
have  subdeaoons,  readers,  &c.,  with  minute  direc- 
tions for  their  appointment.  Ceremonies  also  are 
multiplied.  The  use  of  oil  and  myrrh  in  baptism 
is  enjoined  (Book  vli.  22),  and  the  marriage  of 
the  clergy  after  ordination  is  forbidden  (vi.  17). 
We  must  therefore  feel  at  once  that  we  have 
passed  into  a  different  atmosphere  from  that  oi 
Clement's  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians,  and  that 
the  connection  of  Clement's  name  with  the  work 
must  be  a  fiction,  no  less  than  the  assertion  that 
he  wrote  its  contents  at  the  mouth  of  the  apos- 
tles. Even  those  who  think  that  they  trace 
something  like  the  origin  of  such  a  system  in  the 
letters  of  Ignatius  must  allow  that  it  is  here 
represented  in  a  state  of  development  which 
must  have  required  a  considerable  period  of  time 
to  bring  about. 

The  questions,  however,  still  remain  : — 
To  what  date  are  we  to  assign  the  work  in  the 
form  in  which  it  now  exists  ? 

Can  we  show  that  it  was  in  any  degree  formed 
out  of  pre-existing  materials  ? 

Bishop  Pearson  >  and  Archbishop  Usher  regai*d 
the  variations  between  the  citations  of  Epipha- 
nius, and  what  we  read  in  our  present  copies  of 
the  constitutions,  as  conclusive  evidence  that 
there  have  been  alterations  and  interpolations  on 
a  large  scale  since  the  time  of  that  Father,  and 
the  latter  of  these  writers  thinks'  that  the  same 
falsifier  has  been  at  work  here,  who  expanded  the 
shorter  epistles  of  Ignatius  into  the  so-called 
longer  epistles.) 

k  Oomp.  Usber,  In  CoteL  Patr,  Apo$U  voL  11.  p.  230, 
edit  1734. 

I  Vind.  IgnaL  Part  i.  c.  4  prope  fin.  And  see  the 
opinion  of  Deveridge.  Cod.  Can.  lib.  2,  cap.  Ix. 

j  CoteL  Patr.  Ap.  voL  IL  Append,  p.  228.  Bickell  hss 
coUecifid  some  instanoes  of  oorrespoDdence  in  phraseology 
between  the  IgnatJan  Epistles  and  the  OoDStitudons  as 
they  stand,  which  the  reader  may  refer  to  in  order  to 
examine  the  probablUty  of  the  latter  theory  {Gueh  dm 



Aooording  to  Pearson,  we  should  probably 
attribute  the  work  in  its  existing  form  to  about 
the  middle  of  the  5th  oenturj,  while  Usher  re- 
fuses to  place  it  higher  than  the  6th  century.  If^ 
on  the  other  hand,  we  could  suppose  that  Epipha- 
nius  quoted  loosely,  and  that  tne  book  which  he 
had  may,  with  occasional  exceptions,  hare  re- 
sembled in  substance  what  we  now  hare,  ^  we 
should  be  able  to  put  its  antiquity  somewhat 
higher.  But  whateyer  conclusion  may  be  come 
to  on  this  point,  there  is  no  satisfactory  evidence 
to  warrant  its  being  assigned  to  any  period  suffi- 
ciently early  to  make  it,  as  it  stands,  an  authority 
as  to  apostolic  usage. 

But  the  question  still  remains.  Can  we  trace 
its  composition,  and  in  any  degree  identify  the 
materials  out  of  which  it  has  been  put  together  ? 

That  the  work  was  a  pure  and  simple  forgerr 
is  improbable.  Such  was  not  the  course  which 
matters  took  in  early  days ;  nor  would  the  mea- 
sure of  acceptance  which  it  obtained  be  easily  ac- 
counted for  on  this  theory. 

Moreover  it  contains  passages  which  seem 
manifestly  to  belong  to  an  early  age.  Thus  in 
case  of  quarrels  the  Christian  is  recommended 
to  seek  reconciliation  even  at  a  loss  to  himself, 
iral  jR^  ipx^<r9»  M  KpvH^piov  iBwiK^p  (book  ii. 
c.  4-5} — ^words  which  at  all  events  savour  of  a 
time  before  the  empire  was  Christian.  So  again, 
the  secular  judges  are  said  to  be  4$wiieol  icai  ob 
yivAvKovrts  St^iyreu  So  also  martyrdom  and 
persecution  on  account  of  Christianity  are  spoken 
of  as  by  no  means  exclusively  belonging  to  the 
past  (see  Lib.  5,  init.  et  alibi). 

And  to  mention  but  one  more  point,  the  charge 
of  Arianism,  which  was  at  one  time  freely  brought 
against  the  constitutions,  and  used  to  prove  that 
they  had  been  corrupted,  if  not  forged,  by  here- 
tics,^ has  in  later  days  been  sometimes  made  the 
ground  of  an  opposite  inference.  It  is  thought  by 
some  modem  writers  merely  to  show  that  the 
phrases  excepted  against  date  from  a  time  before 
the  controversy  arose,  and  when  therefore  men 
spoke  with  less  of  dogmatic  exactness.  "■ 

Perhaps  it  is  possible  to  go  even  a  step  further, 
at  all  events,  by  way  of  not  unreasonable  conjec- 
ture. We  have  seen  that  Whiston  relied  on  a 
number  of  places  in  which  the  early  Fathers 
speak  of  SiSaxcU ,  SiScuriraXfeu,  Siar^siv  rwy  &T0- 
a-r6\c»Vt  and  some  years  before  Whiston  wrote. 
Bishop  Pearson  (in  his  Vindidae  IgnaHanae) 
had  suggested  the  idea  that,  so  far  as  such  ex- 
pressions really  referred  to  any  specific  works  at 
all,  they  were  to  be  understood  of  smaller,  more 
mcient,  and  more  fragmentary  treatises,  of  a 
kind  not  rare  in  the  Primitive  Church,  professing 
to  contain  the  words  of  the  apostles  or  of  aposto- 
lical men  on  matters  of  doctrine  and  Church 
order.  Some  of  these  were  the  production  of  here- 
tics, some  were  of  an  orthodox  character.  Those 
which  related  to  doctrine  were  called  didascaliae, 

Kirchewreehtt,  vol.  l  p.  68,  note).  Piearwn  takes  a  some- 
what different  view,  Vind,  tgnai.  aM  sapn. 

k  Oomp.  Bickell,  i.  pp.  67, 68,  note.  Eplpfaanlns,  bow- 
ever,  never  quotes  from  the  ?th  or  8th  books,  which  on 
any  theory  are  doubtlesB  of  later  data 

1  See  for  instance  Le  Qerc,  in  OofeeL  Pair.  ApotL  voL  U. 
Apfk  p.  492,  et  seq. ;  and  Bnmo,  lUd.  p.  Iff,  et  seq. 
Indeed  Photlns  and  the  Trallan  Gooncil  had  Inslnaated 
the  same  accusation  {BOMotk.  Can.  112, 113). 

"*  See  Bkikell,  p.  68,  note,  p.  61.  and  p.  <8,  note.  Oomp. 
Boll,  Dtf.  Fid.Nic.\nk2,c9,^9. 

those  which  gave  rules  of  ritual  or  disclpliiM^ 
Ztard^tis  or  Constitutiones.  These  works,  wnttes 
at  different  times  and  in  different  parts  of  the 
Church,  furnished  (as  Pearson  supposes)  the  mate- 
rials to  the  compiler,  who,  with  many  alteratioM 
and  interpolations  formed  out  of  them  our  present 
constitutions  (Vindio.  Ignat,^  Part  i.  c  4). 

Other  critics  have  spoken  in  terms  which  seem 
rather  to  point  to  a  gradual  accretion,  added  to 
from  time  to  time  to  express  the  Church  system 
as  developed,  and  modified  at  the  periods  when 
such  additions  were  respectively  made.  Thus 
Lagarde  says,  ^  Communis  virorum  doctorum  fere 
omnium  nunc  inraluit  opinio,  eas  [Constitutiones] 
saccule  tertio  clam  suocrevisse  et  quum  sex  ali- 
quando  libris  absolutae  fuissent,  septimo  et  octavo 
auctas  esse  postea"  (BeUq.  Juri$  Eocles.  Antiq, 

That  the  work  as  we  have  it  is  a  composite 
one  is  indeed  manifest  enough  *^  from  the  genersl 
want  of  internal  unity,  method,  or  connexioa; 
the  difference  of  style  in  the  various  portions,  sad 
sometimes  statements  almost  contradictory ;  the 
same  topics  being  treated  over  and  over  again  in 
different  places ;  besides  a  formal  conclusion  of 
the  end  of  the  sixth  book,  and  other  indications 
of  their  being  distinct  works  joined  together " 
(Christ,  Bememhr,  ubi  supra). 

In  the  Paris  Library  is  a  Syriac  HS.  called  the 
Didascalia  or  Catholic  doctrine  of  the  12  Apos- 
tles and  holy  disciples  of  our  Saviour.  It  con- 
tains in  a  shorter  form  much  of  the  substance  of 
the  first  six  books  of  the  constitutions,  but  with 
very  great  omissions,  and  with  some  variatiosi 
and  transpositions. 

Its  contents  were  printed  in  Syriac  by  De  Ls- 
garde  (without  his  name)  in  1854 :  and  the  same 
critic,  in  the  6th  vol.  of  Bunsen's  Christianity  and 
Mankind,  has  published,  1st,  our  present  text, 
with  what  he  states  to  be  the  variations  of  the 
Syriac ;  and  2nd,  a  shorter  Greek  text  or  *  Dids»- 
calia  Purior,'  founded  on  the  Syriac.  >^ 

Bickell,  who,  however,  when  he  wrote  had 
only  seen  extracts,  thought  this  Syriac  HS.  a 
mere  abridgement  of  the  krger  work,  and  there- 
fore posterior  in  date  to  it,  and  adding  little  to 
our  knowledge. 

But  Bunsen  (Christianity  and  Mankind,  vol  I  p. 
X.),  Lagarde  (Hei.  Jur.  EccL  Ant.  pref.,  p.  iv.),  and 
the  author  of  the  article  in  the  Qiristian  Remem' 
brancer  1854,  all  agree  that  we  have  here  an 
older  and  more  primitive,  if  not  the  original 
work.  Hilgenfeld  says,  '*  Equidem  et  ipse  Syria- 
cam  Didascaliam  ad  hujus  operis  primitivam 
formam  propius  accedere  existimo,  sed  eandem 
nunquam  mutatam  continere  valde  dubito."*  He 
concludes,  on  the  whole,  "  tertio  demum  saecnlo 
didascalia  apostolica  in  earn  fere  formam  redacts 
esse  videtur,  quam  Eusebius  et  Athanasius  nove- 
rant,  quam  recensionem  a  nostris  oonstitutionibns 
apostolicis  valde  diversam  ftiisse  antiquissims 
docent  testimonia,  praecipue  Epiphanii.  £ji  antem 

"  It  does  not  aeem,  however,  that  this  literally  repR- 
senta  the  Syriac  For  one  of  the  pasMges  given  bf  ViSr 
gsnfeld  (see  inAra),  which  nndonbtedly  odets  in  the  Syriac, 
la  not  to  be  found  in  tbe  'Didascalia  Parlor.'  It  is  nracfa 
to  be  regretted  that  neither  Lagarde  nor  any  other  Oriental 
scholar  has  pnblished  a  literal  translation  of  the  S^jniae 

•  His  own  view  la  that  the  ApostoUcal  OonstitiillaH 
sprang  ftom  an  Ebionlte  sonroe^  allied  to  that  vrtdsh  pro* 
dooed  the  Clementine  RecognitloDek 



*  fl^ilMa  dHaiimlfa  qnamTis  oognata 
Ijnedimt.'*  He  Hunks  that  the  STriao 
wfjpmn  Bot  to  be  ▼err  oonnetent  on  the  subject 
rftbt  wlwU^i^  of  Easter.  It 'seems,  howerer 
(frn  the  tnosbtions  which  he  giTSs),  that  it 
coatainiapBHige  agreeing  in  safastanoe^th  what 
Epipbaaras  qaotes  as  to  keeping  Easter  b  j  the 
JcvUiMtiMd(antcp.  121): '<lhr  sollt  aber  begin- 
■ea  diaa,  wenn  enza  BrOder  aos  dem  Yolk  [Isnei] 
dMfticfaa  halteBy  wcily  als  nnser  Herr  und  Lehrer 
aut  am  das  Fudia  ass,  er  nach  dieser  Stonde  von 
Jaisf  Tcnathen  wnrda.  Und  nm  dieselbe  Zeit 
UbfB  wir  aagafimgen,  bedrllckt  an  werden,  weil 
cr  foa  VBs  geBommen  war.  Nach  der  Zahl  des 
M«ad«»  wie  wir  sihlen  nadi  der  Zahl  der  glan- 
b^  H«brier,  am  sehnten  im  Monat,  am  Montag 
kbn  ach  die  Priester  nnd  Aeltesten  des  Volki 
nnaaimelt "  a.  s.  w.,  and  subsequently  —  **  Wie 
tbi  dcr  Tienchnte  dea  Pascha  ftllt,  so  sollt  ihr 
Am  bshea.  Denn  nieht  stimmt  der  Monat,  und 
■nek  aicht  der  Tag  in  jedem  Jahre  mit  dieser 
Xeit,  Madera  er  iai  Terschieden."  ' 

TJiis  it  worthy  of  serious  attention,  as  an  argu- 
■cat  for  the  antiquity  of  Uus  Syriao  work. 

It  would  aeem  that  it  must  at  all  erents  be  ad- 
mitted tliat  the  original  work  from  which  the 
Sjriac  was  taken  consisted  of  six  books  only. 
The  7th  sad  8th  books,  as  they  now  stand,  formed 
Bftjartof  iL 

ibe  same  is  the  case  with  an  Aethiopic  yersion 
tnailstcd  by  Mr.  Piatt.  This  also,  though  said 
to  be  Teiy  loose  and  of  little  Talue  as  a  guide  to 
tk  original  text,  is  a  witness  to  the  £ftct  that 
tkere  were  but  six  books  when  it  was  made.  The 
like  is  true  of  the  Arabic  versions,  of  which  some 
ioeooBt  was  first  giren  by  Grabe,  and  of  which 
two  MSS.  are  in  the  Bodleian.  ^ 

Ket  only  do  these  facts  tend  to  isolate  the  first 
u  boob  fimn  the  7th  and  8th ;  but  the  formal 
eoadnsioa  which  occurs  at  the  end  of  the  6th 
trea  in  our  present  (ireek,  and  the  style  of  the 
nateats  itselC^  furnish  internal  evidence  in  the 
■■e  direction. 

It  has  therefore  been  contended  that  the 
brael  out  of  which,  to  a  great  extent,  the  first 
nx  books  sprang  was  a  shorter  b<K>k  called 
tilesaaXia  rwr  &«-o<rr^A»r,  of  which  the  Syriao 
▼enioa  fbraishes  a  fair  idea,  if  not  a  really  pure 

lad  as  none  of  Epiphanius's  citations  are  made 
from  the  two  last  books,  it  is  suggested  that  we 
■aj  bare  here  something  like  a  key  to  the  work 
ai  it  vas  in  his  time,  the  7th  and  8th  books  hav- 
isf  been  added  since. ' 

Coniag  to  the  7th  book,  we  must  notice  that 
iU  6nt  thirteen  chapters  or  thereabouts  exhibit 
a  S^eat  similarity,  both  in  matter  and  expression, 
t»  the  first  part  of  an  ancient  tract  printed  by 
ftckell  from  a  Vienna  MS.,  and  entitled  At  8ia- 
rayal  si  8i^  KXiifi4rros  icol  Kap6wts  inieKiiiTuurTi' 

»  flBeBltpnleld,  iromioi  TttL  extra  Can,  reufL  Faid- 
calai  tr.  pi  n,  St  seq.    (lipilae.  ISM.) 
«  There  wn  Hi  the  Ar^iie  five  chapten  not  In  the 

'  Tkefaet  that  there  is  «o  Oriental  venkm  of  tbe  eight 
OneiL  hooka  as  •  whole,  bM  beenraUedoo  to  ahew  that 
(hfj  had  not  been  ludled  together  In  one  wotIe  np  to 
te  year  4S1.  when  the  Eigyptlan,  AetfaIople»  and  Sjilao 
ne  oBwied  fhem  the  comnraniai?  of  the  Greeks 
;  (jCkrtaL  Remembr^  1864,  p.  378).  The  same 
is  hiellBed  la  Aite  lbs  DIdascaly  in  the  latter 

Koi  r&v  hyitnf  krom-SKatr,  *  This  tract  professes 
to  contain  short  and  weighty  utterances  by  the 
apostles  (who  are  introduced  as  ^leaking  suooesa- 
ivelv)  on  Christian  morals,  and  on  the  ministers 
of  the  Church.*  An  Aethiopic  version  (for  it  is 
extant  in  Coptic,  Aethiopic,  and  Arabic)  calls  it 
«<  canons  of  the  apostles  which  they  have  made 
for  the  ordering  of  the  Christian  Church."  ■  It 
is  the  piece  which  Bickell  and  others  after  him 
have  called  **  Apostolische  Kirchenordnung." 
It  is  assigned  by  him  to  the  beginning  of  the 
3rd  centurv.*  The  same  date  is  given  in  the 
article  on  the  subject  in  Herzog's  JBnoyclqp&Ue, 
where  it  is  treated  as  a  document  independent  of 
the  constitutions.  Bunsen,  removing  the  dra- 
matic form  and  presenting  only  the  substance  of 
the  piece,  considers  it  to  be  in  fact  a  collection  of 
rules  of  the  Alexandrian  Church.  This  view, 
however,  is  warmly  disputed  by  the  writer  in  the 
Christian  Bemembrancer  (1854,  p.  293),  who 
contends  that  its  whole  garb,  style,  and  lan- 
guage show  that  it  was  not  an  authoritative 
work,  but  was  the  production  of  a  pious  writer, 
who  arrayed  in  a  somewhat  fictitious  dress  what 
he  sought  to  inculcate.  It  is  more  renuu-kable  for 
piety  Uian  knowledge;  for  though  the  number ot 
twelve  apostles  is  inade  out,  it  is  by  introducing 
Cephas  as  a  distinct  person  from  Peter,  and  by 
making  him  and  Nathanael  occupy  the  places  of 
James  the  Less  and  of  Matthias.  St.  Paul  does 
not  appear  at  all — a  fact,  perhaps,  not  without 
its  bearing  on  conjectures  as  to  its  origin. 

It  should  be  observed  that  the  language  of  the 
first  part  of  this  tract,  and  of  the  7th  Book  of  the 
Constitutions,  coincides  to  a  great  extent  with  the 
latter  part  of  the  Epistle  of  Barnabas,  leaving  it 
doubtM  whether  it  was  taken  thence  or  whether 
the  transcribers  of  that  epistle  subsequently  in- 
corporated therewith  a  portion  of  this  treatise. 
Borrowing  and  interpolation  must,  it  would 
seem,  have  taken  place  on  one  hand  or  on  the 
other,  and,  as  in  other  cases,  it  is  difficult  to  de- 
cide the  question  of  originality. 

Upon  this  state  of  fiicts  the  writer  in  the 
Christ.  Bern,  argues  that  this  tract  furnished 
materials  fcr  the  first  part  of  the  7th  Book  ot* 
the  Constitutions.  He  also  thinks  that  it  is  it- 
self the  work  referred  to  by  £usebius  and  Atha- 
nasiuB  under  the  name  of  9i9ax^  r&y  &«-o- 
9r6>iMV,  We  have  seen  already  that  the  title 
in  the  Greek  varies  from  that  in  the  Aethiopic, 
and  it  is  urged  that  (considering  the  subject) 
there  seems  no  reason  why  it  may  not  also  be 
suitably  designated  *■  Teaching  of  the  Apostles.' 
Now  in  an  old  stichometry  appended  to  Niceph- 
orus'  chronc^raphy,]^  but  perhaps  of  earlier  date 
than  that  work,  the  number  of  lines  contained 
in  certain  works  is  given,  and  from  this  it  would 
appear  that  the  *Doctrina  Apostolorum'  was 


■  Bickell,  voL  L  App.  I.  It  will  also  be  found  in 
Lagarde's  Rd.  Jvrit  Sod.  AnL,  p.  74. 

*  It  ia  the  former  of  these  points  alooe  in  which  the 
Ukeneea  appears  between  tiiis  work  and  the  Yth  Book  of 
the  OmstltntioDS. 

<^  See  Bickell  abi  sapra;  and  i.  p.  88. 

«  It  menttons  only  " Readers"  in  addition  to  the  tbree 
orden  of  the  miDiaUry ;  and  aa  TertoUian  doea  the  same 
{De  Praetor,  ffaer^  c.  41),  this  Is  thought  a  ground  for 
attrfbuting  tt  io  hia  epoch  (Bickell.  voL  L  p.  M).  See 
also  Hilgenlield,  Nov.  Test,  eatra  Can.  rtc,  Faadcaloa  iv 
pp.  93, 94. 

y  A  prodnetton  of  the  ath  cenloiy. 



shorter  than  the  Book  of  Canticlea,  and  that  a 
book  called  the  '  Teaching  of  Clement,*  was  as 
long  as  the  Gospel  of  Luke.  Hence,  if  the  *  Doc- 
trina '  of  this  list  be  the  same  as  that  of  Ease- 
bias,  it  must  have  been  a  book  rerj  much 
shorter  than  our  present  constitations,  and  one 
not  far  differing  in  length  from  the  tract  of 
which  we  have  ^n  speaking;  while  the  'Teach- 
ing of  Clement '  (a  larger  work)  may  be  a  desig- 
nation of  the  earlier  form  of  our  present  first 
six  books — ^in  short,  of  the  Didascalia.  Ruffinus, 
in  a  list  otherwise  very  similar  to  those  of 
Eusebius  and  Athanasius,  omits  the  *  Teaching 
of  the  Apostles,'  and  inserts  instead  'The  two 
ways,  or  the  Judgment  of  Peter.'  Assuming 
that  the  '  Doctrina '  is  the  tract  we  hare  been 
discussing,  reasons  are  urged  for  supposing  that 
it  reappears  here  under  a  different  title.  We 
haye  already  seen  that  the  Greek  and  Aethiopic 
give  it  two  different  names,  and  its  contents 
might  perhaps  render  the  designation  in  Ruf- 
finus  not  less  appropriate.  For  St.  John,  who 
s}>eaks  first,  is  introduced  as  beginning  his  ad- 
dress with  the  words,  "There  are  two  ways, 
one  of  life  and  one  of  death ;"  and  St.  Peter  in- 
tervenes repeatedly  in  the  course  of  it,  and  at 
the  close  sums  up  the  whole  by  an  earnest  ex- 
nortation  to  the  brethren  to  keep  the  foregoing 
injunctions.  Such  is  the  hypothesis  of  the 
learned  writer  in  the  Christ,  Rein, 

Hilgenfeld,  it  may  be  mentioned,  has  independ- 
ently arriyed  at  a  conclusion  in  part  accordant 
with  the  abore.  He  argues  strongly  that  the 
treatise  published  by  Bickell  is  that  spoken  of  by 
Ruffinus  under  the  name  of '  Duae  viae  yel  Judi- 
■  cium  Petri,'  but  does  not  apparently  identify  it 
with  the  '  Doctrina  Apostolorum '  of  Athanasius. 
He  thinks  the  book  was  known  in  some  form  to 
Clemens  Alexandrinus,  and  agrees  that  great  part 
of  it  passed  into  the  7th  Book  of  the  Constitu- 
tions (see  Hilgenfeld's  Novum  Test,  extra  Canonem 
Hecepttmij  Lipsiae  1866 ;  Fasciculus  iv.  p.  93). 

We  now  come  to  the  8th  Book.  Extant  in 
seyeral  Greek  MSB.  (one  being  at  Oxford)  are 
large  portions  of  the  matter  of  the  earlier  part 
of  this  book,  not  however  connected  together 
throughout,  but  appearing  in  two  distinct  and 
apparently  separate  pieces.  The  first  of  them 
is  entitled  '  Teaching  of  the  Holy  Apostles  con- 
cerning gifts '  (xapi<r/iMir»K),  the  second  *  Regu- 
lations (Biard^us)  of  the  same  Holy  Apostles 
concerning  ordination  [given]  through  Hippo- 
lytus'  (vep)  x^^f^^^^^^*'  ^^  'IinroX^ov).  The 
two  together,  as  just  observed,  comprise  a  yery 
large  proportion  of  the  8th  Book,  but  are  not 
without  some  omissions  and  several  yariations 
from  it.  In  that  book  as  we  have  it,  the  two 
portions  represented  respectively  by  these  sepa- 
rate treatises  stand  connected  by  a  short  chapter, 
containing  nothing  of  importance,  and  seeming 
to  serve  only  as  a  link. 

Hence  it  has  been  suggested  that  we  haye  in 
the  treatises  in  question  an  older  and  purer  form 
of  the  8th  Book,  or  rather  the  materials  used  in 
its  composition.  The  *  Regulations '  are  also  in 
existence  in  Coptic  (indeed  there  are  two  Coptic 
forms  differing  from  each  other  and  from  the 
Greek  by  additions  and  omissions  and  probably 
in  i^e),  in  Syriac,  Arabic,  and  Aethiopic,  the 
text  being  in  many  cases  a  good  deal  modified.* 

■  Tbs  Syrisc  snd  OopUc  fonn  part  of  the  collecUons 

Bunsen  treated  these  as  a  onllection  of  Ala- 
andrian  Church  rules,  and  >i«wed  the  por^ 
tions  common  to  them  and  to  the  8th  Book  of 
the  Constitations  as  in  a  great  degree  derived 
from  a  lost  work  of  Hippolytus  x€pi  x^Wf^- 
rwK*  {Christ,  and  Man^  yol.  ii.,  p.  412). 

On  the  other  hand  Bickell  argues  that  the 
tracts  in  question  are  nothing  more  thao  ex- 
tracts from  the  constitutions,  more  or  len 
abridged  and  modified.  He  relies,  for  example, 
on  the  fact  that  in  one  of  these  treatises  no  Ices 
than  in  the  text  of  our  8th  Book,  St.  Paul  (vho 
is  introduced  as  a  speaker)  is  made  to  comnumd 
Christian  masters  to  be  kind  to  their  servints, 
''  as  we  have  also  ordained  in  what  has  preceded^ 
and  have  taught  in  our  epistles."  This  he  con- 
siders to  be  a  clear  reference  to  what  has  been 
before  said  in  the  constitutions  on  the  same  snU 
ject  (Book  yii.  c.  13). 

Lagarde  expresses  a  similar  yiew,  and  draws 

mentioned  lof^  p.  125.  See  also  CkriiL  Rememtr.,p.  S8S, 
as  to  another  Qyriso  M&,  and  comp.  p.  383. 

*  The  inacripUon  on  the  statue  of  HippolyUn  at  Ran* 
mentions  among  his  works  vipl  xapurit^ttn^  ianvrokuai 
rapdioa-vt.  It  is  not  clear  whether  the  «cpc  x^  ^'m 
one  treatise  and  awovr,  vapdZ.  another,  or  whether  the 
whole  is  the  title  of  one  work.  See  Bickellp  p.  64^  note. 
As  regards  the  vtpl  x<^>oroFi«r,  Bunsen  considere  It  to 
have  been  the  sulject  of  much  Interpolatloo,  and  reBsrdi 
its  frte  In  this  respect  to  have  been  like  that  of  the  Ooasti- 
tatfons  themselves,  the  oompoeltion  of  which  he  dneribes 
tn  words  worth  qaoting  in  relation  to  the  goienal  watted  -. 
-  Here  we  see  the  very  origin  of  these  Gbnstiuitioia. 
Towards  the  end  of  the  ante-Nlcene  period  thcj  made 
the  old  simple  collections  of  cniUMns  and  regnlatiooB  into 
a  book,  by  introducing  different  sets  of  *  oootonie^'  l)j  a 
literary  composition  either  of  their  own  makiDg;  or  bj 
transcribtng  or  extracting  a  corresponding  treatise  of  some 
ancient  Ikther.  Thus  the  man  who  compiled  our  Tth  book 
has,  as  everybody  now  knows,  extracted  two  chapien  of 
the  ancient  epistle  which  bears  the  name  of  Bamabai. 
The  compiler  of  the  8th  book,  or  a  predeoeseor  In  this  wrt 
of  oompilation,  has  apparently  done  the  same  with  the 
work  of  Hippolytus  on  the  Cbarianata*  (Ckritttautf 
and  iftmJfcindk  voL  IL  416).  Elsewhere,  in  the  same  wmfc, 
he  expresKS  an  opinion  that  the  old  coUectioDsof  costomi 
here  spokm  of  were  themselves  made  at  a  much  eiriler 
time— perhaps  In  the  2nd  oentoiy— and  express  the  prao- 
tlceof  various  great  churches ;  and  that  the  oonsdoiMDeai 
of  apostolidty  hi  that  primitive  age  Justifies,  or  at  leest 
excuses,  the  fiction  l^  which  they  were  attributed  to 
A.postlesr-a  flcUon  which  deceived  no  one,  and  was  only 
meant  to  express  an  undoubted  ftct.  vis.,  the  aposUdidty 
of  the  InJuncttons  as  to  their  substance  (voL  IL  Z9»). 
Asoeodtng  atill  a  step  higher,  he  believes  that  the  male* 
rials  employed  in  these  old  oollectioDs  were  of  all  bot 
apostolic  times.  The  oldest  horiaon  to  which  we  kwk 
back  aa  reflected  In  them  is  perhaps  the  age  immediate 
posterior  to  Clement  of  Rome,  who  himself  repraenta  the 
end  of  the  Johannean  age,  or  first  century  (see  voL  IL 
p.  402).  To  Bunsen's  mind,  ItiU  of  fUth  in  the  power 
and  tact  of  snttJective  criticism,  this  means  mora 
than  to  the  mind  of  theolofl^ans  of  the  IJkigUiah  sdiooL 
He  believed  in  the  possibility  of  applying  the  cri- 
tical magnet  to  draw  forth  the  true  fragments  of  sleel 
from  the  mass  in  which  to  oar  eyes  they  seem  inex- 
tricably buried.  He  thus  speaks  of  the  sal]|ectlTe 
process  by  which  be  makes  the  first  step  upwards:— 
"  As  soon  as  we  get  rid  of  all  that  belong  to  the  bid 
taste  of  the  fiction,  some  ethic  introductloiis.  snd  allocca- 
alooal  moralisbig  condusloDs,  and  generally  evciytiiiag 
manifestly  re-written  with  literary  pretensioo ;  and  lastly, 
as  soon  as  we  expunge  some  IntcrpolatloDS  of  the  4tti  and 
5th  centuries,  which  are  easily  disoemible^  we  find  our- 
selves unmistakeably  in  the  midst  of  the  life  of  the  Ghardi 
of  the  2nd  and  3rd  centuries  "  (voL  ii.  pi  40ft>. 



to  tin  qrenmstance  that  in  one  part  of 
tkt  Ifauch  MS.  of  the  ve^il  x^f^^^^'^'^'^t  there 
k  a  note  which  expreasly  speaks  of  what  follows 
m  taken  ont  of  the  apostolical  constitutions.^ 

la  oondosion,  it  may  be  remarked  that  all 
mch  PMearches  as  those  we  haye  been  consider- 
iig  as  to  one  piece  being  the  basis  or  original  of 
awther^  are  beset  with  mach  difficulty,  because 
eertaia  statementa  or  maxims  often  recur  in 
KTezal  tracts  which  (in  their  present  state  at 
all  efeats)  are  distinct  from  each  other,  though 
soBetines  bearii^  similar  names.  Lagarde  points 
OQt  (RtL  Jv,  BocL  Ant^  preface  p.  xvii.,  and 
BmiM&'s  ChisUanUy  and  Mankind,  toI.  yi.  p.  S8, 
39)tliat  there  once  was  a  Syriac  collection  in 
sigkt  books  equdly  professing  to  be  the  work  of 
daaeat,  yet  far  from  being  identical  with  our 
preaeat  Qreek  constitutions,  though  here  and 
tJicrc  embracing  similar  pieces.  Passages  which 
Lagarde  deems  to  be  extracts  from  the  2nd  and 
3id  Books  haTs  been  edited  by  him  in  Syriac 
ft«a  fragments  found  in  the  same  Paris  MS. 
^aaserm.  38)  which  contains  the  Syriac  Didas- 
adia«  (see  his  JUL  Jur.  Eccl.  Ant,  Syrian.  1856). 
fle  has  also  translated  them  into  Greek  (see  his 
ieL  Jwr.  EccL  AjU,  Oraece,  p.  80,  and  Pref. 
f.  xTii).^  Then  again,  there  is  an  Egyptian  ool- 
iectkn,*  also  in  eight  books,  the  relation  of  which 
to  the  aborementioned  Syrian  Octateuch  is  dis- 
coand  by  Lagarde  {Bd.  Jur.  EccL  AfU,  preface, 
aid  Bansen's  Okrid.  and  Mankind,  toL  yi,  p.  39). 

We  hare  thus  endearoured  to  present  a  sketch 
«f  aane  of  the  leading  theories  which  have  been 
pot  forward  as  to  the  apostolical  constitutions, 
bid  ^laoe  permit  it  would  not  be  difficult  to  add 
•then.  Sxabbe  appears  to  have  thought  tliat 
Easebhia,  Athanasius,  and  Epiphanius  knew  the 
list  seven  books,  and  that  they  were  composed 
ia  the  East  not  long  after  the  time  of  Cyprian 
(tb  serenth  being  a  kind  of  appendix  to  the 
•then),  and  probably  by  one  author,  whose  object 
vas  to  model  the  Church  on  a  Levitical  pattern, 
and  who  perhaps  described  not  so  much  what 
cnstfed  as  what  he  desired  to  see.  At  a  later 
period  (end  of  4th  or  beginning  of  5th  century) 
the  8th  Book  was  added,  embracing  divers  pre- 

3ts  whieh  were  commonly  supposed  to  be  apos- 
eal,  tf^ether  with  much  from  the  writer  him- 

Rd.  JuriM  Sod.  Ant^  Preflioe,  p.  vili. ;  and 
a  theory  aa  to  tbe  name  of  Hippolytna, 
with  the  treatise, 
not  be  ooofimoded  with  the  Syriac  Dldas- 
fhm  whidi  It  is  quite 


*  Matter  ckMdlyagreefaig  with  these  fhigments,  though 
aat  ta  quite  the  aame  order,  and  oonnected  with  much 
ihrt  iiaddidooa].  Is  alao  ftyand  In  a  MS.  of  the  12th  cent 
hi  tbe  Chmbridge  Univ.  Library.  Thia  MS.  (brought  \if 
Bertunan  firam  Southern  India)  contained  eight  ImwIcb  of 
Ckaniine  OoosHtotlons  placed  at  the  end  of  a  Syriac 
BUe;  bet  it  ia  now  In  a  dilapidated  state.  It  may  be 
tbaa  the  RhIb  firagnMnta  are  extracta  tnai  H,  or,  on  the 
«thff  hmO,  this  MS.  (aa  the  Uter  of  the  two  hi  date)  may 
paiAly  eooUdn  a  sabaeqnent  development.  It  may  be 
hoped  that  tartherattentlen  wiU  be  paid  to  It  by  Oriental 
atiiolank   Its  eihtenor  seems  to  have  been  nnknown  to 

•  or  flrit  Egyptian  coUectton,  the  first  two  bodes  are 
fchrted  la  a  Greek  vervton  by  Lagarde  in  Bunaen'a  ChriiL 
mi  MaaWwd,  vL  4A1 ;  and  aee  Bnnaen's  analysis  of  the 
eallRtioa.  Ibid.  viL  SK.  Another  OopUc  MS.  was  trans- 
hlBl  by  Dr.  Tattom  in  1848.  There  la  a  notke  of  it  fai 
te  CIrM.  Uemembr,  for  ISBi,  p.  282. 

self,  probably  an  Arian  or  Macedonian.  .  Thus 
second  writer  probably  is  responsible  for  many 
interpolations  in  the  previous  books.' 

Von  Drey  again,  who  spent  much  labour  on 
the  subject,  advocated  the  view  that  the  treatises 
of  four  distinct  writers  are  combined  in  our  pre- 
sent work.  The  first  six  books,  he  thought, 
were  written  after  the  middle  of  the  3rd  century, 
to  teach  .practical  religion,  and  were  adapted  for 
catechumens.  The  seventh  is  probably  of  the 
date  of  A.D.  300,  and  treats  of  the  mysteries  for 
the  use  of  the  fhithful  alone.  The  8th  Book  is 
a  kind  of  pontifical  of  some  Eastern  Church,  being 
flill  of  litorgies  for  the  use  of  the  clergy.  It 
dates  perhaps  from  the  Srd  century,  but  has 
been  altered  and  adapted  to  the  state  of  things 
in  the  middle  of  the  4th.  Athanasius,  who 
speaks  of  the  8t5ax^  KdKovfiiyri  rwv  inroirT6\wy 
as  fit  for  recent  converts  desirous  of  instruction, 
is  to  be  taken  as  referring  to  the  six  first  books.f 
But  before  the  time  of  Epiphanius  the  eight 
books  were  joined  as  one  work. 

Interesting  as  such  Inquiries  are,  they  cannot 
at  present  be  considered  as  having  removed  the 
question  of  the  origin  bud  date  of  the  apostolical 
constitutions  out  of  the  class  of  unsolved  problems.^ 
The  majority  of  scholars  will  perhaps  decline  to 
say  with  confidence  more  than  that  the  precise 
age  and  composition  of  the  work  is  unknown, 
but  that  it  is  probably  of  Eastern  authorship,^ 
and  comprises  within  itself  fhigments  of  very 
different  dates,  which  we  have  no  certain  means 
for  dbcriminating  from  one  another,  and  which 
have  undergone  great  modifications  when  in- 
corporated with  the  rest.  The  consequence  is 
that,  as  it  stands,  the  work  cannot  be  deemed  to 
reflect  a  state  of  things  in  the  Church  much,  if 
at  all,  pnor  to  the  Nicene  age.'' 

Nor  can  it  be  said  ever  to  have  possessed,  so 
far  as  we  know,  any  distinct  ecclesiastical  au- 
thority. We  are  in  the  dark  as  to  its  author- 
ship, and  there  is  no  such  proof  of  its  general 
and  public  reception  at  any  period  as  would 
seem  needful  to  establish  its  validity  as  an  autho- 
ritative document.  There  are  indeed  signs  of  a 
common  nucleus  of  which  various  churches  seem 
to  have  availed  themselves,  but  in  adopting  it  into 
their  respective  systenu  they  modified  it  in  re- 
lation to  their  respective  needs,  with  a  fireedom 
hardly  consistent  with  the  idea  that  it  was  en- 
titled to  very  great  veneration. 

Authoritiea, — ^F.  Turrianns,  Prooem,  in  Libr, 

'  When,  however,  a  very  late  date  Is  attempted  to  be 
assigned,  it  shonld  be  remembered  e  eontra  that,  aa  ob- 
Bterypd  by  BIckell,  metropolitan  authority  does  not  af^iear ; 
and  If  we  hear  of  asoetidsm  (in  book  vili.),  there  Is  no 
mention  of  monastdclsm. 

c  While,  on  the  other  haxMl,  the  85tJi  of  the  Apoatolical 
Oanons  perhaps  refers  to  the  f  th  and  8th  when  It  qpeaka 
of  the  ApoatoUcal  GonstitDtlnns  aa  SiarayaX  tin  ov  xA 

^  See  the  words  of  Lagarde  In  Bunsen,  CkriH,  tmd 
Mamk^  vol.  vL  p.  40. 

i  See  Bickell,  vol.  L  p.  63,  who  assigmi  several  grannds 
for  this  oonclnalon.  It  Is  worth  notice  that  throni^ioat 
the  CoostitnUonB  the  Church  of  Rome  never  oocaplea  any 
positfon  of  priority  or  pre-eminenoe. 

k  The  age  of  the  Syriac  DldascaUa  la  of  coarse  another 
question.  It  demands  fhUer  consideration,  which  it  can 
hardly  receive  from  scholars  In  general  nntll  It  baa  been 
literally  translated.  According  to  the  *  IMdaacalia  Purior ' 
In  Bonsen,  it  is  not  fines  f^om  very  hyperbolical  language 
In  relation  to  the  clergy. 



Clemewti$  Bom,  de  Coiui,  Apost^  &c  Anty.  1578. 
Joh.  Dallaeofl,  De  Paeadepigraphis  Apott^  lib. 
iii.  Harderr.  1653.  Jac  Usserii,  Diss,  de 
Ignat.  Epitt.  (in  Gotel.  Patr.  Ap^  toI.  IL  app. 
p.  199,  &c  Edit.  1724).  Pearsoni,  Vindic.  Igmd, 
(in  Ootel.  Pair.  Ap^  toI.  ii.  app.  p.  251).  Part  I. 
chap.  4.  Branonis,  JwHoimi  (Ibid.  p.  177). 
Ck>telerii,  Judie,  de  Const,  Apost.  (Cotef.  vol.  i. 
p.  195).  J.  £.  Grabe,  SpioHog.  Patr.  Ozon. 
1711.  J.  £.  Orabe,  JEsaay  t^pon  two  Arabic  MSS, 
Lond.  1711.  W.  Whiston,  Priautive,  Christianity 
Meoivsd,  Lond«  1711.  Erabbe,  tJber  dm  Ur* 
sprung  und  den  Inhdtt  der  Ap,  Const,  Hamb. 
1829.  Von  Drey,  Neue  Uhtersuchungen  aber 
die  Const,y  &c  Tttbingen  1832.  Bothe,  Asfif&nge 
der  Christl,  KircKe,  Bickell,  GesclwMe  der  Kir- 
chenreohtSf  roL  i.  Gieasen  1843.  tJ'ltzen,  Const, 
Apost.  Snerini  1853.  Bnnaen's  Christianity  and 
Mankind,  London  1854.  Christian  Bemembrancer 
for  1854.  De  Lagarde,  Bdiqniae  Jwris  EGdesi- 
astioi  AsOiquissimaef  1856.  Idem,  Syriaoe  1856. 
Hilgenfeld,  Novum  Testamentum  extra  Canonem 
rec^atwn.  Lip8iael866;Fa8cic.IV.  l%eJBthiopic 
Didascalia  ;  or,  the  Ethiopic  version  of  the  Apos- 
tolical Gonstitntions,  receired  in  the  Church  of 
Abjesinia.  With  an  English  translation.  Edited 
and  translated  by  Thomas  Pell  Piatt,  F.A.S. 
London,  printed  for  the  Oriental  Translation 
Fund,  1834.  The  Apost,  Constitutions;  or,  the 
Canons  of  the  Apostles  in  Coptic,  with  an  English 
Translation  bj  Henrj  Tattam,  LL.D.,  &c ;  printed 
for  the  Oriental  Translation  Fund,  1848.  [B.  S.] 

APOSTOLICnS,  a  title  once  common  to  all 
bishops  (the  earliest  instance  produced  by  Du 
Cange  is  from  Venantius  Fortunatus,  6th  century, 
addressing  Gregory  of  Tours,  Prdog,  to  F.  8. 
Martini  and  elsewhere ;  but  none  of  his  quota- 
tions use  the  word  absolutely  and  by  itself,  but 
rather  as  an  epithet);  but  horn  about  the  9th 
century  restricted  to  the  Pope,  and  used  of  him 
in  course  of  time  as  a  technical  name  of  office. 
It  is  so  used,  e.  g,,  by  Rupertus  Tuitiensis,  12th 
century  {De  Divin,  Offic,  i.  27) ;  but  had  been 
formally  assigned  to  the  Pope  still  earlier,  m 
the  Council  of  Rheims  ▲.D.  1049, — **  quod  solus 
Romanae  sedis  Pontifez  universalis  Ecclesiae  pri- 
mas  esset,  et  Apostolicus," — and  an  Archbishop 
of  Compostella  was  excommunicated  at  the  same 
council  for  assuming  to  himself  **  culmen  Apo- 
stolic! nominis''  (so  that,  in  the  middle  ages, 
ApostolicuSy  or,  in  Norman  French,  VApostoU  or 
VApostoUsy  which  =  ApostoUcusy  not  ApostoluSy 
became  the  current  name  for  the  Pope  of  the 
time  being).  Claudius  Taurinensis,  in  the  9th 
century,  recognizes  the  name  as  already  then 
appropriated  to  the  Pope,  by  ridiculing  his 
being  called  *'  not  Apostolus^  but  ApostoUcus"  as 
though  the  latter  term  meant  Apostoli  custos: 
for  which  Claudius's  Irish  opponent  Dungal 
takes  him  to  task.  (Du  Cange ;  Raynaud,  Contin. 
BaronU.)  [A.  W.  H.] 

APOSTOLIUM  ('A«■oaTo^e<or),  a  church 
dedicated  in  the  name  of  one  or  more  of  the 
Apostles.  Thus  Sozomen  (Hist,  Eoel,  iz.  10,  p. 
376)  speaks  of  the  Basilica  of  St.  Peter  at  Rome 
as  rh  h^Tpov  kvooToXtioVj  and  the  same  writer, 
speaking  of  the  church  which  Rufinus  built  at 
the  Oak  (a  suburb  of  Chalcedon)  in  honour  of 
8S.  Peter  and  Paul,  says  that  he  called  it  *A«-o- 
OToXeior  from  them  (hist,  JSccL  viiL  17,  p.  347). 
[MABTntlUM,  Pbopheteuii.]  [C] 


APOTAXAMENI  (&«oraC4^«cMM)— raraa- 
ciantes,  renounoers,  a  name  by  which  the  monks 
of  the  ancient  Church  were  sometimes  designated, 
as  denoting  their  renunciation  of  the  world  and 
a  secular  life,  e,g,  in  Palladius  ffist,  LausittCy 
c  15,  and  OMsian,  who  entitles  one  of  his  books, 
De  Instiiutis  Benmoiantiian,  (Bingham,  book  vil 
c  2.)  [D.  a] 

APPEAL  (AppeOatio  in  referenoe  to  the 
court  appealed  to,  Prof)ocatio  in  reference  to  the 
opponent;  l^eo'if  in  classical  Greek,  verb,  in 
N.  T.  iirueaX€io-9ai)f  a  complaint  preferred  before 
a  superior  court  or  judge  in  order  to  obtain  due 
remedy  for  a  judgment  of  a  court  or  judge  of  an 
inferior  rank,  whereby  the  complainant  all^pei 
that  he  has  suffered  or  will  su&r  wrong.  We 
are  concerned  here  with  ecclesiastical  appeals 
only.  And  they  will  be  most  conveniently  dis- 
cuned  if — distinguishing  between  1,  appeals 
from  an  ecclesiastical  tribunal  to  another  also 
ecclesiastical,  and  2,  appeals  from  an  eccle- 
siastical t<)  a  lay  tribunal,  or  vice  vers&t 
and  further,  as  regards  persons,  between  (a) 
bishops  and  clergy,  to  whom  in  some  rela- 
tions must  be  added  monks  and  nuns,  and  (/3) 
laity — ^we  treat  successively,  as  regards  subject 
matter,  of  I.  Spiritual  DiaeipUne  properly  so 
called,  II.  Civil  Causes,  and  III.  Criminal  ones. 
It  will  be  convenient  also  to  include  under  the 
term  Appeal,  both  appeals  properly  so  called, 
where  tiie  superior  tribunal  itself  retries  the 
case;  and  tfaiat  which  is  not  properly  either 
revision  or  rehearing,  where  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  superior  tribunal  is  confined  to  the  ordering, 
upon  complaint  and  enquiry,-  of  a  new  trial  by 
the  original,  or  by  an  enlarged  or  otherwise 
altered,  body  of  judges;  and  that  again  which 
b  properly  a  mere  revision,  where  the  case  is 
redsed  by  a  higher  tribunal  but  without  sos- 
pending  sentence  meanwhile;  and,  lastly,  the 
transference  also  of  a  cause  from  one  kind  of 
tribunal  to  another  not  co-ordinate  with  it,  as 
e,g.  from  lay  to  spiritual  or  vice  versd,  which,  if 
the  first  court  have  completed  ita  sentence, 
practically  constitutes  the  second  into  a  court  of 
appeal  to  its  predecessor.  It  is  necessary  also 
to  bear  in  mind  the  difference  between  a  friendly 
interference,  such  as  brotherly  love  requires  on 
the  part  of  all  bishops  if  any  fall  into  heresy 
or  sin,  but  which  implies  no  formal  authoritj 
of  the  adviser  over  the  advised ;  and  an  arbitra- 
tion, where  the  arbiter,  who  may  be  any  one, 
derives  his  authority  from  the  mutual  and  free 
consent  of  (properly)  both  parties,  but  (as  will 
be  seen)  in  certain  cases  sometimes  from  the  sole 
action  of  one ;  and  an  appeal,  where  some  defi- 
nite superior  tribunal  may  be  set  in  motion  hj 
either  party,  but  has  in  that  case  exclusive  ss 
well  as  compulsory  jurisdiction ;  and  the  yet 
ftirther  step,  where  (1^^^  ^^^  interoessio  o{  ibs 
Tribuni  PlXis)  the  superior  court  or  magistrate 
has  the  power  of  calling  up  the  case  for  revisioD, 
and  of  suspending  sentence  meimwhile,  smo  mote. 
An  appeal,  however,  of  whatever  kind,  implies 
the  legality  in  the  abstract,  and  asrames  tlie 
fact,  of  the  jurisdiction  of  the  court  appealed 
from  as  a  primary  court.  And  it  becomes  need- 
fill,  therefore,  here  to  assume,  although  it  is 
no  business  of  this  article  either  to  detail  or 
to  prove,  the  extent  and  limits  of  ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction  in  the  first  instance;  in  order  olearly 


•iMt  fcrtk  th«  Twions  checks  In  the  waj  of 
afpml  pbeed  in  such  gim  upon  that  original 
janfietioi.    On  the  other  hand,  the  limitation 
•f  the  nhjeci   to  the  period   antecedent   to 
nuile—ipii.  exdndes   fxtnn  consideration  the 
vhok  of  the  elahorate  fiUiric  hnilt  up  by  the 
Gun  Law  of  later  times,  mainly  npon  the  basis 
•fthe  False  Decretals.    And  we  hare  nothing 
to  ds,  aceordtnglr,  with  that  grand  innovation, 
wkreby,  in  the  West,  the  entire  system  of  purely 
eedcnsUeal  appeals  (and,  indeed,  of  jnstioe)  was 
ia  cAct  perverted  and  fmstrated,  vis^  the  right 
gndaaUy  allowed  of  appealing  immediately  f^m 
•ay  cedesiastical  tribunal,  high  or  low,   upon 
My  subject  great  or  small,  to  the  Pope  at  once ; 
Bw  yet  wiUi  the  elahorate  disputes  upon  the 
Btfare  and  limits  of  majcre$  cenuae  (the  phrase, 
beverer,  dating  from  Innocent  I.);  nor  with 
Ue  fMfoaehments  of  the  highest  or  of  other 
eodesissUcal  tribunals  upon  thoee  of  the  State  \ 
•or  with  the  celebrated  Appel  coinme  dTAbus  in 
■riietal  and    later   France;    nor   with    such 
quBitioiis  as  the  legitimate  effect  of  the  clause 
tffdbUom  remata  or   poripotita  in    a   Papal 
kkf ;  nor  with  the  appeal  from  the  Pope  to  a 
Gcaeial  Council,  present  or  future ;  or  from  the 
P«pe  ilUnfemed,   to  the  Pope  well-informed  t 
mr  again,  en  another  side  of  the  subject,  with 
dJwtJMtieos  between  appeals  judicial  or  extra- 
jaiidal,  or  from  sentences  definitiye  or  inter- 
kcvtory ;  nor  with  the  system,  at  least  as  sub- 
n^scatly  elaborated,  of  ApodoU  (certainly  not 
ioired  from  poet  app^lakonern)  or  letters  di- 
■iMoy,  whether  rererential,  reAitatory,  repo- 
stoiy,  teitimonial,   or     conventional,  whereby 
the  ander  ooort  formally  transferred  the  cause 
to  tbe  upper  one ;  nor  with  the  fcUaUa  appH- 
rrfiwwaa,  sell.,  the  fixed  times  within  whidi  an 
sppeal  must  be  laid,  carried  to  the  upper  court 
^  nesns  of  ApodoU,  prosecuted,  and  concluded ; 
aor,  ia  a  word,  with  any  other  of  the  elaborate 
details  of  the  later  Canon  Law  upon  the  subject. 
Oa  attention  must  be  confined  to  the  system 
M  fu*  as  it  was  worked  out  under  the  Koman 
Eaqiire,  and  renewed  or  modified  under  that  of 



L  L  Spiritual  jurisdiction  in  matters  of  dis- 
dpliae  orer  clergy  and  laity  alike,  rested  in  the 
legiDaiDg  both  by  Scriptural  sanction  and  by 
fraaitirc  practice  with  the  bishop,  acting,  how- 
ever, rsther  with  paternal  authority  and  in  the 
ipirit  of  mutual  lore,  through  moral  influence 
•atiie  one  side  met  by  willing  obedience  on  the 
ether,  than  according  to  the  hard  outlines  of  a 
fixed  Churdk  law  laid  down  in  canons ;  although 
ncfa  canons  gradually  grew  into  existence  and 
iite  fhlnses,  ud  the  ultimatum  of  excommuni- 
atkn  must  hare  existed  all  along  as  the  punish- 
BMat  of  obstinate  or  repeated  transgression.  The 
Apostolie  canons,  howoTer  (xxxriL  and  Ixxiv.), 
neogaiss  as  the  then  CShurch  law,  and  the  Nicene 
GMBca  (A.D.  325)  formally  establishes,  the  au- 
tberity  of  the  srnod  of  each  province  as  a  court 
•f  (rcTinon  rather  than)  appeal  firom  a  single 
tiitep;  enacting,  that  '^  exctnnmunicate  clerks 
ttd  Isynen  shall  abide  by  the  aentenoe  of  their 
Map,"  but  that,  '^to  prevent  injustice,  synods 
ef  tbe  biahopo  of  a  province  {htofx^ti)  shall  be 
Wld  twice  a  year.  In  order  that  questions  arising 
«  sach  subjects  mav  be  enquired  into  by  the 
Miimimity  of  the  bishops;  a  sentence  of  excom- 
if  ooofirmed  by  them,  to  hoM  good 

until  a  like  synod  should  reverse  it"  {Oomi,  Nie, 
can.  5) :  such  right  of  appeal  being  apparently 
the  common  law  of  the  Church,  and  the  Council 
interfering  only  to  secure  it  by  requiring  synods 
to  be  held  wiUi  sufficient  frequencv.  And  this 
right,  as  respects  presbyters  and  all  below  pres- 
byters, was  recognised  and  confirmed  by  Cone, 
CartKf  A.D.  890  can.  8,  and  A.D.  398  can.  29, 
66,  Cone,  Mil&D,  AJ>,  416  c  22,  for  Africa ;  by 
Cone  Vamta,  A.D.  442  can.  5,  and  Co»ic.  Venet, 
A.D.  465  can.  9  (**  Episoopomm  audientiam,  non 
secularium  potestatum,"  in  this  last  instance), 
for  Gaul  and  Armorica;  by  Cone,  Hitpal,  A.D. 
590  oc  5,  9,  for  Spain ;  and  by  Cono,  Antioch. 
cc  6, 11,  A^.  341,  directed  both  against  the  Pope 
and  against  appeals  to  the  Emperor  (adopted  into 
the  canons  of  the  Church  Catholic),  and  by  the 
Council  of  Constantinople  in  381,  cc  2,  3,  6,  for 
the  East.  The  last-named  Council  also  in  effect 
limited  the  right  of  appeal  from  above  as  well 
as  below,  by  forbidding  all  bishops  reui  {nr§popiois 
ileicKncUus  hriivm,  and  by  establishing  eadi  pro- 
vince in  an  independent  jurisdiction  {Cone,  Cbn- 
licaitinop,  c  2). 

a.  Confining  ourselvesfirst  to  the  case  of  cler^, 
the  right  of  the  bishop  to  judge  his  brethren  or 
his  clerks,  was  further  limited,  in  that  part  of 
the  Church  where  Church  law  was  earliest  and 
most  formally  developed,  vix.,  Africa,  by  the 
requirement  of  twelve  bishops  to  judge  a  biahop, 
of  six  to  judge  a  presbyter,  of  three  to  judge  a 
deacon  (fiono,  CcHh,  a.d.  348  can.  11,  ▲.D.  390 
can.  10,  A.D.  397  can.  8).  And  a  dispute  be- 
tween two  bishops  was  stiU  later  referred  by  the 
(African)  Council  of  Mileum  A.D.  416  (can.  21), 
to  bishops  appointed  by  the  metropolitan.  In 
the  East,  and  generally,  bishops  (and  presbyters) 
would  seem  to  have  been  left  by  the  Nicene 
canon  merely  to  the  natural  resort  of  an  appeal 
from  one  synod  to  another  and  a  larger  one,  vix. 
to  the  metropolitan  and  bishops  of  the  next  pro- 
vince; which  is  the  express  rule  laid  down  In 
Cone.  Antioch.  A.D.  341,  cc  11,  12,  14,  15,  and 
in  Cone,  ConaktnUnop,  A.D.  381,  can.  6.  So  also 
canon  13  of  the  collection  of  Martin  of  Braga. 
But  between  the  Nicene  and  Constantinopolitan 
Councils  and  tliat  of  Chalcedon  in  451,  a  further 
modification  took  place  in  accordance  with  the 
settlement  of  the  aeveral  Patriarchates,  whereby 
the  appeal  was  made  to  lie  from  the  bishop  to 
the  metropolitan  with  his  synod,  and  then  from 
him  to  the  Patriarch;  with  the  further  claim 
gradually  emerging  on  the  part  of  the  Bishop  of 
Rome  to  a  right  of  supreme  judicial  authority 
over  the  entire  Church.  (But  whether  the  sen- 
tence was  to  remain  in  force  pending  the  appeal 
seems  to  have  been  a  doubtftd  question,  variously 
aettled  at  different  times  and  places;  see  Bal- 
aamon  in  Can,  Afrio,  32.)  The  first  step  was 
that,  in  the  West,  of  the  Council  of  Sardica,  ▲.d. 
347,  intended  to  be  oecumenical  but  in  result  only 
Western,  and  not  accepted  as  authoritative  either 
by  the  Eastern  or  even  by  the  African  Churches^ 
which  attempted  to  make  the  system  work  more 
fiurly,  and  perhaps  to  escape  reference  to  an  Arian 
Emperor,  by  giving  presbyter  or  deacon  an  ap- 
peu  to  tiie  metropolitan  and  the  comprovincial 
oishops  (can.  14  Lat.),  and  by  enacting  with  re« 
spect  to  bishops,  in  the  way  of  revision  rather 
than  appeal,  that,  whereas  ordinarily  they  should 
be  judged  by  the  bishops  of  their  own  province, 
if  a  bi&op  thought  himself  aggrieved,  either  the 



bishops  who  tried  him  or  those  of  the  neighbour- 
ing proyince  should  consult  the  Bishop  of  Rome , 
and  if  he  judged  it  right,  then  the  comprovincial 
or  the  neighbouring  bishops  should  by  his  ap- 
pointment retry  the  case,  with  the  addition  (if 
the  complainant  requested  it,  and  the  Bishop  of 
Rome  complied  with  his  request)  of  presbyters 
representing  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  who  were  to 
take  their  place  in  that  capacity  among  the 
judges  (can.  4^  5,  7) :  no  successor  to  be  appointed 
to  the  deposed  bishop  pending  such  new  trial.  The 
choice  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome  as  referee  (to  decide, 
however,  not  the  case  itself  but  whether  there 
ought  to  be  a  new  trial)  has  some  appearance  of 
haying  been  personal  to  Julius  the  then  Pope  (as 
was  Ute  subsequent  grant  of  Gratian  to  Pope 
Damasus),  to  whom  the  right  is  granted  by  name 
in  the  Greek  version  of  the  canons  (so  Richerius 
and  De  Marca) ;  but  certainly  it  was  determined 
to  the  see  of  Rome,  not  through  previous  prece- 
dent, or  as  by  inherent  right,  but  as  in  honour 
of  the  one  Apostolical  see  of  the  West, — 'Mn 
honour  of  the  memory  of  St.  Peter."  It  was  in 
fact  giving  to  the  Pope  the  right  previously 
possessed  exclusively  t>y  the  Emperor,  save  that 
the  latter  would  refer  caaies  to  a  Council.  Prior 
to  347,  the  case  of  Fortunatus  and  Felicissimus 
A.D.  252  (striving  to  obtain  the  support  of  Pope 
Cornelius  against  their  own  primate  St.  Cyprian, 
and  eliciting  from  the  latter  an  express  assertion  of 
the  sufficiency  and  finality  of  the  sentence  passed 
upon  them  by  their  own  comprovincial  African 
bishops,  St.  Cypr.  Episk.  59,  Fell)— and  that  of 
Marcian,  Bishop  of  Aries  ▲.D.  254  (whom  the 
bishops  of  Gaul  are  exhorted  to  depose